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Journal of Urban History Journal of Urban History http://juh.sagepub.com/ The Informal World of Police Patrol: New York City in the Early Twentieth Century Christopher Thale Journal of Urban History 2007 33: 183 DOI: 10.1177/0096144206290384 The online version of this article can be found at: http://juh.sagepub.com/content/33/2/183 Published by: http://www.sagepublications.com On behalf of: Urban History Association Additional services and information for Journal of Urban History can be found at: Email Alerts: http://juh.sagepub.com/cgi/alerts Subscriptions: http://juh.sagepub.com/subscriptions Reprints: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsReprints.nav Permissions: http://www.sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav Citations: http://juh.sagepub.com/content/33/2/183.refs.html >> Version of Record - Dec 11, 2006 What is This? Downloaded from juh.sagepub.com at SAGE Publications on February 17, 2014 THE INFORMAL WORLD OF POLICE PATROL New York City in the Early Twentieth Century CHRISTOPHER THALE Columbia College Chicago Nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century foot patrolmen did not have friendly contact with all citizens on their beats. Police-citizen relations were sometimes hostile or simply anonymous. Beats embraced large, socially divided populations, which did not always agree on police priorities. This article explores street-level police-citizen relations in New York City in the early twentieth century using disciplinary records, police-oriented newspapers, autobiographies, and other sources. Police-citizen contacts were selective. Merchants, shopkeepers, watchmen, and janitors shared common interests with police, which were strengthened by exchange of goods, services, the use of space, and sympathy and conversation. Police became especially attentive to their concerns about crime and disorder. Few other citizens could establish such links with beat patrolmen. Officers’ relationships on their beats were influential but had significant built-in biases, reinforcing the enforcement of law and control of disorder in ways congruent with the needs and views of neighborhood notables. Keywords: neighborhood; police; community relations; New York City It is commonly assumed that nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century police had more contact with ordinary citizens because walking a beat enabled the officer to participate in the life of the neighborhood, affording far more opportunities for informal contact and socializing than is typically the case in areas where police patrol in automobiles. Many policy experts regard the world of the early twentieth century as one in which cops could and did learn from citizens, leading to well-informed and perhaps even neighborhood- sensitive policing.1 Historian Alexander von Hoffman documented substan- tial friendly contacts between cops and citizens in Jamaica Plains, Boston, in the 1890s, and other police historians have argued that the automobile, telephone, and radio gradually transformed police work, in part by reducing informal contact with citizens.2 An important variant of this theme argues that the decentralized police of this era were “adjuncts of the machine” and that neighborhood political feedback mitigated the potentially disruptive AUTHOR’S NOTE: The author is grateful to Kathleen Neils Conzen, James R. Grossman, and the late Norval Morris for their encouragement and advice and to the anonymous referees of the Journal of Urban History for their very helpful comments. JOURNAL OF URBAN HISTORY, Vol. 33 No. 2, January 2007 183-216 DOI: 10.1177/0096144206290384 © 2007 Sage Publications 183 Downloaded from juh.sagepub.com at SAGE Publications on February 17, 2014 184 JOURNAL OF URBAN HISTORY / January 2007 effects of strict enforcement of laws that were insensitive to working-class and immigrant mores. A wealth of evidence points toward extensive police- citizen interactions that ranged from gossiping in the streets to hanging out in saloons.3 Yet aside perhaps from police contacts with saloon, brothel, and gambling house proprietors, the character and meaning of most of these interactions is far from clear. Did it really mean context-sensitive policing? Did it prevent police actions that would have led to rioting on the order of the 1960s? Empirical answers are so far not available. Furthermore, scholars have documented broad areas of police-citizen con- flict over the tasks of the police, the use of force, corruption, and racial and ethnic differences.4 Ordinary cops, police officials, and observers were acutely aware of public hostilities, which Jacob Riis made clear in describing neigh- borhoods “where stores of broken bricks, ammunition for the nightly conflicts with the police, are part of the regulation outfit of every tenement.” But except to note that in some cases police were neighborhood outsiders, historians con- cerned with conflict have paid little attention to neighborhood-police relations, perhaps because macro-social variables such as race and class seem more significant than neighborhood processes, with their frequent connotations of wholeness or harmony. At any rate, no one has yet