Suicide in Guyana: a Sociological Analysis∗
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Suicide in Guyana: A Sociological Analysis∗ Duane Edwardsy April 22, 2016 Abstract Guyana is currently listed among the five countries internationally with the highest suicide rates. The traditional sociological theories are inadequate when used to assess the high rate of suicide in Guyana. Data on suicide in Guyana goes against the dominant sociological explanations in every way possible. Against Durkheim's solidarity theory, suicide occurs predominantly among the group with the highest levels of social, political and religious soli- darity. And against the imitation and diffusion theories of suicide, the suicide rate is largely restricted among one ethnic group in Guyana. This paper takes a sociological approach to the study of suicide in Guyana by examining data collected by the Ministry of Health. The data is used to question the theoretical accuracy and applicability of dominant theories of suicide in relation to Guyana. It also analyses the historical and cultural specificities and peculiarities of the three dominant ethnic groups in Guyana and concludes that the high rate of suicide among one ethnic group results from a combination of social and cultural factors. The social factors have to do with the specific way in which the ethnic subsystem relates with the larger social system, while the cultural factors relates to intraethnic cultural prescriptions which are facing strain from the larger cultural system. Keywords: Suicide in Guyana, Theory of Suicide, Durkheim, Tarde, Suicidology ∗This paper was prepared for presentation at Guyana's Golden Jubilee Symposium Series, May 2016, Georgetown, Guyana yDuane Edwards is currently a graduate student at the University of the West Indies, Cave Hill Campus, Barbados. Email: [email protected] 1 Introduction For the year 2012, the World Health Organisation lists Guyana as the country with the highest suicide rates out of over 150 countries. This is definitely not good news for a small country with a small population and with hardly the financial and institutional resources to combat such a public epidemic. The other countries with significantly high suicide rates are located in Africa and Asia. In fact, Guyana and Suriname are the only two countries in the Caribbean region with suicide rates above the 15 per 100,000 threshold. In the words of the Director General of the World Health Organisation (World Health Organization, 2014), this level of suicide in any country is enough to brand suicide a public health problem and to occasion studies into its causes and consequences. This paper seeks to make its modest contribution towards understanding this problem in Guyana. In so doing it subjects data on suicide in Guyana to a sociological analysis utilising the dominant theoretical frameworks in suicidology. This paper is divided into three main sections. The first section gives brief exposition of the dominant theories of suicide in sociology. The theories of Durkheim and Tarde will be explored with the hope that they can tell us something about suicide in Guyana. In the following section, data on suicide in Guyana will be used to test the validity of the hypotheses generated from the theories of suicide provided by Durkheim and Tarde. And, in the last section the social and cultural systems in Guyana will be subjected to a critical analysis with the hope that such an analysis can reveal more about suicide in Guyana than what the theories of Durkheim and Tarde can. 2 Durkheim's Theory of Suicide In his classic study of suicide, Durkheim proposed several hypotheses relating to the rela- tionship between social integration and suicide. In this study Durkheim developed a typology of suicide and argued that different types of suicides have different relationships with social solidarity and social regulation. Altruistic suicide and egotistic suicide, he argues, varies pos- itively and negatively with social solidarity. Another type of suicide identified was anomic suicide which varies negatively with social order (Durkheim, 1951). The interesting thing about Durkheim's effort is that it leaves us with testable hypotheses amenable to quanti- tative analysis. In fact, Durkheim had tested his hypotheses with data culled from French departments in his days the result of which led to the confirmation of his hypotheses. 