Dynamics of Social Exclusion Thesis

BHADOHI CARPET INDUSTRY: DYNAMICS OF SOCIAL EXCLUSION

THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE AWARD OF THE DEGREE OF

Doctor of Philosophy IN SOCIOLOGY

BY ASFIYA KARIMI

UNDER THE SUPERVISION OF PROF. ABDUL MATIN

DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH (INDIA)

2016

The work is dedicated to my Loving MOM and DAD who always encourage me to follow my dreams

Acknowledgement

It’s been a long road, of journey there are so many people to whom thanks I extend. First and foremost is a well-deserved thanks to my supervisor Prof. Abdul Matin Chairperson of the department of Sociology. He not only like a mentor but as a critic has crystallized me. He had involved me in several activities that helped me in shaping my personality. I can never forget his care and affection. I had been in a real pinch! Great mentorship, so approachable, good advice is his game. His debt on me will never be paid. I am extremely grateful to the UGC, for granting me the fellowship that really helped me to devote my energies fully into research work.

It is a pleasure to express my gratitude wholeheartedly to the Library of Indian Institute of Economic Growth and Ratan Tata Library in Delhi University and Central library of BHU and JNU for allowing me to access their resources. I wish to thanks the staff of Maulana Azad Library of AMU for their cooperative assistance during my studies. I would also like to thank Ibne Hasan our seminar librarian of Sociology for providing the required material and also the seminar library of Commerce, History and Economics department of AMU for providing me the required material during my research work.

Alongwith alL this, I would like to acknowledge my deepest sense of gratitude and fondness for my loving Mummy and Papa who have always lovingly and unflinchingly supported me, emotionally and psychologically all through my life in all ups and downs. I really cannot thank them enough, ever. I am further grateful to my Papa for helping me in the field which otherwise would have been extremely difficult.

Expressions and my emotions fail to find words to highlight the role of my brothers I have no words to express my thanks to Amir Faisal, Shahzada Fahad and Abu Rafey for their role behind my success whenever required on my first call for their being with me always and forever. It is a pleasure to convey my gratitude to my Sister

i in Law Nazia and Subia for their care and love. The love and the thought of my nephew Abu Baqr, Abu Zar and Mohammad Umar that always brought smile on my face. I would like to give special mention to Dr. Syed Nadeem Fatmi and Dr. Sadaf Nasir for their valuable suggestion. I am further grateful to Prof. V. K. Srivastava, Prof. E. Haq, Prof. P.C Joshi, Prof. N. Kumar and Prof. Ajit K. Pandey for their suggestions during their visit to our department. I am also tkankful to all my teachers of the department for their help in numerous ways. Dr. Tabrez and Dr. Swalehin for their kindness and support in many ways. All the respondents who cooperated with me, and were instrumental, in the collection of data which forms the basis of my research study. I am grateful to my friend Sadaf for preparing the map incorporated in my thesis. I also thank my friend Shama, Salma for being there with me whenever needed. I also like to thank my roommate and others Nausheen, Bushra, Sufia, Saira, Shuby, Farhat Apa, Daraksha Apa and khushboo Apa for their support.

Asfiya Karimi

TABLE OF CONTENT

Page No.

Acknowledgement i - ii List of Map and Tables iii – iv Abbreviations v

1. INTRODUCTION 1-21 1.1: Introduction 1.2: Research Questions 1.3: Rational for the Study 1.4: Research Design 1.5: Theoretical Framework

2. LITERATURE REVIEW 22-55 2.1: Concept and Meaning of Social Exclusion 2.2: Globalization and Social Exclusion 2.3: Caste and Social Exclusion 2.4: Technology and Social Exclusion 2.5: Reduction in Employment in Primary / Secondary Sectors: World / India / U.P data

3. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF BHADOHI CARPET INDUSTRY 56-73 3.1: General Background of Bhadohi 3.2: History of Carpet Industry in Bhadohi 3.3: Area under Study, Sample Areas of the Study 3.4: Types and Features of Some of the Carpets 3.5: Manufacturing Processes

4. FIELD STUDY 74-144 4.1: Carpet Industry of Bhadohi: An Overview 4.1.1: Classification of Exporter, Nakshakar, Rangsaaz, Contractor, Weaver: Nature of Work and Technological Perspective 4.1.2: Production System of Carpets can be Viewed into Two Ways 4.1.3: Local Level Network of Carpet Production 4.1.4: Changing Status as Skilled Malik and Skilled Mazdoor 4.1.5: Changes from Traditional to Contemporary Technology 4.2: Preliminary Field Visit 4.3: Primary Data on Bhadohi Carpet Industry 4.3.1: Tables 4.3.2: Case Studies and FGDs on Primary Data 4.4: Discussion on Case Studies and FGDs

5. CONCLUSION 145-152

REFERENCES 153-161

BIBLIOGRAPHY 162-167

GLOSSARY 168-174

APPENDICES 175-214

Appendix A Local Level Carpet Export Network Appendix B Production inside the premise Appendix C Steps in Carpet Production Appendix D Comparison between Traditional and Contemporary Appendix E Schedule Appendix F Tables Generated During Field Study Appendix G Details for Identified Cluster Appendix H Encounters & Experiences Appendix I Photographs

LIST OF MAP AND TABLES

Map/Tables Title Page No. No. Map 1.1 Bhadohi District Map Showing Study Area (Red and 1 Green Dots) Table 2.5.1 Main Workers: A Comparison 54 Table 2.5.2 Marginal Workers: A Comparison 55 Table 3.2.1 Table of Registered Unit 61 Table 3.2.2 Table of Registered Unit Year-wise 62 Table 3.3.1 Total Population Male/Female 64 Table 3.5.1 Local Terminology for Colour 70 Table 3.5.2 Local Terminology for Finishing 72 Table 4.3.1.1 Percent Caste / Religion Wise Occupation 89 Table 4.3.1.2 Percent Caste wise Different Categories 90 Table 4.3.1.3 Percent Occupation Wise Effect of Globalization 91 Table 4.3.1.4 Percent Religion/Caste Wise Effect of Globalization 92 Table 4.3.1.5 Percent Occupation wise Response toward 1996 as 93 Recession Table 4.3.1.6 Percent Religion/Caste wise Response toward 1996 as 94 Recession Table 4.3.1.7 Percent Occupation wise Response for Adverse Effect 95 of Recession Table 4.3.1.8 Percent Religion/Caste wise Response Adverse Effect 96 of Recession Table 4.3.1.9 Percent Occupation wise Response to CAD 97 Table 4.3.1.10 Percent Religion/Caste wise Response to CAD 98 Table 4.3.1.11 Percent Occupation wise Response to Nakshakari 99 Decline Table 4.3.1.12 Percent Religion/Caste wise Response to Nakshakari 100 Decline Table 4.3.1.13 Percent Occupation wise Response toward Kath 101 Table 4.3.1.14 Percent Religion/Caste wise Response toward Kath 102 Table 4.3.1.15 Percent Occupation wise Response to Bhatta as 103 Labour Intensive

iii

Table 4.3.1.16 Percent Religion/Caste wise Response to Bhatta as 104 Labour Intensive Table 4.3.1.17 Percent Occupation wise Response for Diploma 105 Courses Table 4.3.1.18 Percent Religion/Caste wise Response for Diploma 106 Courses Table A.F.1 Percent Occupation wise Response for MGNREGA 182 Table A.F.2 Percent Religion/Caste wise Response on 183 MGNREGA Table A.F.3 Percent Occupation wise Response toward Factory 184 Act Table A.F.4 Percent Religion/Caste wise Response toward Factory 185 Act Table A.F.5 Percent Occupation wise Response towards Raw 186 Petro Fibres Table A.F.6 Percent Religion and Caste wise Response Over Raw 187 Petro Fibres

ABBREVIATIONS

BC BACKWARD CASTE

CAD COMPUTER AIDED DESIGNING

ICT INFORMATION AND COMMUNICATION TECHNOLOGY

SC SCHEDULE CASTE

WWW WORLD WIDE WEB

CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

1.1: INTRODUCTION

Social Exclusion is a multidimensional concept. There is an attempt in the study to show partial upgradation of technology that generates social exclusion in an era of globalization. Handicraft items are the pearl of the Indian agrarian economic structure. It is a source of livelihood for various groups of individual like unorganized labourers, weavers, women, designers, dyers, wool sellers, so on and so forth. India is popularly known for its handicraft items. The carpets of Bhadohi are famously known items in U.P. This is popular for its flawless designs, pattern, varieties and quality. In India, there are fourteen handicraft items. One of them is the carpet making. Handicraft items are the pearl of the Indian economic system. The study is based on the primary data generated during the month of 1st May 2014 and ended on 30th April 2015 in rural and urban areas of Bhadohi Block located in district Bhadohii of U.P in India as shown in the Map- 1.1:

Map-1.1: Bhadohi District Map showing study area (Red and Green dots)

(Source: Census of India, 2011)

The carpet industry of Bhadohi is unique in the global market because of its antique designs of the handmade carpets. The varieties of carpets are weaved in the region. The industry has acquired the space in the global market because of its skill in the handmade carpets. The handmade carpets are known in the world because of its designs. The carpet industry of Bhadohi is a source of employment for individuals belonging to different religion and caste irrespective of the upper or lower strata of the society. Carpet is not made by one person. It is made with the help of the many skilled semiskilled and unskilled workers. For making carpet it has to go through various processes like designing, dyeing, weaving, washing, finishing and packing. About two to four percent share was acquired by the handmade carpets of India in the world market of carpets. Carpet is the necessity of the cold countries. Belgium is the biggest producer of machine made carpets. The handmade carpets are costlier than the machine made carpets. There is an effect of globalization upon the market of Bhadohi carpet industry. The study has tried to point out that it is only global competitiveness that has demanded for the upgradation of technology. The study has tried to look for the role of technology in generating the process of social exclusion. The study has tried to look how the technology played the role in changing the relationship of individual in the working structure because of the adaptation of the technology. On the other hand, it is the skill of accessing the technology in describing the status of an individual in the society. The study has tried to focus how the possession of technology plays the role in describing the promotion and demotion of individual from the local network of production. The study has tried to point out the role of technology in describing the classification, relationship, participation and status in the working structure of the carpet industry. There is an attempt in understanding the relevance and role of skilling, deskilling and reskilling in Bhadohi carpet industry. The study has also tried to point out that there are certain individuals who are too old to adopt to acquire the technology and their status changes from one to another and at certain stage they are out from the production system. The study has focused how because of the globalization there is the tough competition in the global market by the carpets of the other countries that has its effect upon the individual engaged in the carpet industry of Bhadohi. Competition is in the terms of the cost, time in meeting the deadlines, design, variety, pattern and quality. The study has focused to cope up with these challenges there is the partial upgradation of the technology and the technological change in the three section viz. designing, dyeing and weaving. 2

Globalization has an effect upon the working structure and the generation of the process of social exclusion. The study has tried to focus that the handmade carpet industry of Bhadohi has to face tough competition from the cheap machine made products of other countries. To deal with the challenges from the global world market there is the partial upgradation of technology and technological change. But in that partial upgradation of technology there are some who are adopting the technology whereas others are not adopting the technology. There is the need for the partial upgradation of technology for the production of the carpet. It has tried to point out how technology can play the role in generating the process of social exclusion. There is the partial technological upgradation and the technological change to face the competition in terms of the reduction in the cost of the production and second delivery of products on time due to time effectiveness in order to meet the deadline. In an era of globalization, exporters have to compete by global standards. In order to cope with it, there style of management and the process of production need to be adapted accordingly. That is why technological change and its upgradation from time to time and management have to be reconfigured repeatedly.

In the local network of production when the designers are not adaptive to acquire the skill of the contemporary technology then slowly their status may be in jeopardy. Similarly if the dyers are not willing to acquire the skill of the contemporary technology, their demand for the work will diminish. At the same time, if the contractor is not coping with the contemporary technology then they will be out from the local network of production. Similarly if the weavers are not acquiring the skill of the contemporary technology then slowly their status will be demoted and they will be out from the network of production.

Bhadohi is the center of producing the handmade carpets. During the period of Mughals, the skill of making the carpets upon kath has developed among the weavers of Bhadohi of various types. It was introduced and promoted by the British. Bhadohi is known for the handmade carpets. It has brought work opportunities to large number of unorganized labourer. They are divided into skilled, semi-skilled and unskilled carpet workers. The carpet industry of Bhadohi gives work opportunities to various inhabitants from different region. From morning till evening workers come for the work every day through available means, viz. buses, passenger trains etc. They work and return back to their places by various means of transportation.

The argument in the thesis is how globalization in the local area, restructures the economic system. It can restructure the processes of working. The study has tried to locate social exclusion in the context of the changes brought in the Bhadohi carpet industry because of the partial upgradation of technology and technological change in light of globalization to cope up with the national and International competition. The study has tried to locate the role of technology in generating the process of social exclusion. The study has tried to locate the relationship of technology with individual involves in the carpet industry of Bhadohi and how it is generating the process of social exclusion by its direct relationship of man with technology. There is an attempt in the study to examine the partial technological upgradation and technological change in the production process of manufacturing carpet viz. designing, dyeing and weaving.

In a nut shell it can be said that the study has tried to focus on how the possession of the technology categories according to the possession of the technology. How technology defines the participation of the individual in the working structure. How the possession of the technology defines the relationship of one with the other individual. The study has focused that it is possession of the technology and the skill of an individual that makes him the malik or skilled malik and skilled mazdoor.

The study has tried to focus why there is a need emerged for the partial upgradation of the technology. The study has tried to focus there are some who are well off to adopt the technology and there are some who are not able to adopt the technology. In that process of adaptation and not adaptation of technology there is the emergence of the power of the technology. Technology is sharpening the contradictions in the Bhadohi carpet industry. Incorporation of the technology defines the participation of the individual in the process of the production system in Bhadohi carpet industry.

