Pietism in Religious Practice, Congregationalism in Ecclesiastical Polity
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Robert D. Hawkins
LEX OR A NDI LEX CREDENDI THE CON F ESSION al INDI ff ERENCE TO AL TITUDE Robert D. Hawkins t astounds me that, in the twenty-two years I have shared Catholics, as the Ritualists were known, formed the Church Iresponsibility for the liturgical formation of seminarians, of England Protection Society (1859), renamed the English I have heard Lutherans invoke the terms “high church” Church Union (1860), to challenge the authority of English and “low church” as if they actually describe with clar- civil law to determine ecclesiastical and liturgical practice.1 ity ministerial positions regarding worship. It is assumed The Church Association (1865) was formed to prosecute in that I am “high church” because I teach worship and know civil court the “catholic innovations.” Five Anglo-Catholic how to fire up a censer. On occasion I hear acquaintances priests were jailed following the 1874 enactment of the mutter vituperatively about “low church” types, apparently Public Worship Regulation Act for refusing to abide by civil ecclesiological life forms not far removed from amoebae. court injunctions regarding liturgical practices. Such prac- On the other hand, a history of the South Carolina Synod tices included the use of altar crosses, candlesticks, stoles included a passing remark about liturgical matters which with embroidered crosses, bowing, genuflecting, or the use historically had been looked upon in the region with no lit- of the sign of the cross in blessing their congregations.2 tle suspicion. It was feared upon my appointment, I sense, For readers whose ecclesiological sense is formed by that my supposed “high churchmanship” would distract notions about the separation of church and state, such the seminarians from the rigors of pastoral ministry into prosecution seems mind-boggling, if not ludicrous. -
Lutherans Respond to Pentecostalism
TLC 4 TLC THEOLOgy in thE LifE OF thE Church Vol. 4 The spread and influence of diverse expressions of Pentecostalism through out the world, especially in Africa, is posing significant challenges to Lutheran as well as other churches. At a seminar of the Lutheran World Federation in South Africa, theologians discussed how they are responding to these challenges. Articles in this book highlight how some Lutheran convictions to Respond Pentecostalism Lutherans and understandings can counter, balance or expand upon Pentecostal beliefs and practices. Contributors include: J. Kwabena Asamoah-Gyadu, Ghana; Ibrahim Bitrus, Nigeria; Musawenkosi Biyela, South Africa; Samuel Dawai, Cameroon; Hans-Peter Grosshans, Germany; Guillermo Hansen, Argentina/USA; Paul John Isaak, Namibia/Switzerland; Rogate Mshana, Tanzania/Switzerland; Sarojini Nadar, South Africa; Cheryl S. Pero, USA; Gertrud Tönsing, South Africa; and Galana Babusa Yako, Kenya. Lutherans Respond The editor, Karen L. Bloomquist, directs the Department for Theology and Studies, LWF, Geneva, Switzerland. to Pentecostalism LWF The Lutheran World Federation – A Communion of Churches ISBN (Europe) 978-3-905676-68-6 DTS-Studies-201002-text.indd 10 02/03/2011 15:55:18 PM Lutherans Respond to Pentecostalism edited by Karen L. Bloomquist on behalf of the Lutheran World Federation— A Communion of Churches Lutheran University Press Minneapolis, Minnesota Previous volumes in the Theology in the Life of the Church series Karen L. Bloomquist (ed.), Being the Church in the Midst of Empire. Trinitarian Reflections Simone Sinn (ed.), Deepening Faith, Hope and Love in Relations with Neighbors of Other Faiths Karen L. Bloomquist (ed.), Identity, Survival, Witness. Reconfiguring Theological Agendas Lutherans Respond to Pentecostalism Theology in the Life of the Church, vol. -
Defining Lutheranism from the Margins: Paul Peter Waldenström on Being a ‘Good Lutheran’ in America Mark Safstrom Augustana College, Rock Island Illinois