satisfactorily reconciled the contrasting portraits of friendly and hostile relations. In fact, we do not know with whom the cops were in contact, nor why.5 A few preliminary considerations narrow the problem. To begin with, police could not have known everyone on their beats or posts. They patrolled territo- rially defined areas, but whether it was a few blocks of a tenement district or a sprawling suburban area, thousands of people lived on every officer’s post, and many more worked there, hung out there, or passed through.6 It is inconceiv- able that an officer could have known every one, and research on police assign- ments and schedules in the early twentieth century reveals that police were often reassigned from one post to another and always rotated from one shift to another, cutting opportunities for contact with citizens.7 Thus, both citizens and officers on foot patrol were limited in their ability to interact with each other. But police could participate in local social networks, interacting with some but not necessarily all neighborhood people.8 The population of a police post was inevitably diverse because most neighborhoods were socially and functionally complex. Economic and ethnic spatial segregation was by no means universal or complete in late-nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century cities.9 In addition, local merchants, politicians, teachers, clergy, other professionals, and union leaders played important roles in predominantly working-class neighborhoods. Proprietors and professionals were far more likely to be opposed to such forms of disorder as rowdiness, drinking, and street life and more protective of property than were workers. Furthermore, men and women made use of public space, the police officer’s chief area of concern, in different ways, as did residents of different ages. The patrolman’s post was not necessarily, or even likely, a socially homogeneous area with a single voice on most police matters.10 Downloaded from juh.sagepub.com at SAGE Publications on February 17, 2014 Thale / INFORMAL WORLD OF POLICE PATROL 185 The authority of the police was a resource, and their mission was a defining agenda, drawing them into relationships with subsets of the neighborhood’s people. Certainly, interaction between police and the people on post was far from random, never primarily a matter of their bumping into each other on the sidewalk. Walking a beat likely afforded more opportunities for police-citizen contact than does auto patrol but without some purpose related to the police officer’s powers and mission, neither citizens nor police would be likely to break through the anonymity of passing by on the street.11 The officer’s uni- form made him a unique passerby, but it hardly guaranteed that others wished to talk with him. It represented powers, however, including the power to arrest and to use force, which some might wish to mobilize or to deflect. In principle, the patrolman was to use these powers for a wide range of pur- poses. One typical police rules manual instructed officers on patrol “to pre- serve the peace, prevent crime, detect and arrest offenders, and enforce all laws and ordinances,” as well as to check doors and windows at night, stop loiterers and suspicious people, prevent soliciting, and make bureaucratic reports on dead animals, unlighted street lamps, and other subjects.12 Patrolmen were instructed, of course, to nab felons, but even more important, they were also expected to deal with window breakers and apple stealers. Police on patrol were also expected to give directions, assist sick people, and enforce ordi- nances concerning peddling and keeping sidewalks clear. They were trained to stop runaway horses and to shoot horses with broken legs. Their bosses instructed them to shoo away people engaged in low-level disorder, including children playing in the streets, young men hanging out on corners, beggars, drunks, and the like.13 Some of these mandates were contentious, and many called for interpre- tation. Police discretion was considerable, though it was hardly unlimited. Police departments shaped patrolmen’s behavior in direct and indirect ways. Police patrolled as members of a large bureaucracy, which assigned them to predetermined posts, fixed their schedules, clothed them in uniforms that imposed a public identity on them, and sent sergeants and other supervisors to keep them on the job and badger them to action. Patrolmen in turn devel- oped a work culture that (like the bureaucracy) transcended the lines of neighborhood or post. Still, supervision was relatively minimal and legal ambiguity substantial, so their interpretations and decisions were significant. Understandably, neighborhood people hoped to influence them. From a patrolman’s point of view, a beat or post included both potential opponents—from children pitching pennies, to drunks, to tough corner loungers, to ordinance violators, to burglars—and potential friends, who might offer assistance or moral support.14 A post included numerous people who would make demands on him as well. The intensity of their purposes would vary, and because the post was diverse, so would their resources.
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