The study has tried to locate that it is because of the global demand of particular types of carpets according to which it gives an opportunity to particular individual, who had the skill of weaving the well designed carpets. The study has shown that it is the skill of the weaver which gives them the opportunity to being employed in the karkhana. The study has tried to focus that the industry gives an opportunity of employment to a number of individual whether skilled, semiskilled or

unskilled carpet workers. But because of the effect of globalization in general and technological upgradation in particular has an effect upon these carpet workers.

In other words, the knowledge of the skill is closely tied to the demand from the global market. Those persons are included in the mode of production those are having the skill of contemporary weaving according to the demand of the carpets from the global market. They are excluded if their skill is not required. The study has tried to focus through the three stages of manufacturing carpets viz. designing, dyeing and weaving. In the process of skilling to reskilling, the study has tried to point out the lapse of the skill among the young generation for the traditional ways of designing and weaving.

Similarly, partial upgradation of technology is in the domain of dyeing viz. installment of the boiler dyeing plant. The installment of the boiler dyeing plant has resulted into the decline of labour. As there is the upgradation of technology there is reduction in hiring of carpet workers. The technology of boiler dyeing plant has reduced the number of labour. Globalization has demanded for the change or the restructuration of the local economy bythe upgradation of technology to cope with the national and international market demands.

The process of social exclusion has been examined in the Bhadohi carpet industry by highlighting partial upgradation of technology and technological change into three stages of carpet manufacturing process. The first stage is designing. The second stage is dyeing and the third stage is weaving. As a result social exclusion process has intensified the carpet industry of Bhadohi. Qualitative data reflect the role of technology in generating the process of social exclusion by looking to the changing status of the exporter, nakshakar, rangsaaz, contractor, weaver and skilled, semiskilled and unskilled carpet workers and skilled and semiskilled women workers. In order to carry out the study, the following four research questions were raised.

1.2: RESEARCH QUESTIONS

1. Pattern of upgradation of technology and the technological change at different stages of carpet production. 2. Technology playing the role in the process of social exclusion. 3. The process of skilling, deskilling and reskilling. 4. Social exclusion due to redundancy of labour.

1.3: RATIONAL FOR THE STUDY

The rational for studying carpet industry of Bhadohi and operationalization of the concept of social exclusion within three questions first what is social exclusion? Second how globalization could start the penetration of the process of social exclusion in general and Bhadohi carpet industry in particular? Why social exclusion? All these need elaborations as follows. Social exclusion has been defined differently by social scientists. These differences are due to different ontological assumptions and different epistemological traditions. Somerville (1998) has taken it as a sense of social isolation and segregation from the formal structures and institutions of the economy, society and state. Walker & Walker (1997) have assumed social exclusion as a process of being shutout from any of the social, economic, political and cultural systems which determines the social integration of a person in the society. Smith (2006) has taken social exclusion in the context of globalization and the structural changes brought about by globalization. Haan (2000) looks at social exclusion in terms of deprivation due to cause and effects-relations and processes. Sen (2000) considers social exclusion in terms of capability deprivation. Thorat looks upon dalits as a socially excluded group within the framework of caste in the Indian society from the structural perspective. Whereas, Castells considers social exclusion as an outcome due to the redundancy of labour and the workers displacement due to the process of deskilling and reskilling as an outcome of technological upgradation in an era of globalization. The present study is very close to Manuel Castells understanding of social exclusion due to redundancy of carpet workers.

In an era of globalization, the world has compressed into a small unit because of the Information and Communication Technology. It has affected all the sectors. India is a developing Country. Its infrastructure is not yet developed. It does not have resources to fulfill all the requirements of the country to compete with the developed nations. In spite of all the handmade carpets of Bhadohi, because of its appealing designs and patterns has acquired a place in the world market because of its uniqueness. The carpet industry of Bhadohi could be affected from all the activities going around the world whether it is due to any policies of the government, any global crises or any global demand. Due to which study has intended to examine how globalization can start the acceleration of the process of social exclusion? Globalization is a buzz word that has affected all the arenas of the society. This

process has an implication for Manuel Castells concept of “Mode of Production” to “Mode of Development” to “Informationalism”.

Globalization and the changes in the carpet industry within the Castellian notion can be looked upon as the emergence of the processes of social exclusion. For example, the person making the designs with the CAD are more in demand rather than the person who use to make the designs manually locally known as nakshakar along with subordinates that is painters and tracers. This new demand has resulted into exclusion of old skills of the workers engaged in nakshakari. There is the process of the loss of the skill of nakshakari along with the decline of carpet designing workers, for example painters and tracers. Therefore the study has tried to point out that there is the degeneration among the young nakshakar to acquire the skill of nakshakari manually and weavers to learn the skill of weaving carpets by making knot. The study has tried to point out that now the generational skills of nakshakari are not in demand. Thus, the skilled nakshakari individual like the painters and the tracers are excluded from the work. They are migrating in search of other kind of work either in the carpet industry or to some other places. The industry gives employment to the large number of the individual but what factors occurred due to which suddenly the unemployment aroused in the area. If they are not absorbed in the carpet industry, they are forced to leave Bhadohi in search of other kind of jobs for the survival.

The carpets produced with the available resources of a developing country like India faced tough competition with the available resources of other developed countries like the carpets of China. It has given a tough competition for the survival of the handmade carpets of Bhadohi. In order to compete with China or with the cheap cost of machine made carpet and supply of the finished product has to be on time. Both could be feasible by partial upgradation of technology and the technological change in the carpet industry.

Social exclusion has multiple dimensions and it is very divergent in nature. Its effect can led us towards inequality, polarization, misery and poverty because of unemployment. These are the reasons due to which the study has tried to frame how social exclusion as the process can be accelerated into an economic structure because of the effect of globalization. That is why the study has tried to locate that it is

globalization that demands for the upgradation of technology and with this there will be the acceleration of the process of social exclusion.

1.4: RESEARCH DESIGN

The research design is to draw a plan in such a way that a logical and sound conclusion can be derived from it. The objective of the research design is to decide which method is used to collect the data and how the collected data must be organized to interpret the underlying hidden meaning in it. Norman Blaikie has observed that research design aims to the specification and justification of the methods to be used to reduce and analyze the data. Methods applied for reducing the data in the form in which they can be analyzed. The procedure involved in it is the transformation of the qualitative data into quantitative data into some form of numerical coding, or re- coding existing numerical data into different categories (Blaikie, 2000, p. 31). The present study is primarily qualitative in nature. However, it has been supplemented with few tables which are quantitative for the purpose of buttressing my arguments.

From a philosophical perspective, ontology is the science or investigation of being. Notwithstanding, the idea is utilized here as a part of a more particular sense to refer to the cases or assumptions that are made about the way of social reality, claims about what exist, what it would appear that what units make it up and how these units communicate with each other. In short, ontological presumptions are concerned with what we accept constitutes social reality. Again the philosophical importance of epistemology is ‘the hypothesis or investigation of the techniques or grounds of learning’. An epistemology comprises of thoughts regarding what can be considered knowledge, what can be known and what criteria such information must fulfill with a specific goal to be called information instead of convictions. For the present purposes, epistemology will allude to the cases or suppositions made about conceivable methods for picking up information of social reality, whatever it is comprehended to be. In short, claims about how what is accepted to exist can be known (Blaikie, 2000, p. 8).

I have persuaded grounded theory for the present study. In pursuit of grounded theory I have followed inductive logic of inquiry in order to get the answers to the research questions. It is important to point out here that inductive logic of enquiry was sought for primary data generation. However after data gathering, the study

understood the significance of Manuel Castells theory of Informationalism. The study has made an attempt in simplifying the theory of Informationalism by Manuel Castells in the following segment. Obviously that Castellian framework could have been undertaken by seeking deductive logic of inquiry which researcher never expected to do because of researcher decision for grounded theory (Matin, 2004, pp. 250-262). It may not be out of the setting to triangulate inductive with deductive rationale of enquiry (Matin, 1996, p. 42). Blaikie has pointed out the objective behind it is to derive the nature of the regularities, or networks of regularities in social life (Blaikie, 2000, p. 25).

Matin has pointed out that grounded theory has many unique characteristics that are aspired and designed to maintain the ‘groundedness’ of the approach. Initially, data collection and analysis are consciously combined, and initial data analysis is used to shape continuing data collection interlacing data collection and the analysis also designed to increase insights and clarify the parameters of the emerging theory. Morse (1995) theoretical sampling directs the data collection, which means that the sampling is based on the theoretically relevant constructs. Participants have the knowledge of the topic or fit the needs of the emerging theory in the theoretical sampling. Dick (2000) it is not only statistical sampling but it is chosen purposefully. Goal is to saturate a category and to increase diversity in useful ways (Matin, 2004, pp. 254- 255).

I had first the preliminary visit of fifteen days in the month of April 2014. The actual field work started from 1st May 2014. It ended on 30th April 2015.For the purpose of qualitative data, during the field work, investigator as a non-participant observer, observed the processes of manufacturing carpets. Various interviews were recorded of the respondent viz. weavers, designers, dyers, women, carpet workers and exporters. The researcher has used case study as an approach, for which she has used the technique of non- participant observation and interview as the method of data collection. Focused Group Discussion (FGD) was used by the researcher for getting insights for the problem under investigation. The researcher had used case study as an approach for data collection. ‘Case study is not a method of data collection; rather it is a research strategy or an empirical inquiry that investigates a contemporary phenomenon by using multiple sources of evidence’ (Matin, 2004, p. 34). The investigator has done total ten case studies. The breakup is as follows: two

case studies on exporters, two on the nakshakars, four case studies on rangsaazs, one case study on weaver and one from the broker. Thus, in order to represent the heterogeneity of the universe judgment sampling appears to be most suitable sample for the study. In addition, qualitative data were generated by using eight focused group discussions (FGD). The breakup of FGD’s are as follows: one focused group discussion with exporter, two with nakshakars, two with weavers, one with skilled and semiskilled women carpet workers, one with skilled, semiskilled and unskilled carpet workers and one exporters who were engaged with alternative livelihood.

The purpose of choosing the judgment sampling is because of the unorganized structure of the industry and the research questions of the study. In judgment sampling also known as purposive, the researcher / expert use his / her judgment in selecting the units from the universe for study based on the population parameters according to the purpose of the study. Therefore I have chosen the respondent in such a way that it may represent different sections of the universe. I have chosen snowball because I was unfamiliar with the nakshakar, CAD, rangsaaz, Boiler Dyeing Plant, kath and khaddi respondents. Snowball sampling turn to be very useful in choosing the respondent by choosing this method for the present study (Matin, 2004, pp. 82-83).

The researcher has chosen the sample for quantitative data transformed into tables in the fourth chapter on the basis of her understanding of the area after spending 3/4th time of the field study. In the last visit of Bhadohi researcher has done fieldwork by collecting quantitative data, by using schedule from one twenty five respondents in the last quarter of the field study. The data were collected on the basis of snowball and judgment sampling (non-probability sample). The researcher begins in snowball sampling, with the few respondents who are known and available to him / her. Subsequently, these respondents provide other names (respondents), who satisfy the criteria of research, who in turn provide more new names. This process is continued till the goal is achieved (Matin, 2006, p. 83). The researcher has included forty three variables in the schedule with open-end questions and closed-end questions. The sample size of the study is one hundred twenty five. The study has used non-probability sampling as the method of data-collection to generate the quantitative data for which investigator has gone with snowball and judgment sampling.

THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK:

The study has tried to frame the concept of social exclusion because of its multidimensional concept from the perspective of Manuel Castells. What Marx has talked of in terms of “Appropriation of Surplus Labour” which is based on the notion of exploitative relations of production is not the kind of social problem going in the information society. Castells has pointed that the society has moved from mode of production to mode of developmentii. The mode of development means the society based on the notion of development that is development through upgradation of technology. A mode of development refers to the means of producing a given level of wealth. Industrialism was one mode of development, and now we have entered a new ‘socio-technical paradigm’, the informational mode of development, which presents us with a new ways of creating wealth. In Castells’s view the informational mode of development where ‘the action of knowledge upon knowledge itself [is] the main source of productivity’ (Webster, p. 119).

Those who have the knowledge are to be included in the stream of production and those who do not have the knowledge are excluded. Here the knowledge is coined in terms of skilling, deskilling and reskilling. The term skilling discussed in the thesis refers to those who are having the knowledge of using traditional technology. The term deskilling refers to those who are not having the knowledge of using contemporary technology. The term reskilling refers to those who are now acquiring the skill of contemporary technology for their inclusion in the production.

The study has tried to point out that a new kind of exclusion has started in the postmodern society. This new restructuration of capitalist society is due to new informationalism. Manuel Castells has talked of in terms of the ‘Fourth World’ in his magnum opus, “The Information Age: Economy, Society and Culture (VOL-III)” in which one full chapter revolves around “The Rise of The Fourth World: Informational Capitalism, Poverty and Social Exclusion”. In which it is observed that a new world: The fourth world has emerged that has a multiple black holes. The study has tried to focus on those black holes. Those black holes are found most suitable in term of social exclusion. The study has tried to make the argument how globalization can affect the society given the consequences of the concept like social exclusion. Social exclusion has multiple dimensions and it is very divergent in nature. Its effect can lead us towards inequality, polarization, misery, poverty because of unemployment.

The process of social exclusion and the insufficiency of remedial policies of social integration, lead to a fourth key process of characterizing some specific forms of relations of production in informational capitalism (Castells, 2000c). Social exclusion throughout the world, Castells has tried to explain why and how this is so, while displaying some snapshots of the new faces of human suffering. The process of capitalist restructuring, with its hardened logic of economic competitiveness, has much to do with it. But new technological and organizational conditions of the Information Age that Manuel Castells has talked of is in the terms of the “Fourth World” is set of processes, and their categorization, pertains to the analysis of relations of production. Thus, when observers criticize precarious labour relations, they are usually referring to the process of individualization of work, and to its induced instability on employment patterns. Or else the discourse on social exclusion denotes the observed tendency to permanently exclude from formal labour markets certain categories of the population. These processes do have fundamental consequences for inequality, polarization, poverty, and misery (Castells, 2000c, p. 71).

