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PR I CE South Africa and High Commission Territories: 10 cents. Elsewhere in Africa: Is. All other countries, 1s. 6d., or equivalent in local currency ANNUAL SUBSCRIPTION (4 ISSUES) Africa, 40 cents (or 4s.) post free. All other countries, 6s. (U.S., $1) or equivalent. Airmail, 15s. (U.S., $2.50) AGENTS Usualtrode discount (one-third of retail price) to bookshops and sellers ordering 12 or more copies EDITORIAL Articles, letters, material for articles and comment are invited on all theme.' ofAfrican interest, but payment is by prior arrangement only ADDRESS All letters, subscriptions and other correspondence must be sent to the distributor: Ellis Bowles, 52 Palmerston Road, London, S.W.14, England THE AFRICAN COMMUNIST PIlhlisltLd qllJU1Lrly ill tM UltOLsts of Africall solidarity, ami tu afonunfo, Marxlst·Lelli/list 111011g1t1 tluOllg1lollt 011' COll/iIlL"', by tlu SOlltlt AfriclJlI Conuruudst PlUty No. 27 Fourth Quarter 1966 Contents 5 EDITORIAL NOTES AFTER VERWOERD. FUHRER VORSTER CoNCERN ABOur CHINA TIuBUTES TO SoUTH AFRICA'S CoMMUNISTS 20 TESTING TIME FOR GHANA JOAN BELLAMY The writer worked on The Spark, militant socialist journal, until the - counter.revolutionary coup. Against the background of general problems facing African countries she re-examines the weaknesses, achievements and lessons ofthe past, and looks forward to the future. 28 DROUGHT, WATER AND POLITICS IN SOUTHERN AFRICA A. ZANZOLO South A/rica's critical problem-water supplies-face millions with chronic drought and famine. Does the answer /ie in the snow-capped mountains 0/newly,.independent Lesotho? Andare the Pretoria andLondon politicians deliberately sabotaging this solution for political reasons? The writer turns new light on Ihis important aspect 0/ White supremacy polilics. 34 BRAM FISCHER'S GREAT SPEECH D. N. Parrr, Q.C. The famous British lawyer pays a glowing tribute to his South African friend and colleague, 'one ofthe most splendid ofliving men'. 37 PHASES OF THE EGYPTIAN REVOLUTION KHALro MOHEl EL·DIN T'1u! author, one ofNasser's right-hand men on the Revolutionary Council in the July 1952 Revolution, and a leacJing progressive in present-day Egypt, is a member ofthe PresicJium ofthe World Peace Council. In this re1t14rkable article, first published in a recent issue afPeace, Freedom and Socialism (Prague), he analyses the progressive condition ofthe Egyptian Revolution, step by step, towards scientific socialism, and assesses the future course ofthis development. Contents (continued) sa SOUTH WEST AFRICA: THE PHONEY WAR ENDS A. LANGA EI'er)'one was 'revolted and oulraged' by the 'cowardly judgment' of Ihe International Couri al The Hague. This article summarises the background. The Soulh·West African people themselves will set/Ie, in the end, with the aggressor. 63 AFRICA: NOTES ON CURRENT EVENTS SoL DUHULA Events and comments aboul Zambia, 'Francophonie', Somh West Africa, Lesolho, Angola, Nigeria, Kenya, the Congo. 73 BOOK REVIEWS The RoolS ofRacialism (A. SIBEKO), African Trade Unions (R. E. BRAVER­ MAN), Jdris Cox on African Socialism (A.Z.), NOI'els of Frl/strOlion (P.P.), A Professor on 'The Bourgeoisie' (A.M.). 89 WHAT OUR READERS WRITE III praise ofNkrumah; Indepen(lence for Lesotho. Editorial Notes: Aler Yerwuerd- fuhrer Yursler IT HAS BEEN revolting to see how the frightened men of the official opposition in South Africa, including the Progressive Party and many s<K:alled 'liberals', have fallen over themselves to express their regrets and convey their condolences over Verwoerd's death. Even more revolting has it been to read the words of the stooge Non-White leaders who mourned the passing of their 'baas', attended his funeral, greeted the election of his successor Vorster with satisfaction that South Africa would now be in the hands of a 'strong man'. Had the real South African opposition, which is jailed, banned or . in exile, been heard, it would undoubtedly have echoed the words of a columnist in the English magazine The New Statesma1l: .We should remember that Verwoerd was the chief architect of a funda­ mentally evil system ... He must be held responsible for Sharpeville. His regime inflicted unspeakable cruelties on thousands of South Africans, white, black and coloured; it keptthern in prison without trial while their families starved; it condoned tortures, beatings and judicial murder; it did its best to wreck South Africa's free press and the rule of law; and covered all these activities with a repulsive veneer of humbug, derived S from the debased fonn of Christianity in which Vel'woerd believed. That he was knifed to death in the parliament he"had debauched seems entirely appropriate ... Too many tyrants die in their beds; and many of us, if we are honest, will admit some satisfaction that, for once, Datural justice has been done. There have been many who have been quick to see parallels between the murder of Kennedy in the United· States