Augustana College Augustana Digital Commons Scandinavian Studies: Faculty Scholarship & Scandinavian Studies Creative Works 2012 Defining Lutheranism from the Margins: Paul Peter Waldenström on Being a ‘Good Lutheran’ in America Mark Safstrom Augustana College, Rock Island Illinois Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.augustana.edu/scanfaculty Part of the History of Christianity Commons, Religious Thought, Theology and Philosophy of Religion Commons, and the Scandinavian Studies Commons Augustana Digital Commons Citation Safstrom, Mark. "Defining Lutheranism from the Margins: Paul Peter Waldenström on Being a ‘Good Lutheran’ in America" (2012). Scandinavian Studies: Faculty Scholarship & Creative Works. https://digitalcommons.augustana.edu/scanfaculty/3 This Published Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Scandinavian Studies at Augustana Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Scandinavian Studies: Faculty Scholarship & Creative Works by an authorized administrator of Augustana Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Defining Lutheranism from the Margins: Paul Peter Waldenström on Being a “Good Lutheran” in America MARK SAFSTROM he histories of church institutions may often be written by the orthodox “winners,” but dissenters, protestors, and even her Tetics undoubtedly play important roles in giving direction to the parent institution’s evolving identity. Such voices from the mar- gins often set the agenda at crucial moments, prompting both the dissenters and establishment to engage in a debate to define proper theology and practice. Once a dissenting group has formally sepa- rated from a parent body, there is a risk that teleological hindsight will obscure the nature of these conversations, including the reasons for the ultimate separation and the intentions of both the dissenters and the establishment. -
Pietism As an Ecclesiological Heresy
Christos Yannaras Pietism as an Ecclesiological Heresy Chapter 8 of The Freedom of Morality (St Vladimir’s Seminary Press, Crestwood, NY: 1984), pp. 119-136. 1. The historical coordinates We give the name “pietism” to a phenomenon in church life which certainly has a particular historical and “confessional” starting point, but also has much wider ramifications in the spiritual life of all the Christian Churches. Pietism made its appearance as a distinct historical movement within Protestantism, at the end of the seventeenth and beginning of the eighteenth centuries, around 1690-1730.1 Its aim was to stress “practical piety,” as distinct from the polemical dogmatic theology to which the Reformation had initially given a certain priority.2 Against the intellectualist 120 1 There is a rich bibliography on pietism, chiefly in the form of monographs dealing with the numerous local pietistic movements and the personalities of their leaders. Although not very systematic, the fullest study of the phenomenon as a whole is still A. Ritschl’s three-volume work Geschichte des Pietismus (Bonn, 1880-1886). A recent work, exceptionally informative and well-documented, is Martin Schmidt’s Pietismus (1972). The Roman Catholic approach, with a concise, objective and reasonably full description of the phenomenon and history of pietism, may be found in Louis Bouyer, Orthodox Spirituality and Protestant and Anglican Spirituality (History of Christian Spirituality 111, London, 1969), p. 169ff. As for the rest of the bibliography, we note here some basic aids: W. Mahrholz, Der deutsche Pietismus (Berlin, 1921); H. Bornkamm, Mystik, Spiritualismus und die Anfänge des Pietismus im Luthertum (Giessen, 1926); M. -
Depictions of Laestadianism 1850–1950
ROALD E. KRISTIANSEN Depictions of Laestadianism 1850–1950 DOI: https://doi.org/10.30664/ar.87789 Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY 4.0) he issue to be discussed here is how soci- country. Until 1905, Norway was united ety’s views of the Laestadian revival has with Sweden, and so what happened in changed over the course of the revival T Sweden was also important for Norway. movement’s first 100 years. The article claims that society’s emerging view of the revival is This was even the case for a fairly long time characterized by two different positions. The first after 1905, especially with regard to a reli period is typical of the last part of the nineteenth gious movement that united people from century and is characterized by the fact that three Nordic countries (Sweden, Finland the evaluation of the revival took as its point of departure the instigator of the revival, Lars Levi and Norway). Laestadius (1800–61). The characteristic of Laes- The Laestadian revival originated in tadius himself would, it was thought, be char- northern Sweden during the late 1840s, acteristic of the movement he had instigated. and was led by the parish minister of Kare During this first period, the revival was sharply criticized. This negative attitude gradually suando, Lars Levi Læstadius (1800–61). changed from the turn of the century onwards. Within a few years, the revival spread The second period is characterized by greater to the neighbouring countries Finland openness towards understanding the revival on and Norway. In Norway, most parishes its own premises. -
