DOCSLIB.ORG

Hon Dr Michael Cullen Deputy Prime Minister, Attorney-General, Minister of Finance, Minister in Charge of Treaty of Waitangi

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Hon Dr Michael Cullen Deputy Prime Minister, Attorney-General, Minister of Finance, Minister in Charge of Treaty of Waitangi Hon Dr Michael Cullen Deputy Prime Minister, Attorney-General, Minister of Finance, Minister in Charge of Treaty of Waitangi Negotiations, Leader of the House 16 April 2008 Speech Notes Embargoed until 3:30pm, 16 April Security in retirement for New Zealanders Speech to Retirement Policy and Research Centre Symposium, University of Auckland Good afternoon and thank you for the invitation to address your symposium. You have invited me here today to do two things. The first is to look back and reflect on the debate on retirement policy over the past decade and what we have achieved in recent years. The second is to look ahead, and explain the Labour-led government’s vision for retirement in New Zealand into the future. But to start my comments today, I want to add a third, and that is to remind all of us why we are here discussing retirement policy in the first place. I know that earlier today you have discussed historical policy development and the areas where New Zealand has been a policy leader. But there are some basic questions we need to consider about the unique character of New Zealand’s ongoing national discussion on retirement. Why does it matter so much and why do the issues of superannuation and retirement income still generate such significant debate? Why has the Labour-led government in which I serve made investing in improving the living standards of retired New Zealanders one of our top priorities? And why, in a time of rising life expectancy, longer working lives, and greatly improved health do so many New Zealanders still put so much importance into planning for their retired lives? The best way to begin to answer these questions is with an acknowledgement. Many of us in this room who are engrossed in the specifics of retirement policy don’t step back often enough to consider these questions. All of us here today can run through the specifics of retirement income policy and the debates of the last quarter century. We certainly are all familiar with the political mud pools on these issues, and almost everyday we see in the media advice for retirement planning and saving. 1 But we rarely, if ever, ask ourselves why these issues feature so prominently in our political discourse or why debates on these issues continue with such energy and with the semi-regular fever pitch. The reason for this failure of perspective is in some ways a symptom of our success as a nation and as a society. For we were among the very first nations anywhere in the world to deliver true social security to our older citizens. In 1938 during the first term of New Zealand’s First Labour Government, New Zealand became the first nation to deliver comprehensive social support for its people. As then Finance Minister Walter Nash said at that time: “It needs no gift of prophecy to say that the Act now being written in the statute- book of this Dominion is not only to be a Social Security Act, but is also to be the first Social Security Act, on any proper definition of that term, ever written in any statute-book in the world ... There is more security in the proposals contained in this Bill than in any proposals that have been set out by any Government in any other country up to the present.” Emerging from a great depression, where we realised just how vulnerable segments of our society, especially older New Zealanders were to the sharp edge of economic downturns, we acted together to improve the security of all our people. New Zealanders accepted that we had a choice to move together as a society where we all contributed to the welfare and security of our families and neighbours or to allow vulnerability and poverty to remain inherent and acceptable risks in a modern economy. We accepted that we had a choice to saddle young families with sole economic responsibility for their frail elderly and let the misfortune of one generation limit the opportunity of another, or to support close and strong multi-generational families while freeing our young people to pursue their own prosperity. And in providing leadership for New Zealanders to choose security for all citizens, the young and the old, Michael Joseph Savage and the First Labour Government allowed New Zealanders themselves to be leaders for the rest of the world. It is true that the United States was the first to pass a Social Security Act in 1935, but New Zealand was the first to accept the full challenge of true security in retirement through income support, health care, and housing. And over the course of the nearly 70 years since we decided as a people to head towards greater security for older citizens, the majority of us in politics and in our communities have continued to raise the bar for what is and should be achievable. We find new challenges, seek to remove remaining barriers towards full inclusion and participation in our society for older people, and pursue greater equality and prosperity for retired New Zealanders. 