The Origins and Evolution of Progressive Economics Part Seven of the Progressive Tradition Series
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Original Institutional Economics and Political Anthropology
Original Institutional Economics and Political Anthropology: Reflections on the nature of coercive power and vested interests in the works of Thorstein Veblen and Pierre Clastres Coauthored by: Manuel Ramon de Souza Luz; Faculty of Economics; Federal University ABC; São Paulo, Brazil [email protected] John Hall, Department of Economics, Portland State University; Oregon, USA [email protected] Abstract: Our inquiry advances a comparison of the anthropological content of Thorstein Veblen’s evolutionary perspective with the foundations of the political anthropology drawn from selected works of Pierre Clastres. We seek to establish that what can be referred to as a clastrean reference can simultaneously offer new perspectives on institutionalism, while maintaining a radical and emancipatory understanding of Veblen’s writings. In this sense, we seek to reconsider and reevaluate the role of economic surplus drawn from Veblen’s anthropology, while also offering a general and critical perspective for understanding the emergence of coercive power within societies. (94 words) JEL Classification Codes B15, B25, B41 Key Words: Coercive Power, Original Institutional Economics, Pierre Clastres, Political Anthropology, Thorstein Veblen (Front matter: 169 words) This inquiry considers contributions of Thorstein Veblen by juxtaposing them to selected contributions of Pierre Clastres, a scholar heralded as a founder of French political anthropology. Differing from Veblen, with his backgrounds in Economics and Philosophy, Clastres’ generated an anthropology founded on fieldwork investigations. These investigations abetted his constructing a theoretical synthesis that considers the nature of power and, relatedly, countervailing institutions within selected indigenous societies found across the South American continent. His body of research stresses that the classless and egalitarian character of indigenous societies was not an outcome of the comparatively modest levels of technology and the lack of accumulated surpluses. -
The Role of Monetary Policy in the New Keynesian Model: Evidence from Vietnam
The role of monetary policy in the New Keynesian Model: Evidence from Vietnam By: Van Hoang Khieu William Davidson Institute Working Paper Number 1075 February 2014 The role of monetary policy in the New Keynesian Model: Evidence from Vietnam Khieu, Van Hoang Graduate Student at The National Graduate Institute for Policy Studies (GRIPS), Japan. Lecturer in Monetary Economics at Banking Academy of Vietnam. Email: [email protected] Cell phone number: +81-8094490288 Abstract This paper reproduces a version of the New Keynesian model developed by Ireland (2004) and then uses the Vietnamese data from January 1995 to December 2012 to estimate the model’s parameters. The empirical results show that before August 2000 when the Taylor rule was adopted more firmly, the monetary policy shock made considerable contributions to the fluctuations in key macroeconomic variables such as the short-term nominal interest rate, the output gap, inflation, and especially output growth. By contrast, the loose adoption of the Taylor rule in the period of post- August 2000 leads to a fact that the contributions of the monetary policy shock to the variations in such key macroeconomic variables become less substantial. Thus, one policy implication is that adopting firmly the Taylor rule could strengthen the role of the monetary policy in driving movements in the key macroeconomic variables, for instance, enhancing economic growth and stabilizing inflation. Key words: New Keynesian model, Monetary Policy, Technology Shock, Cost-Push Shock, Preference Shock. JEL classification: E12, E32. 1 1. Introduction Explaining dynamic behaviors of key macroeconomic variables has drawn a lot of interest from researchers. -
Liam Brunt – Teaching Material – Keynesian Revolution 1 Week 4
Liam Brunt – Teaching Material – Keynesian Revolution Week 4. The Keynesian Revolution. What were the major theoretical and practical obstacles to the adoption of Keynesian demand management to cure unemployment in the inter-war years? Would it have been effective? Was there a ‘Keynesian Revolution’ in economic thought and policy in the 1940s and 1950s? Readings. Peden, G. C., ‘The “Treasury View” on Public Works and Employment in the Inter-war Period,’ Economic History Review (1984). Outlines the theoretical orthodoxy against which Keynes rebelled. Middleton, R. C., ‘The Treasury in the 1930s: Political and Administrative Constraints to the Acceptance of the “New” Economics,’ Oxford Economic Papers (1982). McKibbin, R. I., ‘The Economic Policy of the Second Labour Government, 1929-31,’ Past and Present (1975). [Number 68, p96-102]. A useful look at the international reception of Keynesian policies. Floud, R., and D. N. McCloskey, The Economic History of Britain since 1700, vol. 2 (1860-1939). (Second edition, 1994). [Chapter 14 (Thomas)]. Quantitative analysis of the impact of plausible Keynesian policies. Booth, A. R., ‘The “Keynesian Revolution” in Economic Policy-making,’ Economic History Review (1983). See also the comment by Tomlinson, Economic History Review (1984). Discusses the definition and timing of the Keynesian revolution. Rollings, N., ‘British Budgetary Policy, 1945-54: a “Keynesian Revolution”?’ Economic History Review (1988). A strong rebuttal of Booth. Note: if you are unsure about the Keynesian model of the labour market then refer to Levacic and Rebmann, p70-5, 86-93. 1 Liam Brunt – Teaching Material – Keynesian Revolution KEYNESIANISM. The Central Features Of Keynesianism. 1. The economy was not self-adjusting and the government should use active policy to bring the economy back to full employment in a recession. -