Pietism and Liturgical Worship: an Evaluation Donald C
Consensus Volume 16 Article 6 Issue 2 Lutheran Pietism 11-1-1990 Pietism and liturgical worship: an evaluation Donald C. Nevile Follow this and additional works at: http://scholars.wlu.ca/consensus Recommended Citation Nevile, Donald C. (1990) "Pietism and liturgical worship: an evaluation," Consensus: Vol. 16 : Iss. 2 , Article 6. Available at: http://scholars.wlu.ca/consensus/vol16/iss2/6 This Articles is brought to you for free and open access by Scholars Commons @ Laurier. It has been accepted for inclusion in Consensus by an authorized editor of Scholars Commons @ Laurier. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Pietism and Liturgical Worship An Evaluation Donald Nevile Pastor, Peace Lutheran Church, Pickering, Ontario Introduction Traditional historiography has often assumed an antithesis between scholastic Orthodoxy and Pietism: the former stresses the forensic, grace-oriented nature of justification, and the lat- ter emphasizes the human response to God’s offer of salvation. Tradition also assumes that this tension between Orthodoxy and Pietism extends into the realm of public worship. Pietists, we are told, have no concern for the historic liturgy of the church, downgrading the sacraments and formal worship in favour of preaching, free worship and the Inner Light. Con- versely, from some quarters we hear that the Orthodox are “chancel-prancers”, more concerned with correct vestments, posture, gesture, lights, and paraments, than with proclama- tion of the Gospel and the salvation of souls. This anti-Pietistic attitude has been evidenced by our most respected liturgical scholars. Luther Reed evaluates Pietism in this way: So far as ordered public worship was concerned, Pietism’s influ- ence was unfavorable. -
Aspects of Anglicanism
Aspects of Anglicanism Today's Church & Today's World G. J. C. MARCHANT Section VI After the wide-ranging symposium of the articles in the previous five sections, the final three essays of Section VI face a question both elusive and challenging. What is Anglicanism, that we have been surveying in all its breadth and length? The question might be regarded as exhibiting those anxiety traits that have caused almost all institutions, assumptions and principles-social, moral or religious-to be re-examined rigorously during the post-war decades. Anyone actually flying in a plane, while perhaps wondering whether the wings will stay on, is hardly likely to ask whether it is working correctly to aerodynamic principles. The nagging introspective enquiry that keeps surfacing in these three last articles is, however, of this order: not whether Anglicanism is wise or right in this or that; nor what might be new approaches, formulations, realignments, growth points or other developmental themes. These of course are there. But the real matter that underlies the three is: What is peculiar, native, identifying, about Anglican churchmanship, now that it has spread beyond the Anglo Saxon, British racial origins to embrace great provinces of Asian, African and South American peoples? It is more explicit in the first of the three articles, 'On Being Anglican', by Bishop Stephen Neill; and it is obviously haunting the third by Bishop John Howe, the Secretary-General of the Anglican Consultative Council (ACC) in his 'Anglican Patterns'; but it is also iJnplicit in the discussion by Bishop Oliver Tomkins in the second, 'Anglican Christianity and Ecumenism'. -
The Anglo-Catholic Tradition in Australian Anglicanism Dr David
