Marx on Absolute and Relative Wages
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Economic Thinking in an Age of Shared Prosperity
BOOKREVIEW Economic Thinking in an Age of Shared Prosperity GRAND PURSUIT: THE STORY OF ECONOMIC GENIUS workingman’s living standards signaled the demise of the BY SYLVIA NASAR iron law and forced economists to recognize and explain the NEW YORK: SIMON & SCHUSTER, 2011, 558 PAGES phenomenon. Britain’s Alfred Marshall, popularizer of the microeconomic demand and supply curves still used today, REVIEWED BY THOMAS M. HUMPHREY was among the first to do so. He argued that competition among firms, together with their need to match their rivals’ distinctive feature of the modern capitalist cost cuts to survive, incessantly drives them to improve economy is its capacity to deliver sustainable, ever- productivity and to bid for now more productive and A rising living standards to all social classes, not just efficient workers. Such bidding raises real wages, allowing to a fortunate few. How does it do it, especially in the face labor to share with management and capital in the produc- of occasional panics, bubbles, booms, busts, inflations, tivity gains. deflations, wars, and other shocks that threaten to derail Marshall interpreted productivity gains as the accumula- shared rising prosperity? What are the mechanisms tion over time of relentless and continuous innumerable involved? Can they be improved by policy intervention? small improvements to final products and production Has the process any limits? processes. Joseph Schumpeter, who never saw an economy The history of economic thought is replete with that couldn’t be energized through unregulated credit- attempts to answer these questions. First came the pes- financed entrepreneurship, saw productivity gains as simists Thomas Malthus, David Ricardo, James Mill, and his emanating from radical, dramatic, transformative, discon- son John Stuart Mill who, on grounds that for millennia tinuous innovations that precipitate business cycles and wages had flatlined at near-starvation levels, denied that destroy old technologies, firms, and markets even as they universally shared progress was possible. -
Theory of Wages
THE THEORY OF WAGES BY J. R. HICKS, M.A., B.LrTT. Fellow of AU Srnd• CoUeue and Drum'IMTUl ProfeiBQ7' of Political Economv in the Uniwrlity of OxfQ7'd PALGRAVE MACMILLAN 1963 Copyright © J. R. Hicks 1963 First Edition 1932 Second Edition 1963 Softcover reprint of the hardcover 2nd edition 1963 978-0-333-02764-6 MACMILLAN AND COMPANY LIMITED StMartin's Street London WC 2 also Bombay Calcutta Madras Melbourne THE MACMILLAN COMPANY OF CANADA LIMITED Toronto ISBN 978-1-349-00191-0 ISBN 978-1-349-00189-7 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-1-349-00189-7 PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION THIS is only the second (regular) edition of a book which was first published in 1932 and which has been out of print in the United Kingdom for more than twenty years. I let it go out of print because my own views upon its subject had changed so much that I no longer desired to be represented by it. It has, however, been made clear to me that there is still a demand for it; not, I hope, because anyone wants to use the greater part of it as a source of direct instruction, but because there are several parts of it which are still alive in the sense that they provide convenient starting-points for much more modern discussion. References to it have indeed become too frequent for it to be left unavailable. That is the reason why I have finally decided that it ought to appear in a new edition; it also explains why the new edition has had to take so peculiar a form. -
Unfree Labor, Capitalism and Contemporary Forms of Slavery
Unfree Labor, Capitalism and Contemporary Forms of Slavery Siobhán McGrath Graduate Faculty of Political and Social Science, New School University Economic Development & Global Governance and Independent Study: William Milberg Spring 2005 1. Introduction It is widely accepted that capitalism is characterized by “free” wage labor. But what is “free wage labor”? According to Marx a “free” laborer is “free in the double sense, that as a free man he can dispose of his labour power as his own commodity, and that on the other hand he has no other commodity for sale” – thus obliging the laborer to sell this labor power to an employer, who possesses the means of production. Yet, instances of “unfree labor” – where the worker cannot even “dispose of his labor power as his own commodity1” – abound under capitalism. The question posed by this paper is why. What factors can account for the existence of unfree labor? What role does it play in an economy? Why does it exist in certain forms? In terms of the broadest answers to the question of why unfree labor exists under capitalism, there appear to be various potential hypotheses. ¾ Unfree labor may be theorized as a “pre-capitalist” form of labor that has lingered on, a “vestige” of a formerly dominant mode of production. Similarly, it may be viewed as a “non-capitalist” form of labor that can come into existence under capitalism, but can never become the central form of labor. ¾ An alternate explanation of the relationship between unfree labor and capitalism is that it is part of a process of primary accumulation. -