Globalization has compressed the whole world into one (Giddens, 2001). The world is restructuring because of the flow of “informationalism”, because of its characteristic of “self-expansion”, “re-combination” and “distributional flexibility”. The Castellian notion of “network society” and, “informationalism” based on concept viz. “social exclusion”, “virtual society”, “timeless timeiii”, “Space of flowsiv” are neither rhetoric nor semantic, it must be looked upon as a major contribution for enhancing our understanding for contemporary post industrial society with a specific reference to contemporary major issues like social exclusion. The restructuring of capitalism was, in key ways, a matter of taking up the new technologies and coming to terms with ICTs, in search of a new means of successful commercial activity. Especially since the 1970s, a renewed form of capitalism what Castells refers to as “informational capitalism” has been that which utilizes information networks to conduct its affairs, from within the factory (with new ways of working) to worldwide marketing. Moreover, this is closely involved with the long-term, ongoing and accelerating process of globalization; so much so that the network society is one in which capitalist activity is conducted in real time around the world, something that is

unthinkable without sophisticated ICTs (Castells, 2000a, p.102). He has further observed that

“Technologies as a material tool, and meaning as symbolic construction, through relationships of production / consumption, experience, and power, are the fundamental ingredients of human action an action that ultimately produces and modifies social structure” (Castells, 2000d, p. 5).

Technological change does not affect unemployment in the total labour market. Albeit, a few labourers are displaced and a few occupations are phased out (eg. traditional typist-secretaries), other occupations appear (eg. assistant managers) more occupations are made, and most uprooted specialists are re-utilized, with the exception of those excessively old, making it impossible to adjust, their destiny being chosen relying upon open arrangements in every general public. In fact, the least technologically advanced is a firm, region or country, and the more it is exposed to lay off of its workers, since it cannot keep up with the competition. Along these lines, there is a relationship between mechanical advancement and livelihood, and also between technological innovation, organizational innovation, and standards of living of worker (Castells, 2005). “Mechanization first, automation later, have been transforming human labour for decades, always triggering similar debates around issues of workers displacement, deskilling verses reskilling”v(Castells, 2000a, p. 241).

Another production system requires another labour force, those people and groups not able to acquire informational skills could be barred from work or downgraded as workersvi (Castells, 2000a, p. 264). Competition-induced, innovation driven patterns towards adaptability underlie the present change of working arrangementsvii (Castells, 2000a, p. 265).“Impact of manufacturing production will be transferred to services for manufacturing”(Castells, 2000a, p.223).

Social exclusion is in fact the process that disfranchises a person as labour in the context of capitalism. Social exclusion is a process not a condition. Thus its boundaries shift and who is excluded and included may vary over time, depending on education demographic characteristics, social prejudices, business practices and public policies. Furthermore, although the lack of regular work as a source of income is ultimately the key mechanism in social exclusion how and why individuals and groups are placed under structural difficulty / impossibility to provide for themselves

follow a wide array of avenues of destitution. It is not a matter of lacking skills or not being able to find a job. It may be that illness strikes in a society without health coverage for a substantial proportion of its members. The injuries of mental illness or of a nervous breakdown placing a person between the psychiatric repression and irresponsible deinstitutionalization paralyze the soul and cancel the will (Castells, 2000c). He considers the process of social exclusion in the network society concerns both people and territories. So that under certain conditions, entire countries region cities and neighborhoods become excluded, embarrassing in this exclusion most or all of their populations. The process induces an extremely uneven geography of social / territorial exclusion and inclusion which disables large segments of people while linking up trans territorially through information technology whatever and whoever may offer value in global networks accumulating wealth, information and power (Castells, 2000c).

In many countries archaic forms of socio-technical organization do survive, and will for a long, time remain, in the same way as preindustrial, handicraft forms of production were combined with mechanization of industrial production for an extended historical period. In our observation it is critical to distinguish the complex and diverse forms of work and workers from the emerging patterns of production and management, because they are rooted in a dynamic socio-technical system, will tend to become dominant through the dynamics of competition and demonstration effects (Castells, 2000a, p. 260). Social exclusion is the process by which certain individuals and groups are systemically barred from access to positions that would enable them to an autonomous livelihood within the social standards framed by institutions and values in a given context. Under normal circumstances, in informational capitalism, such a position is usually associated with the possibility of access to relatively regular, paid labour, for at least one member of a stable household. Social exclusion is, in fact, the process that disfranchises a person as labour in the context of capitalism (Castells, 2000c, p.72).

The study has tried to focus the process of social exclusion from the Castellian perspective, which is different than the structural perspective of social exclusion discussed in the context of the Indian society. It has highlighted social exclusion within the framework of mode of development in an era of globalization that led

towards the upgradation of technology. The study has tried to grasp the penetration of the concept of social exclusion for a developing country like India. The study has tried to locate how the “generic labour” can be excluded with the “informational labour” in the post-industrial societyviii due to the upgradation of the technology to cope with the challenges brought about due to globalization. The globalization in itself has posed a tough competition in the whole world, due to its feature of the compression of the whole world due to Information and Communication Technology. The upgradation of technology generates “redundancy of labour”, which is replaced with informational labour. The study has observed the term informational labour with “skilled labour”. In an era of ICT one way to look at social exclusion from the perspective of knowledge is reflected in terms of skilling, deskilling and reskilling. There was a time when the jajmani in, hierarchical system was the social system that dominated the mode of production. But now the skill or the informational labour has become the important one in the mode of development. The skill of accessing the technology has become one of the important phenomena. That study has made an attempt to observe the process of social exclusion other than the caste although the importance of caste for the Indian society must not be undermined. The upgradation of technology and the technological change is the requirement of any society in general and Bhadohi carpet industry in particular.

The present study has tried to point out the same kind of condition in the Bhadohi carpet industry that is upgradation in the technology of producing carpets at different stages. There is the upgradation in the technology of producing carpets at different stages. The same handmade carpets are produced with bringing partial upgradation of technology at different stages in the processes of producing carpets. For example, the workers employed in making the designs with the CAD are more in demand rather than the person who use to make the designs manually known as nakshakar along with the subordinates painters and tracers. The reason for upgradation is time saved in CAD designing is far less than manual designing. The concept of deskilling versus reskilling is relevant for Bhadohi as the new skill of CAD is in demand by the carpet industry due to upgradation of technology in form of the CAD. This new demand has resulted into exclusion of old skills of the workers engaged in nakshakari. The concept of the loss of skill and the learning new skill is extremely relevant as pointed out by Manuel Castells.

Castells has pointed out since 1980 the economic restructuring has impelled various reorganizing techniques in business firms. From the mid-1970s onwards a major partition in the association of production and markets in the global economy (Castells, 2000a). He has tried to explain why and how the rise of informationalism in the end of millennium is intertwined with rising inequality and social exclusion throughout the world. He observed the dynamics of informationalism is on the one inequality, polarization, poverty and misery on the other hand individualization of work, over-exploitation of workers, social exclusion and perverse integration. He defines social exclusion as the process by which certain individuals and groups are systematically barred from access to positions that would enable to autonomous livelihood within the social standards by institution and values in a given context (Castells, 2000c). Social exclusion is in fact the process that disfranchises a person as labour in the context of capitalism. In a country with a well developed welfare state, inclusion may also encompass generous compensation in case of long term unemployment or disability, although these conditions are increasingly exceptional (Castells, 2000c, p.73).

According to Castells Social Exclusion is a process not a condition its boundaries shift, which is excluded and included, may vary over time, depending on education, demographic characteristics, social prejudices, business practices and public policies. Furthermore although the lack of regular work as a source of income is ultimately the key mechanism in social exclusion how and why individuals and groups are placed under structural difficulty/ impossibility to provide for themselves follows a wide array of avenues of destitution. It is not only a matter of lacking skills or not being able to find a job. It may be that illness strikes in a society without health coverage for a substantial proportion of its members (Castells, 2000c).

He considers the process of social exclusion in the network society concerns both people and territories. So that under certain conditions entire countries, region, cities neighborhoods become excluded embracing in this exclusion most or all of their populations. This process induces an extremely uneven geography of social/ territorial exclusion and inclusion which disables large segments of people while linking up trans territorial through information technology whatever and whoever may offer value in global networks accumulating wealth, information and power (Castells, 2000c).

In Castells analysis technology has played a role and he was not all alone who studied the technological change. It is a burning issue in the social sciences. The conceptualization, which Manuel Castells was struck for the study of the technological innovation and social transformation, is remarkable (Castells, 2000c). Castells has observed that society has moved from the mode of production towards the mode of development. In which “The technological arrangements through which labour acts upon matter to generate a product, ultimately determining the level of surplus” (Castells, 2000a, p. 10).

From these lines Castells has clearly mentioned that the society which he is talking about is the society in which labour acts upon the arrangements of the technology, where labour works upon the skills they are having according to the technology. That means society has transformed towards the mode of development. There the development is based upon the techniques of production. The person those who are having the skills, they are employed according to the prerequisite skills of the technology. The argument in the thesis is that globalization in the fast pace of changing society can affect the local area. It restructures the economic system. It has changed the structure of working. The argument in the thesis, researcher has tried to develop for the process of social exclusion. The researcher has tried to gaze that a new kind of social problem is experienced in the society because of the acceleration of the globalization process especially due to ICT. The structural change gives birth to inequality, polarization, poverty and misery as well. According to Castells, power now rests in networks: “the logic of the network is more powerful than the powers of the network” (Weber, 2002, p. 104). Some networks, such as that of financial capital, are global in scale. Networks also exist within and between businesses, where the organizational unit has shifted from being capability-oriented (e.g. accounting, human resources, etc.) to being project-oriented. Resources including employees, consultants, and other businesses are brought together to work on a particular project, then dispersed and reallocated when the task is complete. The ability of an actor in the network is it a company, individual, government, or other organization to participate in the network is determined by the degree to which the node can contribute to the goals of the network. This new environment requires skilled flexible workers: the organization man gives way to the flexible woman (Castells, 2000c, p. 12). This leads to a binary process of inclusion and exclusion from the network. The people at the

bottom are those who, with nothing to offer the network, are excluded (Castells, 2000c, p. 05). Castells writes, “[t]he main shift can be characterized as the shift from vertical bureaucracies to the horizontal corporation” (Castells, 2000a, p. 176). The origin of the new organizational forms and the conditions of its interaction with the new technological paradigm is the concern of the examination by Castellsix (Castells, 2000a, p. 152).

Restructuring happened to coincide with the appearance of what Castells terms the informational mode of developmentx, a phenomenon closely associated with the growth of information and communications technologies (Castells, 2000a, p.102). The idea that “the working class-create the wealth and one day they will reap their just rewards”. Nowadays, however, this is not so. A new class informational labour has emerged which makes the old working class disposable. Informational labour acts on generic labour in ways that make abundantly clear who is more important to society. It does this in diverse ways, perhaps by automating generic labour out of existence (by using computerized technologies) or by transferring production to other parts of the world (readily done by planners with access to high technology) or by creating a new product towards which generic labour, being fixed and rigid, is incapable of adjusting (Castells, 2000a, p. 112).The whole thesis is divided into following five chapters:

Chapter 1: Introduction Chapter 2: Literature Review Chapter 3: Historical Background of Bhadohi Carpet Industry Chapter 4: Field Study Chapter 5: Conclusion

i It may be noted here that earlier the district was known as Sant. Ravi Das Nagar (Bhadohi). However, w.e.f. 15 January 2015 it is known as Bhadohi. Throughout the thesis I have referred the district Bhadohi. ii The mode of development has structurally determined performance principle around which technological processes are organized: Industrialism is oriented towards economic growth that is toward maximizing output’. Informationalism is oriented towards technological development, which is towards the accumulation of knowledge and towards higher level of complexity in

information processing. In the period of Informationalism which results into the levels of Knowledge which may normally results into the higher levels of output per unit of input, it is the pursuit of Knowledge and information that characterizes the technological production function” (Castells, 2000a, pp. 17- 18). iii The concept of timeless time Castells takes up well-known arguments about time–space compression in the modern world to emphasize that the network society endeavors to create a “forever universe” in which the limits of time are pushed further and further back (Webster, 2006, p. 108). iv The space of flows refers to the technological and organizational possibility of organizing the simultaneity of social practices without geographical contiguity (Castells, 2000d, p. 10). v Skill loss and Long-run Damages People not just learn by doing, they additionally unlearn by not being so as to do, that is, out of work and out of practice. Additionally, notwithstanding the devaluation of ability through non practice, unemployment may create loss of intellectual capacities as an after effect of the unemployed individual’s loss of certainty and feeling of control. In so far as this prompts the rise of a less gifted gathering with simply a memory of good skill, there is a phenomenon here that can lead to a future social exclusion from the employment market (Sen, 2000). vi In Castells analysis, labour is fundamentally divided into networked labour, which serves the goals of the network, and switched-off labour, which has nothing to offer the network and in the context of the network economy is non- labour (that is not to say their labour has no value, the realm of discarded labour is also the realm of criminal organizations outside the networks. Castells mentions that the networks can make perverse use of these masses of people). Networked labour is itself divided into two groups. Self-programmable labour – such as financial analysts, company officers, journalists – manages information; it is flexible and skilled. Its interests coincide with the goals of the network. Generic labour (including many workers in natural resource, manufacturing, and service industries, also minimum wage and sweatshop labour) is deskilled, interchangeable and disposable for those people; the goal is simple survival so

as not to be relegated to the class of switch-off irrelevant labour.