2 The decision we made in 1938 to start on this journey is deep inside our national character. And it is for this reason that in New Zealand more so than many other nations that our debate and focus on issues of support for older New Zealanders is given such prominence. But it is also true that this central element to our egalitarian and compassionate national character has been tested over the course of seven decades. And it is true that those tests and threats to the progress achieved or the further progress needed have been motivators of their own. In just the past few decades we have seen the promise of the Third Labour Government’s compulsory superannuation scheme squandered by an opposition who warned of communism, but then went on to attack the New Zealand economy with a clumsy fist of state control and debt financed abandon. Even in much more recent times we have seen attempts to erode the consensus on the levels of superannuation and the age of eligibility. In other words, the debate is alive not just because of our continued ambition to improve living standards and reduce inequality in retirement, but because the threats to our progress to date are not distant memories, but real and living truths. In the meantime, the other driver of the ongoing debate in this area is the weakness of New Zealand’s national savings rate and our relatively weak capital markets. As aspirations for retirement have risen as they should, savings for retirement have not kept pace and have actually moved in the wrong direction. This has set off a debate between those of us who believe in the importance of saving and investing, and those who deny the existence of a savings problem at all. For our part, the Labour-led government has restored the place of retirement income support at the top of governmental priorities. Among our first acts in office was the restoration of the floor of New Zealand Superannuation to 65 per cent of the average wage. Early in our first term in office, we delivered on our election promise to create the New Zealand Superannuation Fund. The idea behind the fund was to use the favourable demographics of today and our associated fiscal strength, to secure the place of the universal pension at 65 into the future. There was opposition to the Fund, but its success – with its total value as at 29 February standing at $13.5 billion, despite recent global sharemarket falls – has silenced most of its critics. There appears to be a durable political consensus that will protect the fund going forward. New Zealanders have in essence decided that ensuring basic security for older New Zealanders into the future was worth forgoing considerable consumption today. 3 Defending major investments in the Super Fund instead of prematurely cutting personal taxes has not always been politically easy for me as Finance Minister, but with the consensus now in place about the benefit of doing so, New Zealanders have taken another step forward in emphasising the value we place on providing for support in retirement for all our people. Last July, we took another step forward, with the rollout of KiwiSaver. The idea behind KiwiSaver was two fold. First, we wanted to greatly expand the numbers of New Zealanders who are actively saving and planning for their retirement while helping younger KiwiSavers save for a deposit for their first home. The obvious truth is that much of the inequality in retirement income is driven by the decisions and ability of some people to save throughout their lives and to build financial assets to support themselves over and above New Zealand Superannuation. While a voluntary KiwiSaver scheme cannot eliminate these inequalities, it can and I believe already is greatly reducing them. KiwiSaver is making it easier than ever before for people to save for the retirements they deserve. The second goal was macroeconomic as we sought to improve our national savings rate. While there is disagreement on what indicators we should use when quantifying our savings problem, I have no doubt that the problem is real and very significant. By one measure, our national savings rate ranks 108 out of 130 nations while evidence from Statistics New Zealand is clear that we spend more than we earn. The effect of all this is that our current account deficit is very high and businesses lack a significant base of domestic capital to draw from for investment.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Kiwisaver – Issues for Supplementary Drafting Instructions
    PolicyP AdviceA DivisionD Treasury Report: KiwiSaver – Issues for Supplementary Drafting Instructions Date: 21 October 2005 Treasury Priority: High Security Level: IN-CONFIDENCE Report No: T2005/1974, PAD2005/186 Action Sought Action Sought Deadline Minister of Finance Agree to all recommendations 28 October 2005 Refer to Ministers of Education and Housing Minister of Commerce Agree to recommendations r to dd 28 October 2005 Minister of Revenue Agree to recommendations e to q 28 October 2005 Associate Minister of Finance Note None (Hon Phil Goff) Associate Minister of Finance Note None (Hon Trevor Mallard) Associate Minister of Finance Note None (Hon Clayton Cosgrove) Contact for Telephone Discussion (if required) Name Position Telephone 1st Contact Senior Analyst, Markets, Infrastructure 9 and Government, The Treasury Senior Policy Analyst, Regulatory and Competition Policy Branch, MED Michael Nutsford Policy Manager, Inland Revenue Enclosure: No Treasury:775533v1 IN-CONFIDENCE 21 October 2005 SH-13-0-7 Treasury Report: KiwiSaver – Issues for Supplementary Drafting Instructions Executive Summary Officials have provided the Parliamentary Counsel Office (PCO) with an initial set of drafting instructions on KiwiSaver. However, in preparing these drafting instructions, a range of further issues came to light. We are seeking decisions on these matters now so that officials can provide supplementary drafting instructions to PCO by early November. Officials understand that a meeting may be arranged between Ministers and officials for late next week to discuss the issues contained in this report and on the overall KiwiSaver timeline. A separate report discussing the timeline for KiwiSaver and the work on the taxation of qualifying collective investment vehicles will be provided to you early next week.
