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Burundi: the Issues at Stake
BURUNDI: THE ISSUES AT STAKE. POLITICAL PARTIES, FREEDOM OF THE PRESS AND POLITICAL PRISONERS 12 July 2000 ICG Africa Report N° 23 Nairobi/Brussels (Original Version in French) Table of Contents EXECUTIVE SUMMARY..........................................................................................i INTRODUCTION...................................................................................................1 I. POLITICAL PARTIES: PURGES, SPLITS AND CRACKDOWNS.........................1 A. Beneficiaries of democratisation turned participants in the civil war (1992-1996)3 1. Opposition groups with unclear identities ................................................. 4 2. Resorting to violence to gain or regain power........................................... 7 B. Since the putsch: dangerous games of the government................................... 9 1. Purge of opponents to the peace process (1996-1998)............................ 10 2. Harassment of militant activities ............................................................ 14 C. Institutionalisation of political opportunism................................................... 17 1. Partisan putsches and alliances of convenience....................................... 18 2. Absence of fresh political attitudes......................................................... 20 D. Conclusion ................................................................................................. 23 II WHICH FREEDOM FOR WHAT MEDIA ?...................................................... 25 A. Media -
The Catholic Understanding of Human Rights and the Catholic Church in Burundi
Human Rights as Means for Peace : the Catholic Understanding of Human Rights and the Catholic Church in Burundi Author: Fidele Ingiyimbere Persistent link: http://hdl.handle.net/2345/2475 This work is posted on eScholarship@BC, Boston College University Libraries. Boston College Electronic Thesis or Dissertation, 2011 Copyright is held by the author, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise noted. BOSTON COLLEGE-SCHOOL OF THEOLOGY AND MINISTY S.T.L THESIS Human Rights as Means for Peace The Catholic Understanding of Human Rights and the Catholic Church in Burundi By Fidèle INGIYIMBERE, S.J. Director: Prof David HOLLENBACH, S.J. Reader: Prof Thomas MASSARO, S.J. February 10, 2011. 1 Contents Contents ...................................................................................................................................... 0 General Introduction ....................................................................................................................... 2 CHAP. I. SETTING THE SCENE IN BURUNDI ......................................................................... 8 I.1. Historical and Ecclesial Context........................................................................................... 8 I.2. 1972: A Controversial Period ............................................................................................. 15 I.3. 1983-1987: A Church-State Conflict .................................................................................. 22 I.4. 1993-2005: The Long Years of Tears................................................................................ -
Burundi Conflict Insight | Feb 2018 | Vol
IPSS Peace & Security Report ABOUT THE REPORT The purpose of this report is to provide analysis and recommendations to assist the African Union (AU), Burundi Conflict Regional Economic Communities (RECs), Member States and Development Partners in decision making and in the implementation of peace and security- related instruments. Insight CONTRIBUTORS Dr. Mesfin Gebremichael (Editor in Chief) Mr. Alagaw Ababu Kifle Ms. Alem Kidane Mr. Hervé Wendyam Ms. Mahlet Fitiwi Ms. Zaharau S. Shariff EDITING, DESIGN & LAYOUT Michelle Mendi Muita (Editor) Situation analysis Mikias Yitbarek (Design & Layout) Since gaining independence in 1962, Burundi has experienced several violent conflicts, including a civil war that took place between 1993 and © 2018 Institute for Peace and Security Studies, 2005. The common denominator of these conflicts was the politicization of Addis Ababa University. All rights reserved. divisions between the Hutu and Tutsi ethnic groups. The civil war was triggered by the assassination of the first democratically elected president, Melchior Ndadaye, by Tutsi elements in a failed attempt to overthrow the February 2018 | Vol. 1 government. The civil war is estimated to have caused more than 300,000 deaths and over 1 million displacements. In order to bring the civil war to CONTENTS an end, three major agreements were signed with varying degrees of Situation analysis 1 success, namely, the 1994 Convention of Government, the 2000 Arusha Causes of the conflict 2 Peace and Reconciliation Agreement,i and the 2004 Burundi Power-Sharing Actors 3 Agreement. Dynamics of the conflict 5 Scenarios 6 Current response assessment 6 Strategic options 7 Timeline 9 References 11 i In an attempt to bring the civil war to an end, Julius Nyerere (former President of Tanzania) and Nelson Mandela (former President of South Africa), facilitated a lengthy negotiation between the Hutus and the Tutsis. -