Deflation: a Business Perspective
Deflation: a business perspective Prepared by the Corporate Economists Advisory Group Introduction Early in 2003, ICC's Corporate Economists Advisory Group discussed the risk of deflation in some of the world's major economies, and possible consequences for business. The fear was that historically low levels of inflation and faltering economic growth could lead to deflation - a persistent decline in the general level of prices - which in turn could trigger economic depression, with widespread company and bank failures, a collapse in world trade, mass unemployment and years of shrinking economic activity. While the risk of deflation is now remote in most countries - given the increasingly unambiguous signs of global economic recovery - its potential costs are very high and would directly affect companies. This issues paper was developed to help companies better understand the phenomenon of deflation, and to give them practical guidance on possible measures to take if and when the threat of deflation turns into reality on a future occasion. What is deflation? Deflation is defined as a sustained fall in an aggregate measure of prices (such as the consumer price index). By this definition, changes in prices in one economic sector or falling prices over short periods (e.g., one or two quarters) do not qualify as deflation. Dec lining prices can be driven by an increase in supply due to technological innovation and rapid productivity gains. These supply-induced shocks are usually not problematic and can even be accompanied by robust growth, as experienced by China. A fall in prices led by a drop in demand - due to a severe economic cycle, tight economic policies or a demand-side shock - or by persistent excess capacity can be much more harmful, and is more likely to lead to persistent deflation. -
Economic Thinking in an Age of Shared Prosperity
BOOKREVIEW Economic Thinking in an Age of Shared Prosperity GRAND PURSUIT: THE STORY OF ECONOMIC GENIUS workingman’s living standards signaled the demise of the BY SYLVIA NASAR iron law and forced economists to recognize and explain the NEW YORK: SIMON & SCHUSTER, 2011, 558 PAGES phenomenon. Britain’s Alfred Marshall, popularizer of the microeconomic demand and supply curves still used today, REVIEWED BY THOMAS M. HUMPHREY was among the first to do so. He argued that competition among firms, together with their need to match their rivals’ distinctive feature of the modern capitalist cost cuts to survive, incessantly drives them to improve economy is its capacity to deliver sustainable, ever- productivity and to bid for now more productive and A rising living standards to all social classes, not just efficient workers. Such bidding raises real wages, allowing to a fortunate few. How does it do it, especially in the face labor to share with management and capital in the produc- of occasional panics, bubbles, booms, busts, inflations, tivity gains. deflations, wars, and other shocks that threaten to derail Marshall interpreted productivity gains as the accumula- shared rising prosperity? What are the mechanisms tion over time of relentless and continuous innumerable involved? Can they be improved by policy intervention? small improvements to final products and production Has the process any limits? processes. Joseph Schumpeter, who never saw an economy The history of economic thought is replete with that couldn’t be energized through unregulated credit- attempts to answer these questions. First came the pes- financed entrepreneurship, saw productivity gains as simists Thomas Malthus, David Ricardo, James Mill, and his emanating from radical, dramatic, transformative, discon- son John Stuart Mill who, on grounds that for millennia tinuous innovations that precipitate business cycles and wages had flatlined at near-starvation levels, denied that destroy old technologies, firms, and markets even as they universally shared progress was possible. -
The End of Modern Economic Growth As We Know It Jean-Pierre Dormois
The End of Modern Economic Growth as We Know It Jean-Pierre Dormois To cite this version: Jean-Pierre Dormois. The End of Modern Economic Growth as We Know It. 2017, pp.1-9. halshs- 02862342 HAL Id: halshs-02862342 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-02862342 Submitted on 9 Jun 2020 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. The End of Modern Economic Growth as We Know It by Jean-Pierre Dormois Economic progress is behind us in the West, warns Robert J. Gordon in a 750 pages-tome which revisits the economic history of the U.S. in the last century and a half. Measuring the impact on living standards of the major technological breakthroughs of the “second industrial revolution,” he observes that sources of productivity growth seem to have dried since the 1970s oil shock and that the productivity-enhancing effects of the digital “revolution” have so far proved elusive. Reviewed: Robert J. Gordon, The Rise and Fall of American Growth: The U.S. Standard of Living since the Civil War, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 2016. Between 1870 and 1970, or more precisely between 1890 and 1940, the author demonstrates, the U.S. -