1 It is interesting to note that Durkheim's theory of suicide represents a special case of his general sociology. Arguing about the rules of sociological method, Durkheim insists that the proper concern of sociology should be with social facts (Durkheim, 1982). He distinguishes social fact from psychological and other facts and sets aside social facts as the subject matter of sociology. Social facts he argues are those facts which though external to us have tremendous influence on the way we act as social beings. Durkheim's social facts are like Berger's first order social institutions which impose themselves on us by their very facticity; they need no external sanctions (Berger and Luckmann, 1991). Economic exchange can be used as a good example of a social fact. Exchange via money as a legal tender and as a medium of exchange is an institutionalized reality. If one intends to make a purchase with leaves from a tree or some other material the exchange will not occur and the person will not get what s/he wants. If the thing s/he wants is highly needed, then s/he will have to find some way of getting money in order to effect the purchase. Let's say s/he tries to get it by some other means such as printing counterfeit money or thieving it, s/he will then have to face the sanctions of the second order institutions if s/he gets caught. So, while first order institutions impose themselves by their very facticity, second order institutions require sanctions. Durkheim's social facts are therefore first order institutions, and social integration and regulation are examples of social facts. The nature of social facts in any society influences other phenomena in those societies such as birth and death rate, the level of insanity, political and economic issues. His theory of suicide then is a specific example of how the nature of social facts in various countries influences the rates of suicide in those countries. 3 Tarde's Theory of Suicide The other dominant sociological theory of suicide evolves from Tarde's argument that imitation rather than social fact is a more important social phenomenon and can better account for the clustering of suicide than social integration can. Similar to Durkheim, Tarde's theory of suicide is a special case of his general sociology. Tarde argues that as in the natural sciences, the social sciences should consist in '...view- ing any fact whatsoever under three aspects, corresponding, respectively, to the repetitions, oppositions, and adaptations which it contains, and which are obscured by a mass of vari- ations, dissymmetries, and disharmonies' (De Tarde, 1899, 9). Repetition, the first link in these three important subject matter has been the focus of Tarde's sociology. For him social phenomena develop as a result of social repetition. This means that the acts of social being 2 Regions 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 Total 1 0 0 1 3 3 7 2 20 22 16 13 19 90 3 34 12 8 35 38 127 4 58 80 84 53 45 320 5 20 4 7 17 12 60 6 60 66 50 74 63 313 7 3 0 2 3 0 8 8 1 0 0 0 0 1 9 2 0 1 0 1 4 10 3 2 2 4 5 16 Total 201 186 171 202 186 946 Table 1: Frequency table of suicide by regions between the years 2003 - 2007 should be interpreted not on account of the facticity that social facts exercise over their actions but on account of the social influence that the actions of others have over their own actions (De Tarde, 1899). If Tarde is correct, imitation effect should produce clustering above and beyond the cluster- ing of social integration (Baller and Richardson, 2002). This means that contiguous regions should show similar patterns of suicide whether or not those regions have similar levels of social integration. Different ethnic groups living in close proximity in one region should also display similar trends in suicide rate but different from the same ethnic group living far apart. 4 A Test of Both Theories Suicide in Guyana, a country which ranks among the highest in global suicide rates, will be analysed using the theoretical frameworks of Durkheim and Tarde and the hypotheses generated from these frameworks. This will be done to see which of these theories provide a better understanding of suicide in Guyana. Towards this end, two specific hypotheses will be tested; the first generated from Durkheim's theory and the other generated from Tarde's theory. Durkheim's Hypothesis Suicide rates vary inversely with social integration 4.1 Data on suicide in Guyana The data provided in Table 1 and 2 was made available by the Stats Unit of the Ministry of Health, Guyana. It covers the period 2003 - 2007. Social Integration in Guyana The figures of social integration have been compiled from various sources. Political integration has been compiled from the results of the 2006 national elections in Guyana. An entropy 3 Ethnicity 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 Total African 12 18 15 21 12 78 Amrindian 11 2 3 5 10 31 East Indian 156 153 140 161 155 765 Portuguese 1 0 1 0 0 2 Other 16 13 12 14 9 64 Unknown 5 0 0 1 0 6 Total 201 186 171 202 186 946 Table 2: Frequency table of suicide by ethnicity between the years 2003 - 2007 Regions 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Suicide rate 33.86 188.80 126.47 106.01 124.10 252.38 89.55 89.79 66.75 65.07 Political Integration 1.57 1.25 1.21 1.57 1.16 1.09 2.02 2.26 2.24 1.57 Social Integration 27.2 35.38 22.94 26.47 21.00 33.20 16.44 26.95 22.72 30.99 Religious Integration 0.54 1.40 1.49 1.17 1.44 1.44 0.95 0.84 0.13 0.68 Table 3: Table of suicide rate and various measures of social integration by regions test was carried out on the data to determine the level of voting entropy in each region.