List of Prime Ministers of Burundi
SNo Phase Name Took office Left office Duration Political party 1 Kingdom of Burundi (part of Ruanda-Urundi) Joseph Cimpaye 26-01 1961 28-09 1961 245 days Union of People's Parties 2 Kingdom of Burundi (part of Ruanda-Urundi) Prince Louis Rwagasore 28-09 1961 13-10 1961 15 days Union for National Progress 3 Kingdom of Burundi (part of Ruanda-Urundi) André Muhirwa 20-10 1961 01-07 1962 254 days Union for National Progress 4 Kingdom of Burundi (independent country) André Muhirwa 01-07 1962 10-06 1963 344 days Union for National Progress 5 Kingdom of Burundi (independent country) Pierre Ngendandumwe 18-06 1963 06-04 1964 293 days Union for National Progress 6 Kingdom of Burundi (independent country) Albin Nyamoya 06-04 1964 07-01 1965 276 days Union for National Progress 7 Kingdom of Burundi (independent country) Pierre Ngendandumwe 07-01 1965 15-01 1965 10 days Union for National Progress 8 Kingdom of Burundi (independent country) Pié Masumbuko 15-01 1965 26-01 1965 11 days Union for National Progress 9 Kingdom of Burundi (independent country) Joseph Bamina 26-01 1965 30-09 1965 247 days Union for National Progress 10 Kingdom of Burundi (independent country) Prince Léopold Biha 13-10 1965 08-07 1966 268 days Union for National Progress 11 Kingdom of Burundi (independent country) Michel Micombero 11-07 1966 28-11 1966 140 days Union for National Progress 12 Republic of Burundi Albin Nyamoya 15-07 1972 05-06 1973 326 days Union for National Progress 13 Republic of Burundi Édouard Nzambimana 12-11 1976 13-10 1978 1 year, 335 days Union for -
Rwanda Assessment
BURUNDI COUNTRY ASSESSMENT October 2002 Country Information & Policy Unit IMMIGRATION & NATIONALITY DIRECTORATE HOME OFFICE, UNITED KINGDOM Burundi October 2002 CONTENTS 1 Scope of the document 1.1 - 1.4 2 Geography 2.1 3 Economy 3.1 - 3.3 4 History Summery of events since independence 4.1 - 4.5 Outbreak of Civil War 4.6 - 4.8 Coup of 25 July 1996 4.9 - 4.10 Peace Talks 4.11 - 4.19 Failed Coup attempts of 18 April 2001 and 22 July 2001 4.20 - 4.21 Developments prior to term of Transitional Government 4.22 - 4.25 The Transitional Government 4.26 - 4.42 5. State Structures The Constitution 5.1 - 5.3 Citizenship and Nationality 5.4 Political System 5.5 - 5.10 Judiciary 5.11 - 5.15 Legal Rights/Detention 5.16 - 5.23 Death Penalty 5.24 Internal Security 5.25 Armed Forces 5.26 - 5.30 "Gardiens de la Paix" 5.31 - 5.33 Self defence programmes 5.34 - 5.36 "Self Defence in Solidarity" 5.37 Weapons training for civilians 5.38 - 5.39 South African Protection Support Detachment 5.40 - 5.41 Prisons and prison conditions 5.42 - 5.47 Military Service 5.48 - 5.50 Conscientious Objectors and Deserters 5.51 - 5.52 Medical Services 5.53 - 5.54 HIV/AIDS 5.55 - 5.56 People with disabilities 5.57 - 5.58 Educational System 5.59 - 5.64 6 Human Rights Burundi October 2002 6.A Human Rights issues Overview 6.1 - 6.5 Torture 6.6 - 6.10 Extrajudicial Killings 6.11 - 6.16 Disappearances 6.17 Abuses by Rebel groups 6.18 - 6.23 Human Rights Organisations 6.24 Freedom of Speech and the Media 6.25 - 6.27 Media Institutions 6.28 - 6.30 Journalists 6.31 - 6.37 Freedom of -
The Politics of Knowledge in Burundi Stanislas Bigirimana
11. The meaning of violence and the violence of meaning: the politics of knowledge in Burundi Stanislas Bigirimana INTRODUCTION: RESEARCH, KNOWLEDGE AND VIOLENCE IN BURUNDI This chapter starts from the premise that ‘scientific’ research is a process of discourse formation. In doing so it draws on the work of Lonergan (1957) which asserts that the process of human knowing is unified but comprises four operations, namely experiencing, understanding, judging (choosing, deciding), and acting. This conceptual insight is applied here to the case of Burundi in the Central African Great Lakes region in order to illuminate how and why the politics of knowledge is relevant both to the phenomenon of violence and its supposed solutions. Burundi completed its third election cycle in 2020. It is the first time in Burundi’s history that an elected leader has lasted more than three months. Burundi achieved independence on 1 July 1962. The newly independent state suffered instability from 1961 to 1966. In 1961, Prince Louis Rwagasore of the Union for National Progress (UPRONA) was elected on 18 September and was assassinated on 13 October. The period until 1966 was characterized by political pluralism as different groups from the ‘new’ Western-educated elite formed political parties and competed for power and votes within the context of a constitutional monarchy. This period left scars on the Burundian political imagination, reflecting the tension between the mythical foundation of a traditional monarchy of divine right and an emerging Western type democratic model aimed at abolishing inborn privileges and instituting an electoral system. In January 1965, Prime Minister Pierre Ngendandumwe was assassinated before even forming his cabinet. -
Security Council Distr