The Anglo-Catholic Tradition in Australian Anglicanism Dr David Hilliard Reader in History, Flinders University Adelaide, Australia Anglicanism in Australia has had many Anglo-Catholics but no single version of Anglo-Catholicism.1 Anglo-Catholics have comprised neither a church nor a sect, nor have they been a tightly organised party. Within a framework of common ideas about the apostolic succession, the sacraments and the central role of ‘the Church’ in mediating salvation, they were, and remain, diverse in outlook, with few organs or institutions to link them together and to promote common goals. Since the mid-nineteenth century, in Australia as in England, two very different trends in the movement can be identified. There were Anglo- Catholics who were primarily concerned with personal religion and the relationship of the individual soul to God, and those, influenced by Incarnational theology, who were concerned to draw out the implications of the Catholic 1 Published works on Anglo-Catholicism in Australia include: Brian Porter (ed.), Colonial Tractarians: The Oxford Movement in Australia (Melbourne, 1989); Austin Cooper, ‘Newman—The Oxford Movement—Australia’, in B.J. Lawrence Cross (ed.), Shadows and Images: The Papers of the Newman Centenary Symposium, Sydney, August 1979 (Melbourne, 1981), pp. 99-113; Colin Holden, ‘Awful Happenings on the Hill’: E.S. Hughes and Melbourne Anglo-Catholicism before the War (Melbourne, 1992) and From Tories at Prayer to Socialists at Mass: St Peter’s, Eastern Hill, Melbourne, 1846-1990 (Melbourne, 1996); Colin Holden (ed.), Anglo-Catholicism in Melbourne: Papers to Mark the 150th Anniversary of St Peter’s, Eastern Hill, 1846-1996 (Melbourne, 1997); L.C Rodd, John Hope of Christ Church St Laurence: A Sydney Church Era (Sydney 1972); Ruth Teale, ‘The “Red Book” Case’, Journal of Religious History, vol. -
Secular Failure—A History from Two Australian States
CHAPTER EIGHT SECULAR FAILURE—A HISTORY FROM TWO AUSTRALIAN STATES Australian difficulties with religion in public education have been present since its first school halls were built. Current controversies echo similar, and as yet, unresolved disputes from colonial times—about the meaning of the secular principle and the power of some Christian churches. Prolonged, ambiguous applications of the principle continue to create confusion and division today, but these debates have been part of Australian political life since British settlement. Australia’s two earliest settled and now most pop- ulated states, New South Wales and Victoria, undermined the secular prin- ciple. New South Wales did so through ambiguous interpretations of legislation and Victoria did so by granting local exceptions to legislation. This chapter compares the politically pragmatic approach of Henry Parkes’s faux secularism in New South Wales, with the more inclusive view taken by George Higinbotham in Victoria.1 The next chapter looks at the erosion of secular intent in the state of Queensland. A Radical Idea Meets Anglican Dominance In many nations, the nineteenth century radically transformed education from a church function to a state duty. During the 1800s, Australian legisla- tors debated the foundations of education for their new society. Decades of acrimonious argument, and sustained (but failed) attempts to create a workable denominational system led the colonies to explore more radical options. To minimise religious division, Australia’s proposal was for public education to be ‘free, compulsory and secular.’ New South Wales legislated for these then politically progressive principles in the Public Instruction Act 1880, following Victoria in 1872 (and Queensland and South Australia in 1875). -
Reproduced by Permission on Project Canterbury, 2006 HIGH CHURCH VARIETIES Continuity and Discontinui
HIGH CHURCH VARIETIES Continuity and Discontinuity in Anglican Catholic Thought MATTIJS PLOEGER Westcott House, Cambridge, 1998 Originally published as: Mattijs Ploeger, High Church Varieties: Three Essays on Continuity and Discontinuity in Nineteenth-Century Anglican Catholic Thought (Publicatiereeks Stichting Oud-Katholiek Seminarie, volume 36), Amersfoort NL: Stichting Oud-Katholiek Boekhuis, Sliedrecht NL: Merweboek, 2001. For other volumes of the Publication Series of the Old Catholic Seminary, see www.okkn.nl/?b=494. For this 2006 internet edition the author has integrated the original three essays into one text consisting of three chapters. The Revd Mattijs Ploeger, M.A, studied at the Theological Faculty of Leiden University and the Old Catholic Seminary at Utrecht University (the Netherlands). Additionally he spent five months at the Anglican theological college Westcott House, Cambridge (United Kingdom), where the present text was written. In 1999 he was ordained to the diaconate and the presbyterate in the Old Catholic diocese of Haarlem (the Netherlands), where he serves as a parish priest. Fr Matt is a member of several ecumenical liturgical organisations in the Netherlands and is preparing a dissertation on liturgical/eucharistic ecclesiology at Utrecht University. He has published articles in the Dutch liturgical journal Eredienstvaardig and in the Old Catholic theological quarterly Internationale Kirchliche Zeitschrift. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The author wishes to express his gratitude to the Archbishop of Utrecht, the Most Revd Dr Antonius Jan Glazemaker, and the Bishop of Haarlem, the Rt Revd Dr Jan-Lambert Wirix- Speetjens, who allowed him to study at the Anglican theological college of Westcott House, Cambridge, during Easter Term and the summer of 1998. -
The Formula of Concord As a Model for Discourse in the Church
21st Conference of the International Lutheran Council Berlin, Germany August 27 – September 2, 2005 The Formula of Concord as a Model for Discourse in the Church Robert Kolb The appellation „Formula of Concord“ has designated the last of the symbolic or confessional writings of the Lutheran church almost from the time of its composition. This document was indeed a formulation aimed at bringing harmony to strife-ridden churches in the search for a proper expression of the faith that Luther had proclaimed and his colleagues and followers had confessed as a liberating message for both church and society fifty years earlier. This document is a formula, a written document that gives not even the slightest hint that it should be conveyed to human ears instead of human eyes. The Augsburg Confession had been written to be read: to the emperor, to the estates of the German nation, to the waiting crowds outside the hall of the diet in Augsburg. The Apology of the Augsburg Confession, it is quite clear from recent research,1 followed the oral form of judicial argument as Melanchthon presented his case for the Lutheran confession to a mythically yet neutral emperor; the Apology was created at the yet not carefully defined border between oral and written cultures. The Large Catechism reads like the sermons from which it was composed, and the Small Catechism reminds every reader that it was written to be recited and repeated aloud. The Formula of Concord as a „Binding Summary“ of Christian Teaching In contrast, the „Formula of Concord“ is written for readers, a carefully- crafted formulation for the theologians and educated lay people of German Lutheran churches to ponder and study. -
MH-1986-April-Stoeffler.Pdf (8.516Mb)
Methodist History, 24:3 (April 1986) RELIGIOUS ROOTS OF THE EARLY MORAVIAN AND METHODIST MOVEMENTS F. ERNEST STOEFFLER Late in November of 1741 Nikolaus Ludwig, Count and Lord of Zinzendorf and Pottendorf, came to America where some of his followers had been laboring for a number of years. Among other things he meant to bring to realization a dream which he cherished, but which to his less imaginative contemporaries seemed little short of being fantastic. He meant to establish what he called a "Fellowship of God in the Spirit," i.e., a group of cOlnmitted Christians belonging to various communions who would worship and work together in fellowship with their once crucified, but living Lord and with one another. It was a bold vision which could not materialize at the time because the Christians of that day were not ready for it. Yet, it is such a sense of Christian fellowship, and its accompanying percep \ tion of the need for ecumenical cooperation, which, having since dawned J upon substantial segments of Christendom, brings Moravian and Methodist together. We celebrate our unity in Christ by reiterating our common origins and reaffirming our common task, while acknowledging our separate histories and our unique contributions to the Christian enterprise. In this connection it seems to be my task to focus our attention upon the roots out of which the Moravian and Methodist movements grew. , . Essentially this necessitates taking a look at late seventeenth and early eight eenth century Europe as we see it in retrospect. Thus to gain a fully ade quate picture of the times out of which the movements in question have come we should really consider every facet of European culture which lies behind the origins of our two denominations.