Harvey's Limits of Capital: Twenty Years After
On the Limits of Limits to Capital Bob Jessop Professor, Department of Sociology Lancaster University Copyright This online paper may be cited or briefly quoted in line with the usual academic conventions. You may also download it for your own personal use. This paper must not be published elsewhere (e.g. mailing lists, bulletin boards etc.) without the author's explicit permission. But please note that • if you copy this paper you must include this copyright note • this paper must not be used for commercial purposes or gain in any way, • you should observe the conventions of academic citation in a version of the following form: Bob Jessop, ‘On the Limits of Limits of Capital’, published by the Department of Sociology, Lancaster University at: http://www.comp.lancs.ac.uk/sociology/soc129rj.htm Harvey's magisterial text is a sustained attempt to develop the basic method, extend the substantive arguments, and overcome some of the theoretical limits of Marx's classic critique of political economy. Yet Limits to Capital has its own limits and these are often rooted in the limits of Capital itself. Let us recall that the latter is an unfinished text. In the 1857 outline of his future magnum opus, Marx stated his intention to write six 'books' (Marx 1973; cf. Harvey 1982: xiv). These would deal in turn with capital, landed property, wage-labour, the state, foreign trade, and the world market and crises. The chosen order of presentation corresponded to his method of analysis, which moved from abstract-simple objects to the reproduction of the totality as a concrete-in-thought. -
Measuring the Bias of Technological Change*
Measuring the Bias of Technological Change∗ Ulrich Doraszelski† Jordi Jaumandreu‡ University of Pennsylvania and CEPR Boston University and CEPR This version: February 2009 New version coming soon: January 2012. Abstract When technological change occurs, it can increase the productivity of capital, labor, and the other factors of production in equal terms or it can be biased towards a specific factor. Whether technological change favors some factors of production over others is an empirical question that is central to economics. The literatures in industrial organization, productivity, and economic growth rest on very specific assumptions about the bias of technological change. Yet, the evidence is sparse. In this paper we propose a general framework for estimating production functions. Using firm-level panel data, we are able to directly assess the bias of technological change by measuring, at the level of the individual firm, how much of technological change is factor neutral and how much of it is labor augmenting. We further relate the speed and the direction of technological change to firms’ R&D activities. ∗We thank Pol Antràs, Matthias Doepke, Michaela Draganska, Chad Jones, Dale Jorgenson, Larry Katz, Pete Klenow, Zhongjun Qu, Matthias Schündeln, and John Van Reenen for helpful discussions. Jaumandreu aknowledges the support of the SCI-FI GLOW European project. Doraszelski and Jaumandreu gratefully aknowledge financial support .from the National Science Foundation under Grant No. 0924380/0924282. †Wharton School, University of Pennsylvania, 3620 Locust Walk, Philadelphia, PA 19104, USA. E-mail: [email protected]. ‡Department of Economics, Boston University, 270 Bay State Road, Boston, MA 02215, USA. E-mail: [email protected]. -
Rope Levrero Marx
Marx on Absolute and Relative Wages and the Modern Theory of Distribution ENRICO SERGIO LEVRERO ∗ Dipartimento di Economia, Università degli Studi Roma Tre, Italy ABSTRACT This paper aims at clarifying some aspects of Marx’s analysis of the determinants of wages and of the peculiarity of labour as a commodity, focusing on three related issues. The first is that of Marx’s notion of the subsistence (or natural) wage rate: the subsistence wage will be shown to stem, according to Marx, from socially determined conditions of reproduction of an efficient labouring class. The second issue refers to the distinction between the natural and the market wage rate that can be found in Marx, and his critique of Ricardo’s analysis of the determinants of the price of labour. Here the ‘law of population peculiar to the capitalist mode of production’ (that is, Marx’s industrial reserve army mechanism) will be considered both with respect to cyclical fluctuations of wages and to their trend over time. Moreover, a classification of the social and institutional factors affecting the average wage rate will be advanced. Finally, the last issue concerns Marx’s analysis of the effects of technical progress on both absolute and relative wages (that is, the wage share). It will also be discussed by relating it back to the longstanding debate on the Marxian law of the falling rate of profit, and addressing some possible scenarios of the trend of wages and distribution. 1. Introduction The revival of the surplus approach to value and distribution after the publication of Sraffa’s Production of Commodities by Means of Commodities (1960) has led to the rediscovery of the classical theory of wages and to the critique of its neoclassical interpretations put forth by Samuelson (1978), Hicks & Hollander (1977), Hollander (1979) and Casarosa (1985). -