    [Show full text]
  • Review of the Statutes Drafting and Compilation Act 1920
    e31(107) May 2009, Wellington, New Zealand | RepoRt 107 ReVIeW oF tHe StAtUteS DRAFtING AND CoMpILAtIoN ACt 1920 e31(107) May 2009, Wellington, New Zealand | RepoRt 107 ReVIeW oF tHe StAtUteS DRAFtING AND CoMpILAtIoN ACt 1920 the Law Commission is an independent, publicly funded, central advisory body established by statute to undertake the systematic review, reform and development of the law of New Zealand. Its purpose is to help achieve law that is just, principled, and accessible, and that reflects the heritage and aspirations of the peoples of New Zealand. The Commissioners are: Right Honourable Sir Geoffrey palmer SC – president Dr Warren Young – Deputy president emeritus professor John Burrows QC George tanner QC Val Sim the General Manager of the Law Commission is Brigid Corcoran the office of the Law Commission is at Level 19, Hp tower, 171 Featherston Street, Wellington postal address: po Box 2590, Wellington 6140, New Zealand Document exchange Number: sp 23534 telephone: (04) 473-3453, Facsimile: (04) 471-0959 email: [email protected] Internet: www.lawcom.govt.nz National Library of New Zealand Cataloguing-in-publication Data New Zealand. Law Commission. Review of the Statutes Drafting and Compilation Act 1920. (New Zealand. Law Commission. Report ; 107) ISBN 978-1-877316 (pbk.) ISBN 978-1-877316-71-5 (internet) 1. New Zealand. Statutes Drafting and Compilation Act 1920. 2. New Zealand. parliamentary Counsel office. 3. Bill drafting—New Zealand. I. title. II. Series: New Zealand. Law Commission. Report ; 107. 328.930773—dc
    [Show full text]
  • Bromley Cemetery Guide
    Bromley Cemetery Tour Compiled by Richard L. N. Greenaway June 2007 Block 1A Row C No. 33 Hurd Born at Hinton, England, Frank James Hurd emigrated with his parents. He worked as a contractor and, in 1896, in Wellington, married Lizzie Coker. The bride, 70, claimed to be 51 while the groom, 40, gave his age as 47. Lizzie had emigrated on the Regina in 1859 with her cousin, James Gapes (later Mayor of Christchurch) and his family and had already been twice-wed. Indeed, the property she had inherited from her first husband, George Allen, had enabled her second spouse, John Etherden Coker, to build the Manchester Street hotel which bears his name. Lizzie and Frank were able to make trips to England and to Canada where there dwelt Lizzie’s brother, once a member of the Horse Guards. Lizzie died in 1910 and, two years later, Hurd married again. He and his wife lived at 630 Barbadoes Street. Hurd was a big man who, in old age he had a white moustache, cap and walking stick. He died, at 85, on 1 April 1942. Provisions of Lizzie’s will meant that a sum of money now came to the descendants of James Gapes. They were now so numerous that the women of the tribe could spend their inheritance on a new hat and have nothing left over. Block 2 Row B No. 406 Brodrick Thomas Noel Brodrick – known as Noel - was born in London on 25 December 1855. In 1860 the Brodricks emigrated on the Nimrod. As assistant to Canterbury’s chief surveyor, J.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of Post-War Consumer Culture
    New Zealand Journal of History, 40, 2 (2006) The Politics of Post-War Consumer Culture THE 1940s ARE INTERESTING YEARS in the story of New Zealand’s consumer culture. The realities of working and spending, and the promulgation of ideals and moralities around consumer behaviour, were closely related to the political process. Labour had come to power in 1935 promising to alleviate the hardship of the depression years and improve the standard of living of all New Zealanders. World War II intervened, replacing the image of increasing prosperity with one of sacrifice. In the shadow of the war the economy grew strongly, but there remained a legacy of shortages at a time when many sought material advancement. Historical writing on consumer culture is burgeoning internationally, and starting to emerge in New Zealand. There is already some local discussion of consumption in the post-war period, particularly with respect to clothing, embodiment and housing.1 This is an important area for study because, as Peter Gibbons points out, the consumption of goods — along with the needs they express and the desires they engender — deeply affects individual lives and social relationships.2 A number of aspects of consumption lend themselves to historical analysis, including the economic, the symbolic, the moral and the political. By exploring the political aspects of consumption and their relationships to these other strands, we can see how intense contestation over the symbolic meaning of consumption and its relationship to production played a pivotal role in defining the differences between the Labour government and the National opposition in the 1940s.