UNITED NATIONS S Security Council Distr. GENERAL S/1995/157 24 February 1995 ORIGINAL: ENGLISH LETTER DATED 23 FEBRUARY 1995 FROM THE SECRETARY-GENERAL ADDRESSED TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE SECURITY COUNCIL In response to the request by the Council, I have the honour to forward herewith the report of the preparatory fact-finding mission to Burundi by Ambassador Martin Huslid (Norway) and Ambassador Simeon Aké (Côte d’Ivoire), dated 20 May 1994. (Signed) Boutros BOUTROS-GHALI 95-05359 (E) 020395 /... S/1995/157 English Page 2 Annex [Original: French] REPORT OF THE PREPARATORY FACT-FINDING MISSION TO BURUNDI TO THE SECRETARY-GENERAL CONTENTS Paragraphs Page I. INTRODUCTION ......................................... 1 - 30 4 II. THE COUP D’ETAT OF 21 OCTOBER 1993 ................... 31 - 102 10 A. Historical background to the coup d’état ......... 31 - 45 10 B. Events of the coup d’état ........................ 46 - 77 13 C. The perpetrators of the failed coup d’etat ....... 78 - 83 17 D. The management of the crisis ..................... 84 - 102 17 III. THE MASSACRES ........................................ 103 - 133 19 A. The massacres .................................... 103 - 114 19 B. The causes of the massacres ...................... 115 - 130 21 C. The role of provincial administrators and the army 131 - 133 23 IV. EVENTS AFTER THE COUP D’ETAT AND THE MASSACRES - PRESENT SITUATION .................................... 134 - 148 23 V. CHALLENGES AND STEPS TO BE TAKEN ..................... 149 - 151 25 VI. ROLE OF THE UNITED NATIONS SYSTEM AND THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY .............................. 152 - 179 27 A. Presence of United Nations bodies in Burundi ..... 152 - 154 27 B. The Special Representative of the Secretary- General for Burundi .............................. 155 - 163 28 C. -
Women Rule: Shattering the Executive Glass Ceiling Farida Jalalzai University of Missouri - St
Politics & Gender, 4 (2008), 205–231. Printed in the U.S.A. Women Rule: Shattering the Executive Glass Ceiling Farida Jalalzai University of Missouri - St. Louis “When we inaugurate a President of the United States we give a man the powers of our highest office.” Richard Neustadt, preface to the first edition of Presidential Power and the Modern Presidents, 1960 Using qualitative and quantitative techniques, this article compares nearly all cases of women presidents and prime ministers in power between 1960 through 2007. In a comparative gender analysis, I focus on the impact of institutional and structural factors on the ways in which women acquire their positions and on the type of executive authority exercised. Women are more likely to enter office when their powers are relatively few and constrained. The political systems in which they lead generally feature fragmented executive power arrangements, including a dual executive structure. Women also enter in politically unstable contexts and in countries lacking political institutionalization, frequently as members of privileged groups. Findings indicate that comparative politics research needs to explore the gendered connections between executive positions and authority, power, and independence. INTRODUCTION Richard Neustadt made this observation when the prospect of electing a woman president was rarely imagined. Forty years later, the possibility of a female president of the United States is a topic of frequent discussion in the media and a burgeoning research area (Clift and Brazaitis 2003; I would like to sincerely thank the anonymous reviewers and editors for their guidance in preparing this article for publication. Their help has been invaluable. -
Lessons from Burundi, Liberia, and Chad Emily Myers Union College - Schenectady, NY
Union College Union | Digital Works Honors Theses Student Work 6-2016 War and Women Wielding Power: Lessons from Burundi, Liberia, and Chad Emily Myers Union College - Schenectady, NY Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalworks.union.edu/theses Part of the Feminist, Gender, and Sexuality Studies Commons, and the Military History Commons Recommended Citation Myers, Emily, "War and Women Wielding Power: Lessons from Burundi, Liberia, and Chad" (2016). Honors Theses. 191. https://digitalworks.union.edu/theses/191 This Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Work at Union | Digital Works. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of Union | Digital Works. For more information, please contact [email protected]. WAR AND WOMEN WIELDING POWER LESSONS FROM BURUNDI, LIBERIA, AND CHAD BY EMILY HUDSON MYERS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR HONORS IN THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE UNION COLLEGE MARCH, 2016 INTRODUCTION Since 1989, the world has seen civil war replace traditional war as the prevailing paradigm of conflict. Simultaneously, the world’s leading thinkers, international bodies, and aid organizations have encouraged the idea that women’s rights are human rights, and urged that policy issues be considered through a gendered lens. My thesis aims to connect these two concurrent shifts in geopolitics by examining the relationship between civil war and women. How do women experience civil war differently from men? How does the legacy of civil war change women’s lives? Specifically, my thesis examines the effects civil war has on women’s political power. -
Conflict Recurrence in Rwanda and Burundi
