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Legal and Rhetoric Background of Cicero's “Pro Caelio”

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Legal and Rhetoric Background of Cicero's “Pro Caelio” Revista de Estudios Histórico-Jurídicos [Sección Derecho Romano] XXXV (Valparaíso, Chile, 2013) [pp. 193 - 212] EL TR A SFONDO JURÍDICO Y RETÓRICO DE L A “PRO CA ELIO ” DE CICERÓN * [Legal and Rhetoric background of Cicero’s “Pro Caelio”] TA MÁS NÓTÁRI ** Károli Gáspár University, Budapest, Hungría RESUMEN ABSTR A CT La oración Pro Caelio de Cicerón, Cicero’s Pro Caelio Oratio, delivered pronunciada en el 56 a. C., representa un in 56 b. C., represents an important step paso importante en la lucha de Cicerón en in Cicero’s fight against Clodio (and his contra de Clodio (y su grupo). La primera group). The first stage of the hostile re- etapa de la relación hostil puede datarse en lationship dates back to 73, when Clodio el 73, cuando Clodio acusó de incestum a accused the half-sister of Terentia, Cicero’s la media hermana de Terencia, mujer de wife, of incestum. In 61, he sought revenge Cicerón. Éste quiso vengar la afrenta en el and testified against Clodio at the Bona año 61, cuando dio testimonio en contra Dea trial. Clodio answered back in 58 and de Clodio en el juicio de la Bona Dea. requested Cicero’s expulsion and destroyed Clodio respondió requiriendo la expulsión Cicero’s house in the Palatine. In 56, as a de Cicerón en el 58 y la destrucción de su result of a peculiar coincidence of political casa en el Palatino. En el 56, de resultas and private relationships, Cicero had the de una peculiar coincidencia de relaciones chance to severely hit Clodia, Clodio’s RECIBIDO el 2 de julio y A CE P T A DO el 24 de agosto de 2013 * Traducido por Carlos Felipe Amunátegui Perelló, profesor de Derecho romano, de la Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile. ** Dr. habil., PhD. Senior Research Fellow Institute for Legal Studies of the Center for Social Sciences of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Associate Professor of Roman Law, Károli Gáspár University, Faculty of Law, H-1042 Budapest, Viola u. 2-4. E-mail: tamasno- [email protected] 194 REHJ. XXXV (2013) TA MÁS NÓTÁRI políticas y privadas, Cicerón tuvo la opor- elder sister, with is Pro Caelio, by means tunidad de golpear duramente a Clodia, of humorous invective at her expense at la hermana mayor de Clodio, con su Pro the trial, using a parody with the Roman Caelio, burlándose de ella en el juicio con theater, specially, the comedy. un humor homicida, utilizando una parodia KEYWORDS con el teatro romano, especialmente con Cicero – Classic rhetoric – Lex Plautia la comedia. de vi – Pro Caelio – Ludi Megalenses. PA L A BR A S CL av E Cicerón – Retórica clásica – Lex Plautia de vi – Pro Caelio – Ludi Megalenses. I. ANTECEDENTES DE L A DEM A ND A En abril del año 56 a.C. M. Celio, de entonces 25 años1, fue acusado por la quaestio de vi con L. Sempronio Atratino como principal prosecutor y L. Herenio Balbo y P. Clodio como subscriptores. El acusado hizo la declaración de defensa. Luego habló M. Licinio Craso y –ubicándose al final de la lista, según su costumbre2– Cicerón actuó como consejero de la defesa. La acusación fue hecha probablemente en base a la lex Plautia de vi (65/4)3, la cual había sido redactada, según el relato de Cicerón, para reprimir los hechos de ciudadanos infames que llevaban adelante revueltas, atacando el Senado con armas, utilizando la violencia en contra de los magistrados y atentando en contra del Estado4. En cuanto a los actos por los que Celio fue acusado, los primeros tres fueron expuestos con mayor detalle en las declaraciones de defensa hechas por Celio y Craso, y de ellos sólo sabemos por el resumen de los mismos hecho por Cicerón5. Cicerón se reservó para sí la refutación del cargo de asesinato en contra del filósofo alejandrino Dión6. Los cargos de la acusación están conectados en alguna forma con los legados de Alejandría, que querían protestar ante el Senado en contra de la reposición en el trono egipcio de Tolomeo XII por parte de Roma (lo que puede establecerse a primera vista que concierne a los cargos segundo y cuarto de 1 Cf. PLINIUS , Naturalis historia 7,165; HEINZE , Richard, Ciceros Rede pro Caelio, en Hermes, Zeitschrift für klassische Philologie, 60 (Berlin, 1925), p. 194; STRO H , Wilfried, “Taxis” und Taktik. Die advokatische Dispositionskunst in Ciceros Gerichtsreden (Stuttgart, Teubner, 1975), p. 243. 2 CICERO , Brutus 190; Orator 130; QUINTILI A NUS , Institutio oratoria 4,2,27. 