    [Show full text]
  • Welfare Reform Is It Socially Just
    Welfare Reform – ‘is it social justice in action’ Major Campbell Roberts, The Salvation Army Social Policy & Parliamentary Unit KEYNOTE ADDRESS PRESENTED TO SWIS CONFERENCE AUCKLAND, 16 JULY 2015 One of the notable aspects of the contemporary political environment in New Zealand, and in other western democracies is welfare reform. Welfare reform it seems is the thing to do. The reasons often given for reform are the need for an improved system which better delivers to individuals and families. That this needs to happen cannot be denied. It only stands to reason that the needs of our modern contexts are dynamic and rapidly changing. A response to these changes requires a welfare system to alter and adjust. However, this need to improve the system, is also mixed with a desire by government to examine the cost of the system and reform it in a cost effective way. Again a reasonable thing to review, but one is often left wondering which reform objective wins the day effectiveness or cost. A far more important question in my view is that the welfare reforms envisaged and implemented are fair and equitable. In other words do they pass the test of being socially just? And it is this test of the social justice of the present welfare reform programme that I would like to explore with you this morning. The present Government has embarked on a welfare agenda that has seen them look at many areas of social service supports in housing, child abuse, income support, child care, and others. Do these reforms pass a social justice test? My experience in the last few weeks does raise questions about the effectiveness of those reforms.
    [Show full text]
  • NEW ZEALAND and the OCCUPATION of JAPAN Gordon
    CHAPTER SIX NEW ZEALAND AND THE OCCUPATION OF JAPAN Gordon Daniels During the Second World War His Majesty’s Dominions, Australia, New Zealand, Canada and South Africa shared a common seniority in the British imperial structure. All were virtually independent and co-operated in the struggle against the axis. But among these white-ruled states differ- ences were as apparent as similarities. In particular factors of geography and racial composition gave New Zealand a distinct political economy which shaped its special perspective on the Pacific War. Not only were New Zealanders largely British in racial origin but their economy was effectively colonial.1 New Zealand farmers produced agricultural goods for the mother country and in return absorbed British capital and manufac- turers. Before 1941 New Zealand looked to the Royal Navy for her defence and in exchange supplied troops to fight alongside British units in both world wars.2 What was more, New Zealand’s prime minister from 1940 to 1949 was Peter Fraser who had been born and reared in Scotland. His dep- uty, Walter Nash, had also left Britain after reaching adulthood.3 Thus political links between Britons and New Zealanders were reinforced by true threads of Kith and Kin which made identification with the mother country especially potent. These economic and political ties were con- firmed by the restricted nature of New Zealand’s diplomatic appara- tus which formed the basis of her view of the East Asian world. New The author is grateful to the librarian of New Zealand House and Mrs P. Taylor for their help in providing materials for the preparation of this paper.
    [Show full text]
  • Peter Fraser
    N E \V z_E A L A N D S T U D I E S 1!!J BOOK 'RJVIEW by SiiiiOII sheppard Peter Fraser: Master Politician Fraser made more important decisions in more interesting times Margaret Clark (Ed), The Dunmore Press, 1998, $29.95 than Holyoake ever did. ARL!ER THIS YEAR I con­ International Relations at Victoria Congratulations are due to the E ducted a survey among University, the book is derived from organisers of the conference for academics and other leaders in their a conference held in August 1997, their diligence in assembling a fields asking them to give their part of a series being conducted by roster of speakers capable of appraisal of New Zealand's providing such a broad Prime Ministers according spectrum of perspectives on to the extent to which they Fraser. This multi-faceted made a positive contribu­ approach pays dividends in tion to the history of the that it reflects the depth of country. From the replies I Fraser's character and the was able to establish a breadth of his contribution to ranking of the Prime New Zealand history. Ministers, from greatest to The first three phases of least effective. Fraser's political career are It was no surprise that discussed; from early Richard Seddon finished in socialist firebrand, to key first place. But I was lieutenant in the first Labour intrigued by the runner up. Government, to wartime It was not the beloved Prime Minister and interna­ Michael Joseph-Savage, nor tional statesman at the the inspiring Norman Kirk, founding of the United or the long serving Sir Keith Nations.