University of Central Florida STARS Honors Undergraduate Theses UCF Theses and Dissertations 2017 Conflict Recurrence in Rwanda and Burundi Kellan H. Ritter University of Central Florida Part of the Comparative Politics Commons Find similar works at: https://stars.library.ucf.edu/honorstheses University of Central Florida Libraries http://library.ucf.edu This Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the UCF Theses and Dissertations at STARS. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Undergraduate Theses by an authorized administrator of STARS. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Recommended Citation Ritter, Kellan H., "Conflict Recurrence in Rwanda and Burundi" (2017). Honors Undergraduate Theses. 247. https://stars.library.ucf.edu/honorstheses/247 CONFLICT RECURRENCE IN RWANDA AND BURUNDI by KELLAN RITTER A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Honors in the Majors Program in Political Science in the College of Sciences and in the Burnett Honors College at the University of Central Florida Orlando, Florida Fall Term, 2017 Thesis Chair: Dr. Jonathan Powell i Abstract This thesis argues that the different reactions of the population and rival elites to executive attempts to extend term limits in Rwanda and Burundi reflect the different ways civil wars ended in these two countries. In Rwanda, a military victory resulted in institutions that placed less constraint on the ruling party, while in Burundi, a negotiated settlement placed comparatively greater constraints on the ruling party. As a result, the major party in Rwanda was more powerful than the major power in Burundi, and thus more capable to co-opt or coerce the opposition. -
The Origin and Persistence of State Fragility in Burundi
APRIL 2018 The origin and persistence of state fragility in Burundi Janvier D. Nkurunziza Abstract State fragility in Burundi has been a cause, and consequence, of the country’s political instability. Since independence, Burundi has endured six episodes of civil war, two major foiled coup d’états, and five coup d’états that have led to regime change. The root cause of state fragility is traced back to divisive practices introduced by the colonial power, which have since been perpetuated by post-colonial elites. This political volatility has generated persistent cycles of violence, resulting in the collapse of the country’s institutions and economy, even after the negotiation of the Arusha Agreement. This has led to mass migration of Burundi’s people and the emergence of a large refugee population, dispersed among neighbouring states and far away. Therefore, state fragility in Burundi is first and foremost the result of the strategies and policies of its political leaders, who are motivated by personal interests. Political capture calls into question the legitimacy of those in power, who feed state fragility through rent extraction, corruption, and mismanagement. This has had vast economic consequences, including slow growth, an underdeveloped private sector, an unstable investment landscape, and severe financial constraints. For reconciliation to be achieved, justice needs to be afforded to those who have encountered repression from the state, thereby breaking the cycle of violence. What’s more, Burundi needs strong and long-term engagement of the international community for the successful implementation of reforms, as well as the provision of technical and financial resources, to embark on a prosperous and peaceful path. -
Burundi Peace Committees: a Model for Reducing Electoral Violence
Burundi Peace Committees: A Model for Reducing Electoral Violence Mulanda Juma Introduction Burundi has long suffered from violence, especially ethnic-related killings between Hutu and Tutsi. This situation has happened both under dictatorial and democratic dispensations. Transforming destructive relationships between different ethnic groups and preventing ethnic violence is thus fundamental to peace and development at both communal and national levels. This work plays a critical role in preventing electoral violence as it was recently observed in Burundi. Since 1994, Local Peace Committees (PCs) were created by the Mission for Peace and Reconciliation Under the Cross (MIPAREC) to address this societal need. These committees deal with ethnic violence to prevent the recurrence of the past violence and help the society to move on. Burundi is not the only country where PCs have been used for this same purpose. In Kenya, it was found that during the post-electoral violence of 2007 where over 1000 people were killed, districts that had PCs experienced less violence in comparison to other districts.1 This further emphasised the importance of building local peacebuilding capacities before violence erupts. In the case of South Africa, PCs were formed in 1992–1994 to facilitate the transition from apartheid to a democratic regime. Regarding Burundi, there are over 400 PC initiatives. PCs are considered as a model of grassroot organization initiated by and made up of volunteers from diverse social and ethnic groups of Burundi, namely Hutu, Tutsi and Twa, displaced persons, demobilized soldiers, freed political prisoners, residents and traditional chiefs. These people are 1 Wachira, Arendshorst and Charles, 2010.