vii The main objective of organizational changes was to cope with the uncertainties caused by the rapid changes in the economic, institutional and technological environment of the firm by enhancing flexibility in production, management and marketing. Changes in the organizational structure were aimed at redefining labour processes and employment practices, introducing the model of “lean production” with the objective of saving labour, by the automation of jobs, elimination of tasks and suppression of managerial layers (Castells, 2000a, p. 153). viii Castells has observed that the society is moving towards post-industrial society. The characteristics of the Post Industrial Society which is given as: 1) Knowledge is the source of productivity and extended to all realms of economic activity through information processing. 2) The demise of agricultural employment would be followed by the irreversible decline of manufacturing jobs to the benefit of service jobs. The transformation of people is from the goods production to services delivery. 3) The source of information and knowledge is the basic content of the new

economy (Castells, 2000a). ix Castells has said that the new division of work is by all accounts comprehended by displaying a typology developed around three measurements. The principal measurement alludes to the real undertakings performed in a given work procedure and he brings as far as the value making. The second measurement, he alluded to as the connection making which concerns the relationship between a given organization and its environment, including different associations. The third measurement is the decision making which considers the relationship in the middle of administrators and workers in a given association or system. The accompanying central undertakings and their relating labourers can be recognized. First is where the commanders make the strategic decision-making. The same researcher has taken in the sense that ICT helps the entrepreneur in making the strategies and planning for their products to be sold in the market. Second is the innovation in products and process by the researchers. The same researcher has seen in the carpet industry that the products are produced with new creations and innovations. Third is the adaptation, packaging and targeting of innovation by the designers. The researcher has taken the same in the carpet

industry that the designers make innovation for the designs and patterns in the carpets. Fourth is the relationship management between the decision, innovation, design and execution taking into consideration the means available to the organization to achieve the stated goals by the integrators? The operators execute the tasks under their own initiative and understanding by the operators. The same the researcher has taken as the last inspection process in the carpet industry of Bhadohi. As per the relational capacity Castells has recognized three basic positions that are the networkers, the arranged specialists and the exchange of workers. The networkers, alludes to those individual who set up the associations on their drive and explores the courses of the system venture. The same the researcher taken in the terms of the two at worldwide level association with the purchasers of the rug and the nearby at the level of the system joined with the distinctive units of the carpet manufacturing process. The networked workers those are on-line yet without choosing when, how, why, or with whom. The study is looking the same in the terms of when the networked created at the international level through ICT, networkers did not know when at what time the demand of what pattern or types of carpet will come. The switched-off workers, tied to their own specific tasks, defined by non- interactive, one-way instructions. The same switched off workers the researcher is relating for those who are in network locally engaged in the process of manufacturing carpets to fulfill the demand of those online network (Castells, 2000a, p. 152). x Castells has watched that the informational society is the component of the three that is of self-expansion, recombination and distributional flexibility. Self- expansion implies expansion of the self. Not opposing on one but rather continue enhancing that is self-expansion. The idea of self-development was best caught in the laws of Moore in which he had discussed the extension of the technology that in the computers of first generation there was valve, and then in the next generation there was valve to transistor and in the following then it has changed from transistor to coordinated circuit. Moore's law has watched that the first generation computer to the fifth generation computer the technology has progressed which has reduced the cost. Reduction in force supply and it has expanded the effectiveness (Stadler, 2006).

CHAPTER 2 LITERATURE REVIEW

2.1: CONCEPT AND MEANING OF SOCIAL EXCLUSION

Social exclusion in India has been discussed and debated at two levels: a) Social Science discourse and b) Administrative and development policy arena. Firstly used for understanding the dynamics of hierarchical and stratified Indian society. Secondly applied for targeting the welfare measures and development programme (Pankaj & Pandey, 2014, pp.16-17).

The notion of ‘Social exclusion’ is a relatively new concept and is embedded in the economic, political and cultural / social structures of society; thus, we need to be mindful of different interpretations of social exclusion, as well as of social inclusion and of social connectedness. It is a contested concept with multiple meanings (Taket, Crisp, Nevill, Lamaro, Graham, & Godfrey, 2009, p. 5).

Diverse ways to deal with conceptualizing social exclusion may be suited to distinctive purposes and contexts, so it may not be alluring to compel a solitary definition. It may likewise be suitable to consider a multidimensional system for investigating social exclusion, on the grounds that the proof recommends it is conceivable to be socially excluded on more than one measurement at any one point in time, so the procedure of exclusion may be more extended and complex than before and thought (Abrams & Christian, 2007, p. 211).

“Social exclusion is a complex and multi-dimensional process. It involves the lack of denial of resources, rights, goods and services, and the inability to participate in the normal relationship and activities, available to majority of people in society, whether in economic, social, cultural, or political arenas. It affects both: the quality of life of individuals and the equity and cohesion of society as a whole” (Levitas, Pantazis, Fahmy, Gordon, Liyod, & Patsions, 2007, p. 9).

“An individual is socially excluded if (a) he or she is geographically resident in a society but (b) for reasons beyond his or her control he or she cannot participate in the normal activities of citizens in that society and (c) he or she would like to participate”(Burchardt, LeGrand, & D, 1999, p. 229).

Social exclusion is a term that is frequently used by policy makers in European Union countries. The idea of social exclusion is derived from French social and economic policy debates on the central importance of solidarity, integration and inclusion as a guiding principle for their social security system (Gordon, 2007).

The term was first used by René Lenoir in 1974 in his book Les exclus Un Francais sur dix, as a means of referring to people who had been failed by existing state and social networks such as the poor, disabled people, suicidal people, abused children, drug addicts and so on. Altogether, he cited ten categories of people who constituted about 10 percent of the French population (Haan, 1998).

Lenoir has pointed out the excluded were people who were unable to participate in French society and received little or no help from the French welfare state. They were effectively left out of the system. The concept of social exclusion was more widely adopted by European policy makers during the 1980s and 1990s, in part as a mechanism for sidestepping the controversy surrounding the continuation of a European Union anti-poverty programme. A number of attempts have been made by various international organizations, such as the World Bank, International Labour Organization (ILO) and the United Nations Education, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), to export the concept of social exclusion from its European home to other regions of the world. However, these attempts have so far been relatively unsuccessful and so this chapter will first discuss the evolution of social exclusion policies in Europe and then briefly discuss social exclusion policies of United Nations organizations (Gordon, 2007).

During the time of Blair Government in the UK, the concept of Social exclusion was included in the policy agenda. There, the concept of Social Exclusion Unit (SEU) has defined social exclusion as: “A shorthand label for what can happen when individuals or areas suffer from a combination of linked problems such as unemployment, poor skills, low incomes, poor housing, high crime environments, bad health and family breakdown” (Saunders, 2003, p. 5).

The definition embodies several key aspects of how social exclusion differs from most traditional notions of resource poverty, as encapsulated in the underlined phrases. These give emphasis on the idea that social exclusion is:

• It is not only the characteristic of individuals.

• The concept is multi-dimensional and a combination of inter-related factors are reflected; and • It reflects over the causes of unemployment (low skills), outcomes (high crime) and processes (family breakdown) of that time (Saunders, 2003, p. 6).

Room (1995), in one of the first studies to explicitly concentrate on social exclusion, contended that social exclusion infers a major discontinuity involved with whatever remains of society and focuses to five key elements which he recommends are integral to the definition of social exclusion:

1. Multidimensional: Social prohibition can't be measured by income alone however ought to incorporate an extensive variety of indicators of living standards.

2. Dynamic: Investigating social exclusion means comprehension procedures and distinguishing the elements which can trigger entry or exit.

3. Collective: Social exclusion is not just about individual living standards, but also about the collective resources in the neighbor-hood or community. This means insufficient or unsatisfactory community facilities, such as run-down schools, remotely sited shops, poor public transport networks and so on.

4. Relational: The idea of poverty is fundamentally engaged upon distributional issues, the absence of assets at the disposal of an individual or a household. Interestingly, social exclusion concentrates more on social issues. It alludes to lacking social participation, absence of social integration and lack of power.

5. Catastrophic: A disastrous partition from society, as a result of long-standing and multiple hardships over all the above (Room, 1995).

Atkinson (1998) who proposes that social exclusion has three main elements:

1. Relativity: It implies exclusion from a particular society at a particular time and place.

2. Agency: It implies an act or acts, by an agent or agents, people are excluded by the action of others.

3. Dynamics: People are excluded not just because of their current situation, but also because they have little prospect for the future (Atkinson, 1998).

Social exclusion has a number of dimensions including the economic (concerned with income, employment and the labour market and the production of and / or access to goods and services including housing, health and education), the social (including participation in decision making and opportunity for Social participation), the political (civil and political rights and citizenship) and the spatial. Each of these can be related to the individual and the individual’s relationship with the state and society (Bhalla & Lapeyre, 1997).

In K.M Ziyauddin has said that the very idea of social exclusion is not static in fact, it is a process or the procedures of marginalization and discrimination in the regular lives and connection. It stresses firmly on the social components concerns, for example, housing, well being, employment and education. It excludes certain communities and groups from association and access to social assets through social arrangements, normative value frameworks and traditions. The exclusion taking into account caste is one illustration and Patriarchy is another, which is systemic or constitutive exclusion. The denial of employment, equal wages and equal working relations, and the denial of freedom to undertake an occupation or economic activity based on freedom of choice are to be principally and practically implemented. The Indian constitution and legal framework recognize the principle of non discrimination and equal opportunity to all, irrespective of caste, race, religion, colour, sex, ethnicity etc. Despite several promises put forth by the constitution, various forms of discrimination continue to persist in our society because the constitutional remedy is often inaccessible to the SCs, STs, and religious minorities, literally taking away the equally quotient of their rights in terms of implementation (Ziyauddin, 2009, pp. 1-2).

Two defining characteristics of exclusion are particularly relevant, namely, the deprivation caused through exclusion in multiples spheres showing its multidimensionality. Second feature is that, it is embedded in the societal relations, and societal institutions, the process through which individuals or groups are wholly or partially excluded from full participation in the society in which they live (Haan, 1997).

Amartya Sen draws attention to various meanings and dimensions of the concept of social exclusion. Distinctions is drawn between the situation where some people are being kept out (at least left out), and where some people are being

25 included (may even be forced to be included) in deeply unfavorable terms, and described the two situations as “unfavorable exclusion” and “unfavorable inclusion.” The unfavorable inclusion, with unequal treatment may carry the same adverse effects as unfavorable exclusion. Sen also differentiated between “active and passive exclusion”. For the casual analysis, and policy response, Sen argued that it is important to distinguish between active exclusion - fostering of exclusion through the deliberate policy interventions by the government, or by any other willful agents and passive exclusion, which works through the social process in which there are no deliberate attempts to exclude, but nevertheless, may results in exclusion from a set of circumstances (Sen, 2000).

In Indian society subalternity, exclusion and social change are complexly interwoven. In India major determinant of subalternity has been the distance and degree of exclusion social change is not an independent variable either distance of social and degree of economic exclusion: both exist in a mutually reinforcing relation. Subalternity and exclusion are not mutually exclusive, different subaltern groups have been subjected to different levels of social and economic exclusion. Land -and caste- control over the means of production and socially ascribed position- have been the two major determinants and dimensions in urban society. In India caste and religion has been justified an ideology of exclusion and perpetuated through deeply entrenched in egalitarian social and economic relations, retrogressive cultural and religious norms, values and practices. Social exclusion in India has been explained in the historical perspective and contextualized in the structural conditions of a homo hierarchicus society. But is exclusion a fixed and static social condition? The process of exclusion should therefore try to be studied simultaneously with the process of inclusion, assertion and mobilization. The studies of social change in India have been caught in the debate on tradition and modernity. The debate has a tendency to dichotomize modernity and tradition in a teleological manner and construct the narratives of modernization by equating it with industrialization, urbanization and westernization and tradition with agriculture rural and oriental although the relation between tradition and modernity has not been so simple (Pankaj & Pandey, 2014).

The study has tried to focus on the issues of inter-social group inequalities in human development and exclusion-linked human deprivation of socially

disadvantaged groups in Indian society. It attempts to address four interrelated issues that are given below firstly from drawing the prevailing theoretical literature, it conceptualizes exclusion-linked deprivation of socially disadvantaged groups in Indian society and elaborates the concept and meaning of social exclusion in general and of caste, untouchability and ethnicity-based exclusion, in particular. Second it presents the status of disadvantaged groups, namely SCs and STs and captures the inter-social group inequalities with respect to attainment in HDI and HPI and by analyzing the individual indicators of well being. Third it analyses the economic factors associated with high level of deprivation among socially disadvantaged groups in terms of lower access to resources, employment, education and social needs. Fourth it examines the role of caste discrimination in economic, civil, social and political spheres which involve denial of selective restrictions on the right to development or equal opportunities for socially disadvantaged groups (Thorat & Sabharwal, 2014).

2.2: GLOBALIZATION AND SOCIAL EXCLUSION

The large scale of social change in 1970s and Immanuel Wallerstine propounded ‘World system Theory’. Wallerstine heralded that in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth century there will be the existence of what we may call a European trade economy. It will be different and new. It will be a kind of social system the world has not really known before and which is the distinctive features of the modern world system. What he drove was the world system forward and linked the things together are the labour transnational competition, market share and raw materials have led the world system forward and linked it. Many units of social scientific analysis like states, nations, regions, ethnic group have been integrated and located by Wallerstine. Their relationship can be understood by situating them with the world system theory and observing their relationship one to another. This notion of evolution and casualty depends greatly on accepting the metaphors of a system (Cohen & Kennedy, 2007, p. 39).

“Globalization is the process, completed in the twentieth century, by which the capitalist world-system spreads across the actual globe. Since that world system has maintained some of its main features over several centuries, globalization does not constitute a new phenomenon. At the turn of the twenty-first century, the capitalist world economy is in crisis….the current ideological celebration of so-

called globalization is in reality the swan song of our historical system” (Wallerstein, 1998, p. 32).

Sweezy (1968) the phenomena of globalization are not new. Karl Marx in the early days of the mid 19th century had pointed out that capitalism as an economic system was by definition and necessity an international economic system. Andre Gunder Frank (1978, 1982) in the 1960’s has discovered the implications of the phenomenon by advancing his thought over “capitalist accumulation” and the “development of underdevelopment”. The term globalization acquired currency, Immanuel Wallerstein (1979) spoke of “the capitalist world economy” and “the world system theory” (Jayaram & Rajasekhar, 2012, p. 2).