    [Show full text]
  • A Diachronic Study of Unparliamentary Language in the New Zealand Parliament, 1890-1950
    WITHDRAW AND APOLOGISE: A DIACHRONIC STUDY OF UNPARLIAMENTARY LANGUAGE IN THE NEW ZEALAND PARLIAMENT, 1890-1950 BY RUTH GRAHAM A thesis submitted to the Victoria University of Wellington in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Applied Linguistics Victoria University of Wellington 2016 ii “Parliament, after all, is not a Sunday school; it is a talking-shop; a place of debate”. (Barnard, 1943) iii Abstract This study presents a diachronic analysis of the language ruled to be unparliamentary in the New Zealand Parliament from 1890 to 1950. While unparliamentary language is sometimes referred to as ‘parliamentary insults’ (Ilie, 2001), this study has a wider definition: the language used in a legislative chamber is unparliamentary when it is ruled or signalled by the Speaker as out of order or likely to cause disorder. The user is required to articulate a statement of withdrawal and apology or risk further censure. The analysis uses the Communities of Practice theoretical framework, developed by Wenger (1998) and enhanced with linguistic impoliteness, as defined by Mills (2005) in order to contextualise the use of unparliamentary language within a highly regulated institutional setting. The study identifies and categorises the lexis of unparliamentary language, including a focus on examples that use New Zealand English or te reo Māori. Approximately 2600 examples of unparliamentary language, along with bibliographic, lexical, descriptive and contextual information, were entered into a custom designed relational database. The examples were categorised into three: ‘core concepts’, ‘personal reflections’ and the ‘political environment’, with a number of sub-categories. This revealed a previously unknown category of ‘situation dependent’ unparliamentary language and a creative use of ‘animal reflections’.
    [Show full text]
  • Tuesday, October 20, 2020 Home-Delivered $1.90, Retail $2.20 She Shed Support Sell-Out Mounts for Davis New Covid Strain As Deputy Pm Identified
    TE NUPEPA O TE TAIRAWHITI TUESDAY, OCTOBER 20, 2020 HOME-DELIVERED $1.90, RETAIL $2.20 SHE SHED SUPPORT SELL-OUT MOUNTS FOR DAVIS NEW COVID STRAIN AS DEPUTY PM IDENTIFIED PAGE 2 PAGE 3 PAGE 8 LIVID LANDSCAPE: Artist John Walsh’s painting, When decisions are made from afar, is a direct response to the forestry industry’s devastating impact on the ecology of the East Coast. SEE STORY PAGE 4 Image courtesy of John Walsh and Page Galleries. Picture by Ryan McCauley Multiple injuries from unprovoked JAIL FOR attack by drunk farmer in a fury HELLBENT on attacking a fellow farmer, who socialised in the same group, was a Gisborne man drove for 40 minutes in a fit involved in a situation with a woman. of rage fuelled by vodka, prescription drugs Morrison asked directions to the man’s and cannabis, to get to him, Gisborne District house from his neighbours and told them Court was told. they would “find out later” why he wanted to David Bruce Morrison, 47, was jailed know. The neighbours phoned ahead to warn yesterday for four years and one month, and the victim Morrison, seemingly drunk, was VIOLENT, given a three-strike warning for intentionally on his way. The victim went to his gateway to causing grievous bodily harm to the victim meet him. in an unprovoked incident about 9pm on Morrison immediately launched a vicious, October 11, 2018. prolonged, assault on the man, ultimately He pleaded guilty to the charge and an rendering him unconscious. It was extreme associated one of unlawfully possessing a violence, for which the victim subsequently firearm.