and that of Verwoerd in South Africa. Both have officiaUy been aUege<! to be the acts of isolated madmen, acting on their own. Both have been followed by a pronounced swing to the right in the political leadership ofthe ruling party. In the case of Kennedy's assassin, Lee Oswald, who was hjmse\{ immediately murdered so that he could teU no tales, there has been more than a suspicion that he was the agent of a wider and more powerful conspiracy anxious to remove the 'peace and nigger·lover' Kennedy from office because he threatened both their profits and their policies of cold war; Nothing that the Warren Commission has done has removed that suspicion. On the contrary, recent evidence of the way the Warren Commission set about its work has only helped to convert suspicion into near certainty. Is the situation so very different in South Africa? Who is the alleged assassin, Tsafendas-an alleged Mozambique-born 'play White' who, according ·to a fellow Parliamentary messenger, 'could not under­ stand why the Government was doing everything for the Coloured people and nothing for the poor Whites?' How was ~t that a man with his racial and political background, known to the police ofseveral countries, including the United States. Britain and Portugal (the three imperialist powers with the heaviest investment in Southern Africa and the greatest interest in maintaining the stability and profitability' of the area}-how is it that such a man slipped through the 'security net' in South Africa and obtained a job as a Parliamentary messenger with access to the top men in the country's government in their most unguarded moments? Is it conceivable that the South African Special Branch, so expert at smelling out and hunting down elements hostile to the state, could have neglected to screen Parliamentary messengers altogether? Is it sheer coincidence that the man who built the Security Police into the terror instrument it is, Balthazar John Vorster, should have succeeded to the dead Verwoerd's political estate and taken over the premiership? What is the significance of Vorster's retention ofcontrol of the police force 'until we are in calmer waters'? Vorster's own explanation is that he had decided on this new arrangement, while relinquishing his other portfolios, because it could not be expected of the' new Minister of Justice, Mr. P. C. Peiser, to acquaint himself with all the facets of his new portfolios within a short time. Vorster • told Parliament on September 14th, 'for five years I have woken up and gone to bed with all these problems' eormected with the safety of the State. Vorster has appointed the judge who is to inquire into all aspects of the murder of Verwoerd, yet he himself remains in charge of the police. Can it be expected that all the facts will be un· covered in such circumstances? POWER CONFLICT CERTAINLY THERE IS no close parallel with the Kennedy assassination. Verwoerd was no liberal. But there is ample evidence of a power con· ftict inside the Nationalist Party. The years of Verwoerd's rule, in which his own leadership appeared on the surface to be unchallenged and unchallengeable, were years of increasing stress and strain in the Nationalist Party. Verwoerd's concept of Bantustan, though not taken seriously by his enemies, certainly disturbed many of his former friends, who feared, however unjustly, that he intended to 'give the country away to the Blacks'. The last general election gave birth. first to the Republican Party, and then to the Front, both standing on a pla\form of opposition to Bantustan, maintenance of one united South Africa and of White domination over the whole country. The Nationalist Party machine, it is true, ground these parties into the dust, and they obtained very few votes. But their propaganda­ eagerly seized on by the United Party-was sufficient to arouse concern among the Nationalist rank and file and to compel Government leaders to back·pedal on the Bantustan issue for the duration of the election campaign. One Nationalist leader even assured his audience that the achievement of independence by the Bantustans was nothing to worry about because it would not come about for at least 200 years. It was only after Verwoerd's assassination that a correspondent of the English press reported that the Premier had been distressed by the lack ofunderstanding among the Afrikaner people ofhis Bantustan policies. Nor was it only on the Bantustan front that there was this 'lack of understanding'. There has also been serious disturbance in the ranks of the Afrikaner workers over the Government's apparent willingness to tolerate meddling with the traditional colour bar in the sphere of labour. Tens of thousands of White workers in the Mineworkers' Union alone have been at loggerheads ever since the original 'cxperi· ment' in promoting African workers to more skilled spheres of work was initiated, with Government consent, in 1965.

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