3 Acerca de la lex Plautia, véase: COST A , Emilio, Cicerone giureconsulto (Bologna, Nicola Zanichelli, 1927), II, p. 91; KUN K EL , Wolfgang, Untersuchungen zur Entwicklung des römischen Kriminalverfahrens in vorsullanischer Zeit (München, Beck, 1962), p. 123; MÜNZER , Friedrich, Römische Adelsparteien und Adelsfamilien (Stuttgart, Metzler, 1920), p. 200; CL A SSEN , Johannes, Ciceros Rede für Caelius, en TEM P ORINI , Hildegard - Haa SE , Wolfgang (editores), Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt (Berlin - New York, De Gruyter, 1973), I,3, p. 63; MOMMSEN , Theodor, Römisches Strafrecht (Leipzig, Duncker & Humbolt, 1899), p. 564. 4 CICERO , Pro Caelio 1. 5 Ibíd., 23: “Itaque illam partem causae facile patior graviter et ornate a M. Crasso peroratam de seditionibus Neapolitanis, de Alexandrinorum pulsatione Puteolana, de bonis Pallae”. 6 Ibíd., 23,51-55. EL TR A SFONDO JURÍDICO Y RETÓRICO DE L A “PRO CA ELIO ” DE CICERÓN 195 la acusación). Los legados, liderados por Dión, llegaron a Roma en el 57, pero el rey Tolomeo, respaldado por Pompeyo, hicieron los mayores esfuerzos para frustrar la audiencia ante el Senado7. La acusación señalaba que Celio había estado involucrado en estos actos de Tolomeo y Pompeyo desde el principio. La pulsatio Puteolana fue probablemente un ataque hecho en contra de los legados de Ale- jandría inmediatamente después de su llegada a Puteoli. No puede ser descartado que las seditiones Neapolitanae estén conectadas con estos eventos de una manera u otra. Si los legados que se dirigían a Roma desde Nápoles por la vía Appia se sirvieron de la protección de un magistrado, entonces puede llamársela seditio, usando el término técnico romano, puesto que denota un desafío en contra del poder del Estado8. No podemos ni probar ni descartar la relación entre los bona Pallae con los legados de Alejandría9. A este respecto, es necesario referirse a la visión que señala que la demanda en cuestión puede ser considerada una disputa jurídica de naturaleza primariamente política. En este sentido, se buscaba atacara Pompeyo, el protector (patronus) de Tolomeo, y la misión de Cicerón era privar al caso de cualquier implicancia en la política contingente. En contra de este punto de vista, pueden señalarse los siguientes aspectos: los prosecutores estaban básicamente motivados por motivos privados antes que políticos10. En particular, el hecho que en febrero del 56 Celio acusase de ambitus L. Calpurnio Bestia11, padre natural de L. Sempronio Atratino, entonces de dieci- siete años de edad, quien fue absuelto del cargo de soborno fue defendido por Cicerón; así, éste quería emplazarlo en una segunda oportunidad en razón del delito de ambitus12. Esta segunda acusación fue evitada por Atratino acusándolo a él con el delito de vis. En consecuencia, en opinión de Heinze, las conside- raciones políticas en esta acusación habrían constituido un medio, más que su objetivo13. La Popularidad de Pompeyo estaba en sus mínimos14, por lo que para los acusantes era incluso ventajoso el poder atacar a Celio en cuanto partidario de Pompeyo. A estos efectos, Cicerón mismo intentó mitigar el lado político de la controversia (de hecho ni siquiera se menciona el nombre de Pompeyo en todo el Pro Caelio)15. Además de los cargos específicos de la acusación, Cicerón trata tocar varias materias que en verdad no están comprendidas en los cargos, en especial el supuesto intento de Celio de asesinar a Clodia, la viuda de Metello Celer16. El trata el intento de envenenar a Clodia de manera separada, pero, por 7 Véase: DIO CA SSIUS , Historia Romana 39,13; CICERO , De haruspicum responso 34; STR A BO , Geographica 17,7,96. 8 MOMMSEN , Theodor, cit. (n. 3), p. 532. 9 STRO H , Wilfried, cit. (n. 1), p. 245. 10 Cf. CICERO , Pro Caelio 56. 11 Acerca del personaje, véase: MÜNZER , Friedrich, Aus dem Leben des M. Caelius Rufus, en Hermes. Zeitschrift für klassische Philologie, 44 (Berlin, 1909), pp. 135. 12 Cicero, Pro Caelio 16,56,78. 13 HEINZE , Richard, cit. (n. 1), p. 197; CL A SSEN , Johannes, cit. (n. 3), p. 93. 14 Cf. CICERO , Pro Caelio 78; Epistulae ad Quintum fratrem 2,6,6. 15 STRO H , Wilfried, cit. (n. 1), p. 246. 16 COST A , Emilio, cit. (n. 3), II. p. 93. 196 REHJ. XXXV (2013) TA MÁS NÓTÁRI una aseveración realizada17 parece claro que este elemento juega un rol central en la cadena de demostraciones de la evidencia. En consecuencia, Celio habría obtenido dinero de Clodia para poder contratar a los asesinos de Dión18 y, más tarde, el habría querido envenenar a Clodia –de quien el dinero provendría– para deshacerse de la mujer de quien provendría el dinero y que sólo después habría sido consciente del asesinato19. II. EL C A SO DE L A “BON A DE A” El desarrollo de una relación hostil entre Cicerón y P. Clodio, como también respecto a su hermana Clodia, no puede comprenderse sin tener presente el testi- monio entregado por Cicerón en el llamado juicio de la Bona Dea y de las causas que lo llevaron a hacerlo. Fue a comienzos de diciembre del año 62 cuando las más conspicuas mujeres de Roma, incluidas las virgines Vestales, celebraron el festival de la Bona Dea en la casa del pontifex maximus, César.
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