“Globalization is not just a new term, what is new is the phenomenon and the speed at which it has engulfed all parts of the world: the ‘consciousness of the world it has intensified as a whole” (Robertson, 1992, p. 8).

We can see the concept of Globalization can be traced to Marshal Mcluhan (1960), who has introduced the idea of ‘global village’ which has the implication of the sort of compression of the world and intensification of the consciousness of the world as a single entity. In the early 1960s shrinking of the world was then attributed to the growing impact of media and television, the enormous amount of influence these have that it has all-pervasive that it became a part of our being, our consciousness and our existence (Jayaram & Rajasekhar, 2012, p. 31). “Local happenings are now shaped by events occurring miles away and vice-versa” (Giddens, 1990, p. 64).

Thomas L. Friedman has defined globalization as “the integration of everything with everything else”. Globalization involves a process of change that is too simple and yet paradoxically too complicated to grapple with. “It is a process of integration of markets, finance and technology in a way that shrinks the world to minimize in size and enables peoples from different parts of the globe to reach around the world faster, deeper and cheaper” (Friedman R., 2002, pp. 64-70).

The debate over globalization has focused on the recent developments. Its impact is not confined to a single-nation state, continent or a sub-continent. The result we can see of the global economic integration is seen over which the widespread of a wide range of non-economic spheres of life all over the world. It can

28 be understood as the process that rapidly transforms an otherwise desperate and heterogeneous world into a compressed, but not necessarily homogeneous, entity and yet at the same time it “intensifies consciousness of the world as a whole” (Robertson, 1992, p. 8).

In the era of globalization, social exclusion focuses on the international relations of production, trade, migration, technology and so on that structure the uneven development of capitalism on a global scale. A broader concept used in the much broader conception used in EU policy tool. It is not easy to understand the international dimension of exclusionary process. It is crucial to understand that how social inequality is generated and reproduced today. For that Charles Gore has raised the issue that we need to raise the questions about the “nationality” of social exclusion that is to say the significance of nation state in the institutionalization of the exclusionary practices (Gore, 1995, p. 10).

Globalization and the changes it signals represent a unique opportunity for humanity to overcome hunger, poverty and deprivation. Whether we view globalization as a threat or as an opportunity we need to address it in a way that acknowledges complexity and avoids simplification if only because the issues are important. Scholte puts it: “While globality is a discrete concept, it is not a discrete condition. It is helpful, analytically to distinguish different sphere of social space; however, concretely. The global is not a domain unto itself ” (Scholte, 2002, p. 27).

Amartya Sen says the central issue of contention is not globalization itself, nor is it the use of the market as an institution, but the inequity in the overall balance of institutional arrangements- which produces very unequal sharing of the benefits of globalization. The question is not just whether the poor, too, gain something from globalization, but whether they get a fair share and a fair opportunity. There is an urgent need for reforming institutional arrangements-in addition to national ones-in order to overcome both the errors of omission and those of commission that tend to give the poor across the world such limited opportunities (Sen, 2004, pp. 20-21).

As Martin Albrow says, “People can reside in one place and have their meaningful social relations among entirely outside it and across the globe” (Albrow, 1997, p. 53).

For the advocates of globalization, this is a process in which mechanism will not only create abundance for all but also will eventually even iron out socio- economic inequalities. For its critics globalization is simply the most dynamic machine ever created to foster ever-growing levels of in-equality. So the great riches generated by financial speculation, for example, are necessarily matched by vast layers of people through the very thin safety nets of welfare provision. Whatever our opinion, we must note the conclusion of the recent World Commission on the social dimension of globalization: “It thus widely accepted that the litmus test for the current process of globalization is whether it will significantly enhance the speeding up of development and the reduction of the absolute poverty in the world” (Globalization, 2003, p. 42).

Amartya Sen says “The helpfulness of the social exclusion approach does not lie in its conceptual newness, but in its practical influence in forcefully emphasizing and focusing attention-on–the role of relational features in deprivation” (Sen, 2000, p. 81).

Roland Robertson says the era of globalization requires a new conception of poverty and social exclusion. The concept of social exclusion does not focus on individuals but rather on the social relations that create and reproduce the complex processes of exclusion / inclusion that lie at the core of contemporary capitalist society. It also explains the causes of social inequality and focuses on the power structures of society not the global economy. It is not static as poverty theories usually are, but rather present a strong dynamic edge focused on the active processes of social exclusion (Munck, 2005, p. 30).

As Charles Gore puts it, we need to “raise questions about the nationality of social exclusion, that is to say the significance of the nation state in the institutionalization of the exclusionary practices” (Gore, 1995, p. 10).

Social exclusion in the era of globalization needs to be focus on how nation- states are affected by exclusionary processes. There is now fairly widespread agreement that there are winners and losers in the global economy. The international drive towards competitiveness as an overarching goal inevitably increased international in-equality levels among nation-states. For every nation state that became a tiger economy (Southeast Asian examples stand out), there are many more

that stagnated (such as the Latin American economies during the last decade of the 1980s). However it is the countries of the Sub-Saharan Africa that seem most clearly condemned to a form of continental social exclusion as a direct result of the processes of globalization. Manuel Castells develops a striking image of a fourth World, comprising veritable black holes characterized by the “exclusion of people and territories which, from the perspective of dominant interests in global, informational capitalism, shift to a position of structural irrelevance” (Castells, 2000c, p. 162).

The second major social effect, after inequality, generated by globalization is interconnectedness. Ash Amin goes so far as to say that “perhaps the most distinctive aspect of contemporary globalization” is precisely the “interconnectedness, multiplicity and hybridization, of social life at every level” (Amin, 1997, p. 129).

From this powerful image, Manuel Castells derives the notion that capital and ordinary mortals live in different places and times: one exist in the space of flows and lives in the instant time of computerized networks, whereas the rest of us exist in the “space of places” and live by the clock time of everyday life (Castells, 2000a, p. 475).

While this image certainly reflects a tendency in the social transformation unleashed by globalization, it may be too one-sided. What this means that globalization is confronted daily everywhere. Individuals, social movements, organizations and social networks all have agency are powerless in front of a supposed globalization juggernaut. For every door that globalization has closed for social transformation- for example in reducing the scope of the nation-state-it has opened others not least in terms of the vulnerability of the new global networked order to disruption through system instability as well as social contestation (Munck, 2005, pp. 13-15).

Globalization has greatly magnified the level of risk we all live under, insofar as the hazards posed by the process of globalization are practically unlimited in time and space in the sense that we know where this greatly accelerated the world is heading. In the era of global risks there is an ever-present danger of a transnational financial meltdown, a global ecological disaster, and the ever growing threat of global terrorism and counter-terrorism that has unleashed a new era of turbulence (Munck, 2005, p. 16).

Haan revaluates the importance of social policies in shaping the wellbeing and combating exclusion and has enhanced critical understanding of how the policies are constituted in a globalizing world. His core concern is the capacity for policy making to protect groups from becoming excluded, to promote exclusion and to avoid the sharpening of trends towards marginalization. Haan’s central argument is that the national social policy is more not less, as commonly argued, important in a globalized world and more open economies and societies. It therefore puts emphasis on the need for strengthened analysis of social policies and its role in shaping the wellbeing across nations and particularly in the world’s most marginalized countries where social policy analysis has remained underdeveloped. He has structured his argument around the theme of globalization, the role of social policies in shaping the well being of populations and the need to revive a more pro-active and holistic approach to social policies in international development (Haan, 2007).

The discourse on globalization in recent times has taken three major strands: World Polity Theory, which Giddens calls the Theory of International Relations; World System Theory and World Culture Theory. In the first theory, it is discussed about the origin of the globalization and then its spread worldwide. In the international arena, nation states are treated as actors, engaging with one another. Initially, sovereign nation-states emerge as separate entities and later on they move towards one “world-state” (Giddens, 2001, p. 246).

Ishwar Modi has pointed out that Castells is of the opinion that the rapid development of information technology: globalization goes hand in hand with the spread of an “informational mode of production” which is replacing the industrial mode. However, all this takes place in the context of a restructured capitalist “mode of regulation” of the world economy. Capitalism has not exhausted its potential for change, and the profit-motive remains the dominant motivating force. Other writers emphasize the importance of global media which diffuse a new global culture, largely based on US values- Mc-Donaldization or Disneyfication of the world (e.g., Martin & Schumann, 1997). He further says that Giddens (1990) stresses the importance of “time-space compression” the way in which new forms of communication and transport speed up flows and transactions to the point that old barriers become meaningless. He also points out that the Bauman has taken up this thought, and shows how new types of global stratification are rising, particularly the

class division between the individuals who have the resources and knowledge to wind up versatile and take an interest in worldwide markets for job, social good and cultural images: and those limited to an absolutely local existence (Ishwar, 2013, p. 152).

There is not any one single effect of globalization. It is a multiple-effect phenomenon impacting differently the various sectors. Those countries who master the art of combating adversities and succeeding in the battle can be called the good boys and those who fail in the fight are called the bad boys of globalization. India is neither totally good nor totally bad. There is a mixture of benefits and problems affecting the long standing Indian society. People swing sweeping remarks in this or that way. Very few have understood the differential consequences of globalization in India (Prabaharan, 2007).

S.L. Sharma has tried to understand the meaning of globalization in a systematic manner. First, he says globalization as the procedure of unification of the world realized by phenomenal advances in information and communication technology. Second is globalization as a procedure of unification of the world by method for market sector joining crosswise over countries. Various researchers have characterized globalization as an extraordinary and transient pressure of the world quickened by late advances in information communication technology. He has pointed out that Mc Luhan was the first to conceive the idea of ‘global village’ in the context of mounting significance of media in uniting the world. Accordingly, Roberstan (1992) has defined globalization as a process that “refers both to the compression of the world and intensification of consciousness of the world as a whole.” Similarly he says that Giddens (1990) interprets globalization as “distanciation” which implies compression of time and space facilitating “social action at a distance” (Sharma, 2012, p. 223).

Waters defines globalization as “process in which the constraints of geography on social cultural arrangements recede and people become aware that they are receding” (Waters, M. 1995, p. 3).

Robert Anderton, Paul Brenton and John Whalley, has done a detailed investigation into the causes of the deterioration of the relative economic fortunes of less-skilled workers across various countries, with a focus on the role of

globalization. Over the past thirty years, the decline in the wages and employment of less-skilled workers relative to skilled workers in Europe and North America has coincided with acceleration in globalization. Although it is now widely held that the main cause of this rise in inequality seems to be a shift in demand towards higher skilled workers, this book aims to shed light on whether it is trade or technology that is primarily responsible for this demand shift. More specifically: has the rapid growth of labour-saving technological progress reduced the relative demand for less-skilled workers; or has increased international trade with low wage countries—that is, nations with an abundant supply of low-skill and low-wage labour—decreased the demand for low-skilled workers in the advanced industrialized countries. This is not a new question and is part of an ongoing debate which has stimulated a large amount of research on this issue. So far, the majority of studies conclude that it is technology (that is skill biased technical change) rather than trade that has been the main cause of growing inequality in the labour market (Anderton, Brenton, & Whalley, 2006).

2.3: CASTE AND SOCIAL EXCLUSION

Sukhadeo Thorat has pointed out that In India the concept of social exclusion in the literature of social science is depicted on the two dimensions that are upon the “societal institutions” and their “outcome” the meaning and manifestation on the basis of Caste and Ethnicity. The concept of social exclusion refers to a process the impact of which is upon a group to participate fully or partially in the society in which they are the member of it. “Social exclusion is the denial of equal opportunities imposed by certain groups of society upon others which led to inability of an individual to participate in the basic political, economic and social functioning of the society” (Thorat, 2005, pp. 1-2).

Gail Omveldt is of the opinion that “Caste is the cruelest exclusion” and religious scriptures has promoted social exclusion because it is entrenched in the concept of caste. Where the inequality in the society is authorized by the Brahmanic theory said by the Hindu society the jati which is at the top of the hierarchy are the Brahmins and at the lowest are the Shudra. The caste that is dominant in the region, like the caste of baniya or the merchant group, also those who are dominant caste in the region who are farmers and control much of the land. Gail Omveldt is of the view that Caste is the main stream of social exclusion in the South Asian sub continent, whether it’s Hindu, Muslim, Sikhs or the Christians. The other is the factor of

jajmani system in India. Castes or jatis are identified in a hierarchy; at the top are usually Brahmins, members of various merchant or bania castes, and members of regionally-identified “dominant castes” who are farmers and control much of the land. Lower down are those performing artisanal skills within the jajmani system, and lowest of all are the ex-untouchables, now called dalits, who are considered ritually impure but also perform most of the agricultural labour and much of the casual labour in India. Then there are the various “nomadic tribes” and “scheduled tribes”, or adivasis as they prefer to call themselves, who are outside the village but still linked to it by numerous ties of exchange and ritual relationships. These jatis are classified, normally according to the four varna system, as brahmin, kshatriya, vaishya, and shudra though dalits and adivasis are outside this system (Omveldt, 2008).

According to Dumont, caste represents the institutionalization of hierarchical values. In his holistic conception of caste, hierarchy is expressed in an Indian cultural code of relative purity and impurity, in a continuously graded status order whose extremes are the Brahmin at the top the most pure of men and the Untouchables at the bottom the least pure of men. Brahmin and Untouchables are conceptually opposed in a number of ways that contribute to their archetypal purity and impurity, according to Dumont. The Brahmin lives in the centre of the village and is a ‘god on earth’, while the Untouchable lives outside the village and is apparently excluded from religious life. The murder of a Brahmin is as heinous a crime as the murder of a cow, while the Untouchable is a scavenger and the eater of dead cows. The Brahmin purifies himself in order to approach the God and thus mediates between man and God. The Untouchable makes personal purity possible by removing the strongest sources of organic impurity and mediates between man and the maleficent ‘demons’. For Dumont, however, this opposition of Brahmin and Untouchable is also complementary the completion of a whole by two equally necessary but unequally ranked parts. The impurity of the Untouchable is conceptually inseparable from the purity of the Brahmin. Since the execution of impure tasks by some is necessary to the maintenance of purity for others society is a totality made up of two unequal but complementary parts (Dumont, 1970, pp. 92-93).