Economic Growth and Unemployment: a Reappraisal of the Conventional View
Economic Growth and Unemployment: A Reappraisal of the Conventional View JOHN A. TATOM t J~HEunemployment experience of the 1970s stands the simplicity of Okun’s Law, as well as its purported in marked contrast to the possibilities for unemploy- success in explaining and forecasting the unemploy- ment and growth which had been envisioned by ment rate, has led to its widespread acceptance.4 most analysts and policymakers at the end of the While Okun’s Law has provided some insights for 1960s. At that time, most observers agreed that out- analysis of aggregate economic activity, unquestioned put could not continue to grow as fast, or the acceptance of the original empirical specification of unemployment rate remain as low, as in the late 1960s without an accelerating rate of inflation. the relationship has been unwarranted. Gloser exam- ination indicates that the original specification does Nonetheless, maintaining an unemployment rate of not provide an accurate view of the link between about 4 percent and achieving a4 percent annual changes in the nation’s output •and unemployment. growth rate of the nation’s output •of goods and services appeared to be a realistic expectation.1 This relationship between output growth and un- employment can be revised to capture more accu- Except during 1973, however, the unemployment rate rately the empirical link which existed in the 1950s has been markedly higher over the past eight years and 1960s, and which continues to hold. Even the than during the prior decade. revised relationship is shown to provide only a The explanation offered for such apparently exces- rough explanation of the level of the unemployment rate, Nevertheless, variations in the rate of growth of sive unemployment is often quite simple — insuffi- cient demand for national output.2 This view of the the nation’s output are a sufficiently dominant factor unemployment-aggregate demand relationship draws that the revised rule provides a reliable tool for fore- support from an investigation of the link between casting changes in the unemployment rate. -
Redalyc.Theory of Money of David Ricardo
Lecturas de Economía ISSN: 0120-2596 [email protected] Universidad de Antioquia Colombia Takenaga, Susumu Theory of Money of David Ricardo: Quantity Theory and Theory of Value Lecturas de Economía, núm. 59, julio-diciembre, 2003, pp. 73-126 Universidad de Antioquia .png, Colombia Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=155218004003 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative . El carro del heno, 1500 Hieronymus Bosch –El Bosco– Jerónimo, ¿vos cómo lo ves?, 2002 Theory of Money of David Ricardo: Quantity Theory and Theory of Value Susumu Takenaga Lecturas de Economía –Lect. Econ.– No. 59. Medellín, julio - diciembre 2003, pp. 73-126 Theory of Money of David Ricardo : Quantity Theory and Theory of Value Susumu Takenaga Lecturas de Economía, 59 (julio-diciembre, 2003), pp.73-126 Resumen: En lo que es necesario enfatizar, al caracterizar la teoría cuantitativa de David Ricardo, es en que ésta es una teoría de determinación del valor del dinero en una situación particular en la cual se impide que el dinero, sin importar cual sea su forma, entre y salga libremente de la circulación. Para Ricardo, la regulación del valor del dinero por su cantidad es un caso particular en el cual el ajuste del precio de mercado al precio natural requiere un largo periodo de tiempo. La determinación cuantitativa es completamente inadmisible, pero solo cuando el período de observación es más corto que el de ajuste. -
Evolutionary Economics - Geoffrey M
FUNDAMENTAL ECONOMICS - Evolutionary Economics - Geoffrey M. Hodgson EVOLUTIONARY ECONOMICS Geoffrey M. Hodgson University of Hertfordshire Business School, Hatfield, Hertfordshire Al10 0ab, UK Keywords: Evolution, Economics, Novelty, Innovation, Darwinism, Variation, Selection, Replication, Game Theory. Contents 1. Introduction 2. The Emergence of Evolutionary Economics 3. First Principles and Shared Concerns 4. Different Evolutionary Approaches 5. The Search for General Evolutionary Principles 6. Evolutionary and Mainstream Economics Compared 7. Evolutionary Economics and Evolutionary Game Theory 8. Conclusion: Prospects for Evolutionary Economics Acknowledgements Glossary Bibliography References Biographical Sketch Summary Historically, a number of approaches in economics, including works by Adam Smith, Karl Marx, Carl Menger, Alfred Marshall, Thorstein Veblen, Joseph Schumpeter, and Friedrich Hayek, have been described as ‘evolutionary’. This is legitimate, because ‘evolutionary’ is a very broad word, loosely denoting concern with transformation, innovation and development. But today the term ‘evolutionary economics’ is more