    [Show full text]
  • No 1, 13 January 1944, 1
    ·.fiumb. I • THE NEW ZEALAND GAZETTE • WELLINGTON, THURSDAY, JANUARY 13, 1944 Land proclaimed as Road, and Road closed, in Block XIII, Reefton Survey District, Block IV, Mawheraiti Survey Di~trict, and Block XVI, Maimai Survey District, Inangahua County [L,S.] C. L. N. NEWALL, Governor-General A PROCLAMATION N pursuance and exercise of the powers conferred by section twelve of the Land Act, 1924,.I, Cyril Louis Norton Newall, the Governor­ I General of the Dominion of New ·Zealand, do hereby proclaim as road the land described in the First Schedule hereto;. and also do hereby proclaim as closed the road described in the Second Schedule hereto. FIRST SCHEDULE LAND PROCLAIMED AS ROAD'." Approximate .Areas of the Pieces Situated in Situated in Coloured on of Land proclaimed Being Block Survey District of Shown on Plan Plan as Road. A. R. P. 0 0 12 1 0 12 _j Part provisional State forest .. XIII Reefton P.W.D. 115559 Yellow. 5 2 7 ' 0 0 32 Part provisional State forest .. IV Mawheraiti 0 1 4 Part Railway Reserve IV IV 1 2 36 Part Railway Reserve M~wheraiti .. L .. { XIII Reefton .. f 1 3 21 Part provisional State forest .. XIII Reefton Red. (S.O. 9269.) (Nelson R.D.) SECOND SCHEDULE ROAD CLOSED Approximate I Situated in Situated in Coloured .Areas of the Pieces Adjoining or passing through Shown on Plan on Plan of Road closed. Block Survey District of A. R. P. Maimai f Provisional State Forest and .. .. XVI 1. P.W.D. 115559 .. Green. 6 1 26 L Railway Reserve .
    [Show full text]
  • Effect of Centralised Wage Bargaining in New Zealand
    Effects of Centralised Wage Bargaining in New Zealand By Paul Mackay Introduction Productivity and sustainability are the current buzzwords of the New Zealand political conversation, and have been for some time. Despite all the talk, however, there is still no firm consensus on what is needed to create let alone enhance productivity and sustainability. The perpetual political contest between preferences for regulatory or deregulatory approaches continues as strongly as ever. Unsurprisingly, New Zealand’s centre left Labour opposition exhibits a preference for a regulated approach to the economy generally and, in particular, the labour market. It also has expressed interest in returning to a more centralised way of determining wages and conditions of employment. Other than continuing a tradition of adjusting the Minimum Wage on an annual basis, the present national government has tended to stay clear of direct intervention in the setting of wages and conditions at any level. This article examines the New Zealand labour market with specific reference to the effects of centralised versus enterprise level collective bargaining . The evidence presented here suggests that national or industry based approaches to collective bargaining are more likely to be economically damaging than deregulated or enterprise level approaches. Therefore, the conclusions support a minimalist approach to labour market regulation. A short history News Zealand legislative approach to labour relations dates from 1894, with the introduction of the Industrial Conciliation and Arbitration Act 1894. Since then, New Zealand has experienced several distinct phases of labour relations and related government intervention in the labour market. Between 1894 and 1987, employment conditions were established through a system of occupationally based awards bargained for at national level.
    [Show full text]
  • Public Leadership—Perspectives and Practices
    Public Leadership Perspectives and Practices Public Leadership Perspectives and Practices Edited by Paul ‘t Hart and John Uhr Published by ANU E Press The Australian National University Canberra ACT 0200, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at: http://epress.anu.edu.au/public_leadership _citation.html National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Title: Public leadership pespectives and practices [electronic resource] / editors, Paul ‘t Hart, John Uhr. ISBN: 9781921536304 (pbk.) 9781921536311 (pdf) Series: ANZSOG series Subjects: Leadership Political leadership Civic leaders. Community leadership Other Authors/Contributors: Hart, Paul ‘t. Uhr, John, 1951- Dewey Number: 303.34 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design by John Butcher Images comprising the cover graphic used by permission of: Victorian Department of Planning and Community Development Australian Associated Press Australian Broadcasting Corporation Scoop Media Group (www.scoop.co.nz) Cover graphic based on M. C. Escher’s Hand with Reflecting Sphere, 1935 (Lithograph). Printed by University Printing Services, ANU Funding for this monograph series has been provided by the Australia and New Zealand School of Government Research Program. This edition © 2008 ANU E Press John Wanna, Series Editor Professor John Wanna is the Sir John Bunting Chair of Public Administration at the Research School of Social Sciences at The Australian National University. He is the director of research for the Australian and New Zealand School of Government (ANZSOG).
    [Show full text]