The universe of caste is structured by dharma in the sense of the ever-present order of the universe. Here dharma is an absolute concept; all sentient beings

35 including God are subject to its laws. In the classic brahmanical formulation, the social universe is taken to be a manifestation in time and space of the ever-present Brahma. From the cosmic body of Brahma at the dawn of time issued forth the four main castes (strictly speaking, varna), each endowed with a particular quality necessary to enact the sacrifices necessary to sustain the universe. The first-born were the Brahmins who emerged from the mouth of Brahma. They were possessed of the power of speech and were entitled to effectuate a sacrifice by means of their knowledge of ritual formulae. The warriors, who emerged from the arms of Brahma, were born next. They were endowed with the martial qualities necessary to protect the universal order. It was their task to offer the oblation at the sacrifice. The third- born were the Vaishyas, or herders and tillers (in some regions of India they are said to be merchants) who emerged from the thighs of Brahma. They produced the material wealth of the universe and were charged with providing the oblation for the sacrifice. The last born were the servants, who sprang from the feet of Brahma. It was their duty to serve the other three castes outside the sacrificial arena. The four castes were ranked, both in their order of birth and the excellence of their sacrificial function. The Brahmins were the first born and they performed the most excellent function at the sacrifice. Virtue in this system, however, is not defined in terms of emulating the functions of the higher castes; rather it lies in the performance of one’s own caste’s duties; it is more virtuous for the cobbler to tan his polluting hides and to beat the drum at the village temple than to imitate the superior ways of the Brahmin scholar. In this way, by each caste observing its particular duties, the universe survives as a whole. Separation pervades the entire caste system. Servants cannot enter the sacrificial arena, for they lack the sacred thread of the upper three castes. The most notorious separation is that of untouchability. The members of the four main castes, which constitute the mouth, arms, thighs and feet of Brahma, do not accept water, which has been handled by those caste that are outside Brahma’s auspicious body. Each person is said to have a certain amount of spiritual energy, or samskara, which he has accumulated by performing acts of self sacrifice in previous lives. Unequal birth and unequal achievement in any particular lifetime are attributed to an unequal accumulation of spiritual energy. This energy also determines one’s entitlement to follow a particular path of personal salvation. Untouchable castes are not admitted because the bodies and minds of such persons are considered to be impure, dull or otherwise unfit for initiation. Had such persons more spiritual energy,

they would have been born into a higher station in life and would have been fit receptacles of religious knowledge (Fuller & Spencer, 1996, pp. 35–42).

Max Weber the most outstanding comparative sociologist of all time defined the social identity of the Hindu in terms of caste, and of caste in terms of ritual. “Caste that is the ritual rights and duties it gives and imposes and the position of the Brahmans. It is the fundamental institution of Hinduism, before everything else, without caste there is no Hindu” (Weber, 1958, p. 29). Even those who would broadly accept this view might point to significant exceptions: Hinduism always had a place for the renounces, and the sannyasi might still be considered, a Hindu, although without caste or clan.

Boughle pointing to the remarkable historical continuity of the system, he wrote, ‘the caste system allows all regimes to pass over its head: it also remains’. He has emphasized over the inseparability of caste and Hinduism. “All observers are agreed on this: Caste is basically a religious institution” (Boughle, 1971, p. 65).

Boughle over caste says that the cast divides the whole society into a large number of hereditary groups, distinguished from one another and connected together by three characteristics: Separation in matters of marriage and contact, whether direct or indirect (food): division of labour, each group having in theory or by tradition , a profession from which their members can depart only within certain limits: and finally hierarchy, which ranks the groups as relatively superior or inferior to one another (Dumont, 1970, p. 21).

In practice, to enumerate the castes one must be content to see them from the outside: In a given linguistic area there are a large but not indefinite number of names of castes. They could be added up, but in doing so one would overlook an important aspect of the phenomenon: seen from the inside, the category corresponding to one of these names is subdivided at least once and often several times, and marriage, for example takes place only within one of the subdivisions (Dumont, 1970, p. 21).

H.S Verma in his book “The OBCs and the Dynamics of Social Exclusion in India” has examined the empowerment of OBCs and says which is linked with poverty, social exclusion and development. He observed social exclusion that there is a strong link between poverty and social exclusion. Social exclusion assumes

multiple forms that is, from family labour market, neighborhood, society, community (social), resources wages, social security savings, assets-goods and services (economic), legal system, education, health, political rights, justice, bureaucracy (institutional), demographic-migration-accessibility to transport, communications (territorial) and identity, social visibility and self-esteem, basic facilities, interest and motivations and future prospects (symbolic references). Consequently it highlights the importance of promoting, equality in the full range of human rights, including civil, cultural, economic, political and social rights. Exclusion is a cycle of acts emanating from the determination of the powerful to exploit the resources and people and the acts of the people to resist this exploitation, eviction and repression. Exclusion has many stages. First, it starts from the idea of excluding people from the resources. In the second stage, the dominant define the rights of others, limiting them first and then keep on steadily down. All the rights are vested with the dominant in third stage. In the fourth stage, rights become ‘Gifts’ to the dominated and the dominant arrogate to them the power to suspend all rights to the dominated. It is a show process of triangulation.

Exclusion could be on the basis of race, class, colour, sex, gender, language, ethnic identity, caste, descent, occupation, religion and social origin. Its attenuation could start using the charity an approach or that of human rights. The most important consideration in handling it is to realize that exclusion is a factor of power. Therefore restoration of power and rights and redressing the imbalance is keys to inclusion. The task is there to build power, empower the marginalized, making them fully aware that their attempts to climb out of their waste absorption roles increases the levels of repression and violence (Verma, 2005, p. 3).

The report of the Committee on India: Vision 2020, Planning Commission, Government of India (2004) carries forward the historical legacy of official apathy and neglect of the OBCs. Its summary and overview contains no specific vision about the OBCs. The background paper on the issues concerning the vulnerable groups contained in it (Saksena, 2004, pp. 473-512).

Certainly has a section on the OBCs quoting the findings of the people of India. The background paper records the contrasting changes in the occupational fortunes of different sub-groups of the OBCs. While there has been a sharp decline in occupations such as trapping of birds / animals, pastoral activity, gathering and

38 selling of natural products, those involved in wage labour, business, industry, horticulture, trade & government & other services have registered notable increases. It also records the significant fact that developmental intervention in the case of the OBCs has been of a low order, especially in view of their vast numbers and difficult reach. Saksena has noted that a considerable number of OBCs communities have traditional skills which cannot provide them with adequate livelihood due to changing ways of life, habits and means of entertainment etc. Therefore they have to be provided with alternative skills after careful appraisal of their situation. Some occupational skills have to be provided with opportunities for upgradation, modern tools and designs and guided through newly created channels of marketing and sale (Verma, 2005, pp. 27-28).

The caste system is prevalent in the Indian society. Hutton considers that “it has proved capable of absorbing any intrusive society.” The word caste comes from the Portuguese word casta, signifying breed, race or kind: homen de boa casta is “a man of good family.” Risley (1891) defines it as a collection of families or a group of families bearing a common name; claiming a common descent from a mythical ancestor, human or divine: professing to follow the same hereditary calling and regarded by those who are competent to give an opinion as forming a single homogeneous community; he goes on to add that the caste name is generally associated with specific occupation and that caste is almost invariably endogamous. But it is further divided, as a rule, into a number of smaller circles each of which is endogamous, so that a Brahmin is not only restricted to marrying another Brahmin, but to marrying a women of the same subdivision of Brahmins (Hutton, 1946, p. 1).

Ghurye is of the opinion that “Castes are small or complete social worlds in themselves, marked of definitely from one another though subsisting within the same society” (Ghurey, 1961, p. 2).

He enumerated the following key features of caste system:

1. Segmental division of society, 2. Hierarchy 3. Restriction on food and social intercourse 4. Civil and religious disabilities and privileges of the different sections, 5. Lack of unrestricted choice of occupation, and

6. Restriction on Marriage (Ghurey, 1961).

Caste system as it exists in Hindu society is characterized by the following features:

1. Hierarchy------the principal according to which various sections of society are hierarchically arranged into high and low, superior and inferior categories. 2. Endogamy------restriction on marriage within one’s own caste or sub- caste. 3. Occupational specialization------the principle that each caste must follow the tradition which is traditionally accorded to it and which is determined by birth. 4. The notion of purity & pollution------the notion that certain castes and occupation are unclean and contact with them renders the high-caste person unclean (A.R.Momin, 1992).

Ansari (1960) has categorized the Muslims of Uttar Pradesh into four major groups- priest, warrior, common, and serf and tried to correlate these four groups with the four Hindu varnas. He has further categorized the Muslims into two major status groups, viz., Ashraf and Ajlaf and admitted that each of these has its own sub- categories. Ashrafs are the noble section and claim their descent from the foreign immigrants, while the Ajlafs are commoner, mostly of indigenous stock carrying out the traditional skill and trades. According to him, Ashrafs are again differentiated among themselves in terms of ethnicity and culture into four groups that is Sayyad, Shaikh, Mughal, and Pathan. The non-Ashraf with its various sub-groups constitutes the non-elite or the serving sections and it is within itself divided into several occupational groups. He states that each of the various Muslim groups is endogamous. Ansari’s categorization of the Muslims into different occupational status group clearly indicates that he had followed the Hindu varna (jati) model for the classification of Muslim groups in India (Mondal, 1992, pp. 64-65).

Imam (1992) has pointedly referred how Muslim community is stratified into various segments. In his field study conducted in a village of Bangladesh, he finds that despite the egalitarian outlook of Islam, Muslim community is stratified. Muslims are divided into seven caste groups and each group enjoys a different degree of prestige. The caste system among Muslims is not as rigid as that among

Hindus in maintaining the racial purity. He has described the relationship of caste with occupation-members of high caste were involved in lower level of occupation (Imam, 1975).

Gaus Ansari has argued that Muslims in India are divided into three broad categories and further these categories are divided into a number of groups for which he chooses to designate as castes (Ansari, 2007).

Matin has pointed the caste among the Indian Muslims under four headings ashraf, muslim rajput, occupational castes and the untouchables. Ashraf caste includes sayyad, shaikh, mughal sections and pathan tribes. Sub division of sayyad caste includes: abidi, askari, baqari, hasani, hussaini, kazimi, naqvi, rizvi, taqvi and zaidi. Shaikh includes: ansari, faruqi, khurasani, milqi, qidwai, quraishi, siddiqi and usmani. Mughal sections include use at the title mirza, at their beginning of their name and at the end affix their descent title, viz. chaghtai, qizilbash, tajik, temuri, turkman and uzbak or uzbeg. Pathan tribes: At the end of their name pathan use the title khan at the end of their name and generally do not affix their tribal title. Under muslim rajput the sub-caste which comes are bhale sultan, khanzada and lalkhani. bais, bargujar, bhatti, bisen, chandel, chauhan, gautam, panwar, raikwar, ratthaur, sombansi and tomar. Occupational Castes: It includes the castes which are entirely muslim:

Atishbaz Fire work Bawarchi Cook Bhand Jester Bhatiyara Innkeeper Faqir Beggar Gaddi Muslim grazer Mirasi Muslim musician Momin Julaha Muslim weaver Nanbai Baker Qassab Butcher Dhuniya Cotton Carder Kunjra, Kabaria Green Grocer Maniha Bracelet Maker Barhai Carpenter

Chikwa Non-Cow slaying butcher Dhobi Laundry man Halwai Confectionery Kumhar Potter Lohar Blacksmith Nai or Hajjam Barber Teli Oil Presser

The Untouchables: Bhangi sub castes: Like Balmiki, Bansphor, Dhanuk; Dhe; Gazipuri Rawat, Hanri or Hari, Hela, Lal Begi, Pathharphor, Shaikh and Mehtar (Matin, 1996, pp. 113-115).

2.4: TECHNOLOGY AND SOCIAL EXCLUSION

Technology had a dynamic impact upon the society. It has brought the change in the structure of the society. We are witnessing a far changing economy as the world is currently experiencing, the speedy far-triumph of social change which did not just happen. Rather, it is the result of fundamental forces set in motion thousands of years ago, beginning with the gradual domestication of plants and animals. This first social revolution allowed hunting and gathering societies to develop into horticultural and pastoral societies. The plow brought about the second social revolution, from which agricultural societies emerged. Then the invention of the steam engine ushered in the industrial revolution. And now we are witnessing the fourth social revolution, stimulated by the invention of the microchip. The researcher in her thesis wants to look at the technological up gradation which led to the social exclusion. The researcher as here talks of the four revolution the society is undergoing. The society has seemed the changes going on in the society. The wants study to investigate up gradation in the technique of carpet making due to the effect of globalization.

In his theory of social change William Ogburn’s explains that the technology is the main thrust of social change. Ogburn (1964) identified technology as the fundamental driver of social change, which he argues comes through three pronged processes, invention, discovery and diffusion. Ogburn defined invention as a combination of existing elements and materials to form new ones (Vago, 1992; Henslin, 1998). Whereas we think of inventions as being only material, such as

computers, there are also social inventions, such as bureaucracy and capitalism. Social inventions can have far reaching consequences for society. Ogburn’s second process of social change is discovery, a new way of seeing reality (Vago, 1992). The reality is already present, but people now see it for the first time. Ogburn’s third process of social change is diffusion. Ogburn viewed diffusion as the major process of social change and argues that it can have far reaching effects on human relationships (Henslin, 1998). “The changes are of a succession of difference in time at a persisting identity” (Nisbet, 1970, p. 302).