Neutral Technical Progress and the Measure of Value: Along the Kaldor-Kennedy Line
DEPARTMENT OF ECONOMICS WORKING PAPER SERIES Neutral Technical Progress and the Measure of Value: along the Kaldor-Kennedy line Up Sira Nukulkit Working Paper No: 2018-05 August 2018 University of Utah Department of Economics 260 Central Campus Dr. Gardner Commons, Rm 4100 Tel: (801) 581-7481 Fax: (801) 585-5649 http://www.econ.utah.edu Neutral technical progress and the measure of value: along the Kaldor-Kennedy line Up Sira Nukulkit Department of Economics University of Utah [email protected] Abstract In this paper, I investigate the question of "the effect of progress upon distribution" based on the analyses of Hicks, Robinson, Harrod, Salter, Kaldor, Samuelson, and Kennedy. The paper aims to address a neglected and controversial theoretical argument on neutral technical progress related to the measure of value that preceded and then continued to the period of the Cambridge Capital Theory Controversy. I focus on Kennedy's writings and his solutions to the complications between the measure of value and technical progress. Important intuitions behind the measure of value are crucial to the formulation of neutral technical progress in both the post-Keynesian and the neoclassical-Keynesian endogenous growth models. The paper concludes with mathematical illustrations of neutral technical progress theories. Keywords: Neutral balanced growth, Capital controversy, Growth and distribution JEL Classification: B22, O33, E12 Acknowledgements: I am grateful to Codrina Rada, Cihan Bilginsoy, Neal Wilson, two anonymous referees, friends and colleagues in Utah for their comments, suggestions and supports. Neutral technical progress and the measure of value: along the Kaldor-Kennedy line In this paper, I investigate the question of "the effect of progress upon distribution" based on the analyses of Hicks, Robinson, Harrod, Salter, Kaldor, Samuelson, and Kennedy. -
Wages and Purchasing Theories
Wages and Purchasing Theories Source: http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/633855/wage-and-salary (Jan 2014) Income derived from human labour. Technically, wages and salaries cover all compensation made to employees for either physical or mental work, but they do not represent the income of the self-employed. Labour costs are not identical to wage and salary costs, because total labour costs may include such items as cafeterias or meeting rooms maintained for the convenience of employees. Wages and salaries usually include remuneration such as paid vacations, holidays, and sick leave, as well as fringe benefits and supplements in the form of pensions or health insurance sponsored by the employer. Additional compensation can be paid in the form of bonuses or stock, many of which are linked to individual or group performance. Wage theory Theories of wage determination and speculations on what share the labour force contributes to the gross domestic product have varied from time to time, changing as the economic environment itself has changed. Contemporary wage theory could not have developed until the feudal system had been replaced by the modern economy with its modern institutions (such as corporations). Classical theories The Scottish economist and philosopher Adam Smith, in The Wealth of Nations (1776), failed to propose a definitive theory of wages, but he anticipated several theories that were developed by others. Smith thought that wages were determined in the marketplace through the law of supply and demand. Workers and employers would naturally follow their own self-interest; labour would be attracted to the jobs where labour was needed most, and the resulting employment conditions would ultimately benefit the whole of society. -
Keywords—Marxism 101 Session 1 Bourgeoisie
Keywords—Marxism 101 Session 1 Bourgeoisie: the class of modern capitalists, owners of the means of social production and employers of wage labour. Capital: an asset (including money) owned by an individual as wealth used to realize a fnancial proft, and to create additional wealth. Capital exists within the process of economic exchange and grows out of the process of circulation. Capital is the basis of the economic system of capitalism. Capitalism: a mode of production in which capital in its various forms is the principal means of production. Capital can take the form of money or credit for the purchase of labour power and materials of production; of physical machinery; or of stocks of fnished goods or work in progress. Whatever the form, it is the private ownership of capital in the hands of the class of capitalists to the exclusion of the mass of the population. Class: social stratifcation defned by a person's relationship to the means of production. https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/bf/Pyramid_of_Capitalist_System.png Class struggle: an antagonism that exists within a society, catalyzed by competing socioeconomic interests and central to revolutionary change. Communism: 1) a political movement of the working class in capitalist society, committed to the abolition of capitalism 2) a form of society which the working class, through its struggle, would bring into existence through abolition of classes and of the capitalist division of labor. Dictatorship of the Proletariat: the idea that the proletariat (the working class) has control over political power in the process of changing the ownership of the means of production from private to collective ownership as part of a socialist transition to communism. -