typically associated with a new wave of theorizing signaled by the seminal work of Richard Nelson and Sidney Winter in their Evolutionary Theory of Economic Change (1982). Although there is not yet any consensus on core principles, this wave of evolutionary thinking has given rise to a number of policy developments and has proved to be influentialUNESCO in a number of sub-disciplines, – inEOLSS business schools and in institutions concerned with science and innovation policy. Citation and other bibliometric studies show that despite its internal diversity, modern evolutionary economics has created a global network of identifiable interacting researchers. As well as discussing these background issues,SAMPLE this essay turns to theore CHAPTERStical principles and outlines some of the shared common assumptions of this broad approach. -
The Economists' Quartet - a Game, Not a Theory
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Gruescu, Sandra; Thomas, Niels Peter Working Paper The Economists' Quartet - A Game, not a Theory Darmstadt Discussion Papers in Economics, No. 109 Provided in Cooperation with: Darmstadt University of Technology, Department of Law and Economics Suggested Citation: Gruescu, Sandra; Thomas, Niels Peter (2002) : The Economists' Quartet - A Game, not a Theory, Darmstadt Discussion Papers in Economics, No. 109, Technische Universität Darmstadt, Department of Law and Economics, Darmstadt This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/84840 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu Darmstadt Discussion Papers in Economics The Economists' Quartet A Game, not a Theory Sandra Gruescu and Niels Peter Thomas No. -
Rope Levrero Marx
Marx on Absolute and Relative Wages and the Modern Theory of Distribution ENRICO SERGIO LEVRERO ∗ Dipartimento di Economia, Università degli Studi Roma Tre, Italy ABSTRACT This paper aims at clarifying some aspects of Marx’s analysis of the determinants of wages and of the peculiarity of labour as a commodity, focusing on three related issues. The first is that of Marx’s notion of the subsistence (or natural) wage rate: the subsistence wage will be shown to stem, according to Marx, from socially determined conditions of reproduction of an efficient labouring class. The second issue refers to the distinction between the natural and the market wage rate that can be found in Marx, and his critique of Ricardo’s analysis of the determinants of the price of labour. Here the ‘law of population peculiar to the capitalist mode of production’ (that is, Marx’s industrial reserve army mechanism) will be considered both with respect to cyclical fluctuations of wages and to their trend over time. Moreover, a classification of the social and institutional factors affecting the average wage rate will be advanced. Finally, the last issue concerns Marx’s analysis of the effects of technical progress on both absolute and relative wages (that is, the wage share). It will also be discussed by relating it back to the longstanding debate on the Marxian law of the falling rate of profit, and addressing some possible scenarios of the trend of wages and distribution. 1. Introduction The revival of the surplus approach to value and distribution after the publication of Sraffa’s Production of Commodities by Means of Commodities (1960) has led to the rediscovery of the classical theory of wages and to the critique of its neoclassical interpretations put forth by Samuelson (1978), Hicks & Hollander (1977), Hollander (1979) and Casarosa (1985). -
Thorstein Veblen and American Social Criticism Joseph Heath Department of Philosophy University of Toronto Thorstein Veblen Is P
Thorstein Veblen and American Social Criticism Joseph Heath Department of Philosophy University of Toronto Thorstein Veblen is perhaps best thought of as America’s answer to Karl Marx. This is sometimes obscured by the rather unfortunate title of his most important work, The Theory of the Leisure Class (1899), which misleading, insofar as it suggests that the book is just a theory of the “leisure class.” What the book provides is in fact a perfectly general theory of class, not to mention property, economic development, and social evolution. It is, in other words, a system of theory that rivals Marx’s historical materialism with respect to scope, generality and explanatory power. Furthermore, it is a system of theory whose central predictions, with respect to the development of capitalism and the possibilities for emancipatory social change, have proven to be essentially correct. When stacked up against Marx’s prognostications, this success clearly provides the basis for what might best be described as an invidious comparison. For example, it is Veblen who, at the close of the 19th century, observed that “The exigencies of the modern industrial system frequently place individuals and households in juxtaposition between whom there is little contact in any other sense than that of juxtaposition. One's neighbors, mechanically speaking, often are socially not one's neighbors, or even acquaintances; and still their transient good opinion has a high degree of utility... It is evident, therefore, that the present trend of the development is in the direction of heightening the utility of conspicuous consumption as compared with leisure” (1899, ch.