A.R. Radcliffe Brown writes on change that is of crucial importance. The word change and more particularly process is ambiguous in relation to society. He wants to differentiate two totally different kinds. One goes to a primitive society, witnesses the preliminaries to a marriage ceremony, the ceremony itself, and its consequences: two individual, formerly unrelated or in a special relationship that of husband and wife; a new group has been organized, which has developed into a family. Obviously something you have here that you can call social change or process. There is a change within the structure. But it does not affect the structural form of the society. They are analogous to the changes which the physiologist can study in an organism. The change of metabolism, the other type of changes occurs when a society as a result of disturbances induced either by internal development or impact from without, changes its structural form. These two types of change it is absolutely necessary to distinguish and to study separately. Nadel says first he calls the kind of “readjustment”. Fundamentally it is a readjustment of the equilibrium of a social structure. The second Nadel prefer to call “Change of type”. However slight the latter may be, it is a change such that when there is sufficient of it, the society passes from one type of social structure to another (Nisbet, 1970).

The changes which are going on in the society and the effect it has made in the fast moving society. The sociologist tries to give the impact of the tremendous change and give there quickly view on the changes, or challenge the assumptions and direction of change. In middle part of the 19th century, during the time of industrialization and urbanization of the first industrial revolution the sociologist and theorist Karl Marx had pointed out on the emerging social inequities. In the 20thcentury Lewis Mumford (1934,1964), Ivan Illich (1973) and Jacques Ellul (1964) scrutinized the social changes dominated by the continuous urbanization, massive

43 production, and other key features of the modern era (Bauchspies, Croissant, & Restivo, 2006).

In German Ideology (1947) Marx & Engles had reacted upon the young Hegalian, constructed their analysis on the foundation of the set of what they describe as “real premises”. The existence of living human individuals, society is the system of co-operating individuals of the physical organization of the living individuals. In the writings of German Ideology and other writings of Marx and Engels had discussed about the human thoughts that are determined by the thought of human and by the product of Human thoughts. The human thought the technology and the material condition however do not empower the thoughts of human itself with causal creative efficacy. The technology and society become more complex as the mode of production becomes more specialized and promotes a division of labour (Bauchspies, Croissant, & Restivo, 2006).

In words of Wenda K. Bauchspies, the four authors Lewis Mumford, Jacques Ellul, Ivan Illich, and Winner struggled with the idea of technological determinism. The resist on the idea that technology drives social change and that technological change is inevitable. On the one hand, they had recognize that new technologies come from inventive activities informed by social needs or interests, needs or an interest that reflects the views and social position of specific social groups. On the other hand they all also recognize the subjective feeling they all have at the one extent or another that we are slaves to the machines around us. In the face of new technologies we seems to be faced with only two choices take it or leave it (Bauchspies, Croissant, & Restivo, 2006).

Mumford’s view is to see the integration of our lives with the mechanical order. Technologies should be subordinated to our values and our lives and not used to subvert or otherwise undermine our social worlds. In the pre–industrial society Mumford’s experienced that individuals have the control over their technologies. The industrial revolution shifted the relationship between people and their technologies, externalized machine discipline, and gave tools, technologies, and machines control over their human creators. This created a situation which could be experienced as a shift in agency from people to technology and led to the idea of technology as an autonomous agential force (Mumford, 1934).

Jacques Ellul aspect was that the collective mechanisms and movements in society that disfranchise the individual in the broad sense that has focused in the Ellul views is the relationship between technology and society as a function of our ability to reason merged with technique, the availability of the set of means in a society. Ellul had troubled in explaining the revolution because he thought of technique as internal to humans and society. The new society had taken an outlook with the Industrial society and modern technology with nature, artificial and apparently autonomous. In any case, Ellul’s faith in religion provides a means for him to separate humans from la technique (J.Ellul, 1964).

Ivan Illich adopts an approach to studying technology and society that begins by imagining the attributes of a “convivial society” a society in which tools and technologies are responsibly limited. Illich imaginatively explores whether and how tools are beneficial or destructive societal means. In this way he is able to philosophically consider the limits and scale of the relationship between technology and society. He makes a distinction between tools that help to create a demand for what they can do and complimentary enabling tools tied to self actualization. One assumption here is that everyone has equal access to all tools and technologies. Illich believes that it is therefore possible to create machines that do not make us feel controlled or enslaved. The call for convivial tools is then a call for new tools, tools to work with rather than tools that work for us (Illich, 1973).

Winner has talked on the view that the technologies are autonomous. They follow the path of their own wishes and desires. He says technologies are not autonomous. How is it that we humans create technologies and then seem to lose control over our creations? Winner claims that we must give up the assumption that inventors know their inventions in a precise and detailed way and can control their creations. Technological societies and it is in great part that complexity that is reflected in the transfer, transformation and separation of technologies from human needs and creative intelligence (Winner, 1977).

The concept of technology centre on the edge of innovations that have appeared since the late 1970s. We can identify two periods during which we can made the claim that new technologies are of the consequences that they thought to bring about the systematic social change. The period can be divided into the late 1970s and early 1980s, commentators became excited about the ‘mighty micro’s’

capacity to revolutionize our own way of life (Evans, 1979; Martin, 1978). Alvin Toffler (1980) his suggestion in a memorable metaphor is that, over time, the world is shaped by three waves of technological innovation. The first was the agricultural revolution, and the second the industrial revolution and the third is the Information revolution (Webster, 2006, p. 9).

Daniel Bell was the first thinker who subscribe to the notion that a new type of society is emerging through his theory of Post Industrial society. Bell says Post Industrial society is a knowledge society that sources of innovation are increasingly derivative from research and development and more directly there is a new relation between science and technology because of the centrality of the theoretical knowledge (Bell, 1973). Bell state “in pre-industrial society life is ‘a game against nature’ where one works with raw muscle power” (Bell, 1973, p. 126).

In the Industrial era, where the “machine predominates” in a “technical and rationalized” existence, life is a game against fabricated nature. In contrast to both, life in a post-industrial society is based on services….is a game between persons. What counts is not raw muscle power, or energy, but information. According to Bell the reason for the change according to him is that increases in productivity allow employees to shift from agricultural to industry to services and the production increases from the technological innovations (Webster, 2006).

Society is dynamic in nature. Society progresses with development, technology drives the idea of social change which is inevitable. The term digital divide is the ever growing gap between the people who are having access to the information and communication technologies and those who do not have it. The Internet technology is the fastest and the growing technology and it has its impact over the society in bringing the gap termed as digital divide. The internet has the potential to empower its users with new skills, new perspectives and new opportunities. Those groups that remain isolated from the technology will be further segregated into the periphery of the mainstream public life (Kumar, 2006).

A striking shift in the post- industrial society is the kind of work that people do. In the industrial society, the workers had to do a lot of manual labour-intensive. But there was a shift in the work pattern. During the post-industrial period, the work pattern is changed. It is because of the knowledge of technologies led to a fall in the

number of manual manufacturing jobs. There emerged service sector. This sector is characterized by non-manual work. It is also known for creativity and sociability. The change in the kind of work also influenced professional occupations also underwent change (Doshi, 2009).

The debate on the future state of post-industrial society also deals with the problem of the structure of such a society. To re-capitulate the transformation of industrial society into post-industrial society; we would say that during the period of fordism, there was mass production of goods on standardized scale for market. Now, there is no decline in the production but it has become flexible, i.e., according to the varying needs of the consumers. There appeared a vast change in the kinds of work: The occupational structure witnessed professional change and, manual labour gave way to service class sector. White collar workers replaced labour class workers and technology and information processing occupied central place in the growth of industry. The source of knowledge –information and technology became a field of control by the government, universities and multinational corporations. Technology, by the process of collaboration, brought different business organization within a fold. The end result of these processes created a sharp division in the society. Gorz has developed a set of arguments concerning the changing role of workers in post- industrial economies. He (1982) has explained the division of society in the following words: the new technologies are altering the structure of employment within society, and that this has led to social division between an ‘aristocracy’ secure, well paid workers, on the one hand and a growing mass of unemployed on the other. In between, the majority of the population are said to belong to a post- industrial working class, for whom who work no long represents a source of identity or a meaningful activity. Automation at the workplace has created ‘jobless growth’ and its rapid extension will, it is argued, progressively undermine the quality and status of the remaining working class jobs. Work in this scenario, thus becomes an instrumental activity for the majority, undertaken solely to earn a wage with little or no satisfaction or a skill content attached (Doshi, 2009).

In India Neglected area of linkages between social status and the development of technology are tried to be explored by the social scientists. They had pointed out the new linkages created by modern technology which acquired the integration of traditional skills with the mode of production of modern technology.

Thus, all classes and sections of strata cannot interact with science and technology in the same way and with the same degree of intimacy and intensity. Thus, the result of scientific research and its applications have failed much to the amelioration of the condition of poor people (Chalam, 2011).

Marxist scholar holds that the social status of the low- caste artisans is low in India because of their refusal to accept advanced technology. In their work the results of research and development are not accepted and applied by artisans in their work; the failure when it occurs, is because of the lack of cognitive abilities which have been suppressed among these groups. Research and development in the country has very little to offer to the artisans in terms of enhancement and modernization of their skills and hence is irrelevant to them. Most of the researches are for “bureaucratic consumption”. The educational status of the backward artisans is low that the written word cannot be communicated to them. The euphoria about the technology through foreign direct investment influencing the productivity of the artisans is ill founded (Chalam, 2011).

Qureshi has pointed out rightly that the technological behavior is intimately related to the level of income and landholdings and is not an outcome of enlightenment. The limited renaissance movements concentrated more on the socio- cultural aspects of the artisans guilds were modernized deliberately through state policy or through mass movements. The market mechanism does not bring any perceptible change in the lives of the poor artisans as long as the term of trade are linked the low-caste background of the artisans. Under these conditions, the exchange value of the products of artisans labour turns out to be the use-value in the rural setting (Qureshi, 1990).

It said that the technological impact on industry causes the value of certain skills to be suddenly reduced or to become redundant, and the new skills are demanded and have to be generated. The social consequences are disturbing. The consequence it gives sometimes becomes very disturbing sometimes. It is not only related with the fluctuation of relative wages but there are other social, psychological and environmental stresses that often develop as a consequence. Some of these stresses are assimilated in time through the process of adaptive social changes. Others may not be readily, led to social dichotomies and continued difficulties. One dimension of such social difficulties originates in the trend to depend more and more

on mass-production techniques which accept the advantages of new processes which reduce labour and other costs (Chalam, 2011).

In India the socio-economic profile of Muslims is the same as that of the other artisan communities. In the states like UP, Bihar and others people converted into Islam come from the lower castes particularly with an artisan occupation. It is noted in the Sachar Committee Report (2006) that,

“…..Sociological studies on the social structures of Muslims in India have emphasized on the presence of descent based social stratification among them. Features of the Hindu caste system, such as hierarchical ordering of social groups, endogamy and hereditary occupation has been found to be amply present among the Indian Muslims as well” (Committee, 2006).

There seems to be no perceptible change in the socio-economic conditions of the Muslims, despite their conversion. The Sachar Commission recognized this phenomenon and broadly classified the categories as ‘Ashraf’ and ‘Ajlaf.’

The former, meaning noble, includes all muslims of foreign blood and converts from higher castes. While, Ajlaf meaning degraded or unholy, embraces the ritually clean occupational groups and low ranking converts. In Bihar, U.P. and Bengal, Sayyads, Sheikas Moghuls and Pathans constitute the Ashrafs. The Ajlaf are carpenters, artisans, painters, grazers, tanners, milkmen etc. According to the census of 1901 the Ajlaf category includes, the various classes of converts who are known as Nao muslim in Bihar and Nasya in North Bengal. It also includes, various functional groups such as that of the Jolaha or weaver, Dhunia or cotton-carder, kalu or oil-presser, Kunjra or vegetable-seller, Hajjam or barber, darzi or tailor, and the like (Ahmad, 1977).

The report of the Sachar committee came to the conclusion, that there is considerable deficits and deprivation in practically all dimensions of development amongst Muslims. In fact the analysis of the Sachar Committee in understanding the relative deprivations of the artisan communities is eminently useful for a meaningful formulation of strategy of inclusive growth. The data shows the marginalization of artisan groups consisting of Muslims and other deprived classes. As it was observed that most of the artisans live in rural areas belong to the service castes and SCs. The poverty figures gathered for the pre-liberalization and post-liberalization periods

indicate that the highest percentage of poor (46 percent in 2004-05) is from the SC / ST category and Muslims. The rate of decline in the poverty ratios of these communities is also lower than the others. It appears that the economic reforms initiated in the 1990’s have not directly addressed the problems of the marginalized groups. Therefore the schemes like NREGA, Indra Awas Yojna etc, to address the specific problem of these communities (Chalam, 2011).

The researcher in her thesis has observed that the artisans are keen to acquire the new technology but there belongingness to the low socio-economic status resist them from acquiring the new technology. The Institute of technology is also not beneficial for them because they are not effective in reaching to the needy ones.

2.5: REDUCTION IN EMPLOYMENT IN PRIMARY/SECONDRY SECTORS: WORLD / INDIA / U.P. DATA

Robert Boyer had concluded the following points:

1) Technological change improves productivity and obviously reduces the level of employment for any given demand and all other variables remain constant.

2) Productivity gains can be used to reduce relative prices, thus stimulating demand for a given product. If price elasticity’s are greater than one, a decline in price parallel to a rise in production will in fact enhance employment (Castells, 2000a, pp. 261-262).

Unemployment is not caused because of Informational technology, even if it reduces working time per unit of output. But under the informational paradigm, change in kind, quantity, quality, and in nature of the work being performed. Thus, a new production system requires a new labour force; those individuals and groups unable to acquire informational skills could be excluded from the work or downgraded as workers.

On the basis of his pioneering sociological study Alain Tourain, in the late 1940s on the technological transformation of Renault factories, proposed his typology of work process as A/B/C (craft, assembly line and innovation work). Serge Mallet announce the birth of “a new working class” focused on the capacity to manage and operate advanced technology “The technology per se does not create or destroy employment; it does profoundly transform the nature of work: the individualization of labour in the labour process” (Castells, 2000a, p. 265).

“Competition-induced, technology-driven trends towards flexibility underlie the current transformation of working arrangements” (Castells, 2000a, p. 266).