Of Labour-Power
Chapter 6: The Sale and Purchase 'of Labour-Power The change in value of the money which has to be transformed into capital cannot take place in the money itself, since in its function as means of purchase and payment it does no more than realize [realisieren] the price of the commodity it buys or pays for, while, when itsticksto its own peculiar form, it petrifies into a mass of value ofconstantmagnitude. 1 Just as little can this change origin· ate in the second act of circulation, the resale of the commodity, for this act merely converts the commodity from its natural form back into its money-form. The change must therefore take place in the commodity which is bought in the first act of circulation, M-C, but not in its value, for it is eqUivalents which are being ex- changed, and the commodity is paid for at its full value, The change can therefore originate only in the actual use-value of the eommodity, i.e. in its consumption. In order to extract value out of the consumption of a commodity, our friend the money-owner must be lucky enough to find within the sphere of circulation, on the market, a commodity whose possesses the peculiar property of being a source of value, whose actual consumption is therefore itself an objectification [ Vergegenstiindlichung] of labour, hence a creation of value: The possessor of money does find such a special commodity on the market: the capacity for labour [Arbeitsvermogen], in other words labour-power [Arbeitskraft]. We mean by labour-power, or labour-capacity, the aggregate of those mental and physical capabilities existing in the physical form, the living personality, of a human being, capabilities which he sets in motion whenever he produces a use-value of any kind. -
Nineteenth-Century French Liberal Economists' Reading of Ricardo
Université Paris I Panthéon-Sorbonne Pôle d’histoire de l’analyse et des représentations Economiques. (EA 3934) 518297-LLP-2011-IT-ERASMUS-FEXI Logo of the institution NINETEENTH-CENTURY FRENCH LIBERAL ECONOMISTS’ READING OF RICARDO THROUGH THE LENSES OF THEIR FEAR OF SOCIALISM Nathalie Sigot PHARE, Université Paris I Panthéon-Sorbonne Maison des Sciences Economiques 106-112 Boulevard de l’Hôpital 75647 Paris Cedex 13 E-mail : [email protected] Second draft – Do not quote. “[…] les socialistes aussi s’appuient sur Ricardo, non sans perfidie, il est vrai »1 In the beginning of the 19th century, Ricardo’s writings met in France at best with indifference, at worst with criticism. At that time, there was a constant reference to Adam Smith, who was considered to be closer to the “economic system” of the Physiocrats that most of the French economists admired2. The publication of Ricardo’s Principles hardly changed this course of things: now, it is true that Ricardo’s Essay on the high price of bullion had been translated in French the year of its publication (1810), in the Moniteur Universel (cf. Béraud, Gislain and Steiner, p. 20), helping Ricardo to acquire a name as a monetary economist; but the French translation of his Principles in 1817 received little attention, except for Say’s notes which were added to this edition (ibid.). If the poor quality of this translation may partly explain this lack of interest, the reasons were probably more fundamental. Thereafter, the references to Ricardo by P. Rossi, appointed to the Jean-Baptiste Say Chair at the College de France, did not gain greater acceptance: Ricardo’s theory remained highly criticized. -
FRANTZ FANON and the "LUMPENPROLETARIAT" Peter
FRANTZ FANON AND THE "LUMPENPROLETARIAT" Peter Worsley IN 1960, I attended the All-African People's Congress in Accra, Ghana. The proceedings consisted mainly of speeches by leaders of African nationalism from all over the continent, few of whom said anything notable. When, therefore, the representative of the Algerian Revolutionary Provisional Government, their Ambassador to Ghana, stood up to speak for his country, I prepared myself for an address by a diplomat-not usually an experience to set the pulses racing. Instead, I found myself electrified by a contribution that was remarkable not only for its analytical power, but delivered, too, with a passion and brilliance that is all too rare. I discovered that the Ambassador was a man named Frantz Fanon. During his talk, at one point, he almost appeared to break down. I asked him afterwards what had happened. He replied that he had suddenly felt emotionally overcome at the thought that he had to stand there, before the assembled representatives of African nationalist movements, to try and persuade them that the Algerian cause was important, at a time when men were dying and being tortured in his own country for a cause whose justice ought to command automatic support from rational and progressive human beings. I think this incident reflects one special quality that is characteristic of Fanon's writing also : its passion. It is also ruthlessly honest and highly intellectual, if not always worked-through. It is this special blend of intellect and passion that stamps Fanon's work as the pro- duct of a unique and powerful mind.