The emergence of a post-Fordist model in the labour process as observed by Benjamin Coriat has seen a new model of relationships between production and consumption on the basis of linking up flexibility and integration. The importance of Information technology becomes a critical ingredient of the process of the work as described because: It determines the innovation capability. At the level of finishing it makes possible the correction of errors and generation of feedback effects. Throughout the management of the production process it provides for flexibility and adaptability. This specific production process introduces a new division of labour that characterizes the emerging informational paradigm. Post Industrialism, the Service Economy, and the Informational Society:

The classical theory of post industrialism combined three statements and predictions that ought to be analytically differentiated:

1) Through information processing, the source of productivity and growth lies in the generation of knowledge, extended to all realms of economic activity. In economic activity there will be shift from goods production to services delivery. The demise of agricultural employment would be followed by the irreversible decline of manufacturing jobs, to the benefit of service jobs which would ultimately led from the overwhelming proportion of employment. The more advanced an economy, the more its employment and its production would be focused on services.

2) The new economy would increase the importance of occupations with a high information and knowledge content in their activity. Managerial, professional, and technical occupations would grow faster than any other occupational position and would constitute the core of the new social structure (Castells, 2000a, pp. 203-204).

As Castells has observed that the major statement of theories on post- industrialism is that people, besides being engaged in different activities, hold new position in the occupational structure. When we move towards the informational society we would observe an increasing importance of managerial, professional and technical positions, a decreasing proportion of workers in the craft and operator

positions, and swelling in the numbers of clerical and sales workers. In addition, the “left-wing” version of post industrialism points at the growing importance of semi skilled (often unskilled) service occupations as a counterpart to the growth of professional jobs (Castells, 2000a, p. 216).

In any process of historical transition one of the most direct expressions of systematic change is the transformation of employment and occupational structure. Indeed, theories of post industrialism and informationalism use as the strongest empirical evidence for the change in the historical course the coming into being of a new social structure, characterized by the shift from goods to services, by the rise of managerial and professional occupations, by the demise of agricultural and manufacturing jobs and by the growing information content of work in the most advanced economies. Implicit in much of these formulations is a sort of natural economies and societies that should follow a single path along a trajectory of modernity in which American society has led the way (Castells, 2000a, p. 202).

Castells took a different approach. He contend that while there is a common trend in the unfolding of the employment structure characteristic of informational societies, there is a historical variation of employment patterns according to specific institutions, culture and political environments. In order to asses both the commonality and the variation of employment structures in the informational paradigm. He had examined the evolution of employment structure between 1920 and 1990 for the major capitalist countries that constitute the core of the global economy, the so-called G-7 countries. All of them are in an advanced stage of transition to the informational society, thus can be used to observe. There is an emergence of new employment pattern. They also represent very distinct cultures and institutional systems, allowing us to examine historical variety. In conducting this analysis he is not implying that all other societies at different levels of development, will conform to one or another of the historical trajectories represented by these countries (Castells, 2000a, p. 203).

Manuel Castells analysis of the evolution of employment structure in the G-7 countries starts from the distinction between two periods. The period is between 1920-70 and the period between 1970-90. The major analytical distinction between the two periods stem from the fact that during the first period the societies under consideration became post agricultural, while in the second period they did become

52 postindustrial. All the G-7 countries maintained or increased the percentage of their employment in transformative activities and in manufacturing between 1920 and 1970. In 1921 to 1971, England and Wales decreased only slightly the level of their manufacturing labour force from 36.8 percent to 34.9 percent and manufacturing employment increased in the United states from 24.5 percent to 25.9 percent from the period 1930 to 1970: In Canada from 17 percent in 1921 and in 1971, 22 percent. In Japan the increase in the manufacturing sector is interesting from 16.6 percent in 1920 to 26 percent in 1970. Germany, France and Italy have increased their share in manufacturing labour force is from 33.0 percent to 40.2 percent, 26.4 percent to 28.1 percent, 19.9 percent to 27.4 percent respectively between the period 1920 to 1970. The period between 1970 to 1990 has seen the reduction in employment in manufacturing sector and an increase in the service sector. The share of the manufacturing employment in 1970-90 the United Kingdom, The United States, and Italy experienced rapid deindustrialization from 38.7 percent to 22.5 percent from 25.9 percent to 17.5 percent from 27.3 percent to 21.8 percent respectively. Japan and Germany reduced their share of manufacturing labour force moderately; from 26 percent to 23.6 percent in the case of Japan, and from 38.6 percent to still rather high level of 32.2 percent in 1987 in the case of Germany, Canada and France occupy an intermediate position, reducing manufacturing employment from 19.7 percent to 14.9 percent and from 27.7 percent to 21.3 percent respectively. Thus, it was observed that as a trend in the 1990s the majority of the population in all G-7 countries is employed in services (Castells, 2000a, pp. 208-210).

A major statement of theories on post-industrialism is that people, besides being engaged in different activities, also hold new position in the occupational structure. By and large it was predicted that as we move into what we call the informational society we would observe an increasing importance of managerial, professional and technical positions, a decreasing proportion of workers in the craft and operator positions, and a swelling in the numbers of clerical and sales workers. In addition, the left-wing version of post-industrialism points at the growing importance of semi-skilled (often unskilled) service occupations as a counterpart to the growth of professional jobs (Castells, 2000a, p. 216).

Knowledge and productivity indeed seem to be major sources of productivity and growth in advanced societies. However, as we mentioned above, it is important

to notice that theories of post industrialism based their original assertion on research by Solow and Kendrick, both referring to the first half of the twentieth century in America, at the height of the industrial era. This is to say that the knowledge base of productivity growth has been a feature of the industrial economy, when manufacturing employment was at its peak in the most advanced countries. The appropriate distinction is not between an industrial and a postindustrial economy, but between two forms of knowledge-based industrial, agricultural and services production. Castells is of the argument that the most distinctive in historical terms, between the economic structure of the first half and of the second half of the twentieth century is the revolution in information technologies and its all diffusion in all spheres of social and economic activity, including its contribution in providing the infrastructure for the formation of a global economy. Therefore, Castells propose for the analytical shift from Post-industrialism to informationalism. In this perspective, societies will be informational, not because they fit into a particular model of social structure, but because they organize their production system around the principle of maximizing knowledge-based productivity through the development and the diffusion of information technologies, and by fulfilling the prerequisites for their utilization (Castells, 2000a, p. 204).

TABLE 2.5.1: Main Workers: A Comparison

Main Main workers: CATEGORIES Main workers Main workers: workers: Household cultivators Other industry workers workers India 362,446,420 95,841,357 12,331,464 168,106,728 Uttar Pradesh 44,635,492 15,576,415 2,409,436 16,899,726 Sant Ravidas 286,978 67,232 38,963 ,667 Nagar (Bhadohi) Bhadohi 99,547 21,432 13,236 53,401

(Source: Census 2011)

TABLE 2.5.2: Marginal Workers: A Comparison

CATEGORY Marginal Marginal Marginal Marginal workers workers: workers: workers: Cultivators Household Other industry workers workers

India 119,296,891 22,851,283 6,004,843 32,277,803

Uttar Pradesh 21,179,223 3,481,473 1,489,154 6,019,288

Sant Ravidas 183,630 27,170 23,702 64,455 Nagar (Bhadohi)

Bhadohi 67,503 12,032 8,401 23,180 (Source: Census 2011)

CHAPTER 3

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND OF BHADOHI CARPET INDUSTRY

3.1: GENERAL BACKGROUND OF BHADOHI:

Sant Ravidas Nagar District was carved out from Varanasi district on June 30th, 1994 as the 65thdistrict of Uttar Pradesh. The district is known by the name Carpet city as it is home to the largest hand-knotted carpet weaving industry hubs in South Asia. The Indian Institute of Carpet Technology, the only Institute of its kind in Asia was established here by the Ministry of Textiles in 2001. The town of Bhadohi, which gives its name to the Pargana and the Tahsil, is situated in Lat 25˚23 ̍ N. and Long 82˚34̍ E. at the distance about thirty miles from west of Varanasi, twelve miles north-east of Gopiganj and about three miles south of the river Varuna. It is connected with Jaunpur by a provincial highway and with Gopiganj by a mettaled road running via. Gyanpur connecting the road from Bhadohi to Suriawan and Parsipur. The Northern Railway traverses the town, the name of the railway station and the town being the same. It is said that it derived its name from the Bhars, who seem to have inhabited this region in early times. Former it was included in the Sharqi Sultans of Jaunpur. When Akbar came to Jaunpur, Bhadohi was made a pargana in the Sirkar and Subah of Allahabad. During that time it was held by the Monas Rajputs and probably Sagar Rai or his sons were the chiefs of this clan. His great grandson, Jodh Rai obtained a Sannad for the zamindari of the whole pargana from Shah Jahan. During the time of Madan Singh (Jodh Rai’s younger brother) and his sons, the family seems to have reached the zenith of its prosperity. The pargana continued to remain in the family till 1751. When Raja Balwant Singh of Banaras took possession of it and it remained part of the Banaras state till the later’s merger with Uttar Pradesh in 1949 (Joshi, 1965, pp. 390).

The origin of the name of Bhadohi is interesting. Earlier its name was Anand Van. Many historians had in scripted the name. At some places, it is also known as Saghnvan or Kanchanvan. But during the time of Monso, it was known as the Sundervan. During the ancient time Bharo had occupied over the nomads of the forest and given the name Bhardohi. In old papers of Britishers before 1828 the name Bhadohi was found. Before Bhar over the region Monas Rajput had ruled. Monas

Rajput had thrown Bharo due to which the name of the Bhardrohi and afterwards its name were kept as Bhadohi. The period of Bharo ruler was between 1193 to 1394 period. In the forest of Mirzapur Sultan Muhammad Gauri’s army had defeated the sardar and established its kingdom. They had established their fort and castells. The remark of the broken castells is present in Rohi, Bankat, Bairibisa, Bharduar, Sarai Kot and other villages. The capital of Bhar is Suriyava. Bhar had ruled over Bhadohi around 200 years. In 1394, Monas Rajput had ruled over Bhadohi when they have thrown Bhar and established their rule. There kingdom were in the diameter of 600km. The first generation king of Monas were Ananant Rani after that in sequence Balwant Singh, Biramdev Sagar Rai, Jagadish Rai, Haribansh Rai, Ramehandra Rai, Jodhram, Madan Singh, Sankata Singh, Tej Singh and Pancham Singh etc. The last King of Monas Dynasty was King Balwant Singh 1728, but due to financial crises, the Monas Kingdom comes to an end. After the decline of the kingdom of Monas, the region was ruled by the Raj Gharana of Banaras from 1748 to 1948. After Independence during the reign of King Udit Narayad Singh, Gyanpur is the Pargana of Mirzapur. After Independence Bhadohi was detached from Mirzapur and become the part of Banaras as Tehsil. The region got the existence as district, keeping its cultural heritage it is ancestral and historical background because of the world fame on 30th June 1994. This district is divided into three tehsils namely Aurai, Bhadohi and Gyanpur, and six blocks, Bhadohi, Suriyawan, Gyanpur, Deegh, Abholi, and Aurai. There are 1075 populated and 149 non-populated villages along with 79 Nyay- panchayat and 489 Gram panchayats in the district. The district has nine police stations for maintaining law and order. Gyanpur town is the district head quarters (GOI, MSME-DI, 20??. p. 5).

There is a hydel power house at Bhadohi which supplies electricity to all the towns and tube-wells of the Tahsil. There are a police-station, a telegraph office, a public call office and a sub-post-office in the town. Bhadohi is famous for its carpet weaving which employs 1,776 people. Blanket weaving and sugar refining were two of its industries formerly. Bhadohi gives its name to a shadow block of which, however, it is not a part. The town has a higher secondary school, four junior basic schools, a girl’s private school, an inspection house, a small dharmasala and the Balwant Singh hospital which is maintained by the government. A ramlila fair is held every year on the tenth day of the bright half of the month of Asvina. Another fair

called Ghazi Miyan-ka-Mela, is held on the first Sunday of the month of Jyaistha. The water is supplied to the towns through tubewells and wells. The principal agricultural crops are wheat, barley, bajra and peas and the commercial crops are Sugar-Cane and Potato. Bi- Weekly markets are held on Mondays and Fridays. The town covers an area of about 2,560 acres, 720 of which are under cultivation (Joshi, 1965, pp. 390- 391).

Sant Ravidas Nagar (Bhadohi) district is biggest carpet manufacturing centre in India. It is known for its hand-knotted carpet. The Mirzapur-Bhadohi region is the largest handmade carpet weaving cluster, engaging around 3.2 million people in the industry. Bhadohi employs 22 lakh rural artisans. Carpet weaving in the region dates back to the 16thcentury during the reign of Mughal Emperor Akbar. The carpets of the region received the Geographical Indication tag, which means carpets manufactured in nine districts of the region, Bhadohi, Mirzapur, Varanasi, Ghazipur, Sonebhadra, Kaushambi, Allahabad, Jaunpur and Chandauli would be tagged with `handmade carpet of Bhadohi`. Well known carpet types from Bhadohi include cotton dhurry, chhapra mir carpets, Loribaft, Indo Gabbeh (GOI, MSME-DI, 20??. p. 12).

In earlier times small, natural water channels were the only means of drainage in the town and even now there is no efficient drainage system here. There are no underground drains for carrying the collage and the excess rain water out of the town except shallow drains which run on both sides of all the roads and lanes. A scheme for improving the drainage system at a cost of Rs 6,72,000 has been prepared and the board has approached the government for a loan for this purpose. There are two deep drains in Muhalla Chak Saif which join each other in Muhalla Marjad Patti from where they go on and end in Daropur, the excess water flowing into the river Varuna (Joshi, 1965, p. 203).

In addition to carpet manufacturing, the district of Sant Ravidas Nagar has an agrarian economy. The soil of the district is very fertile and the crops which are mainly cultivated are wheat and rice. Some other crops like chana, arhar and urad are also grown. It offers very good scope for food processing and live stock based industries. Some of the manufacturing areas having potential for development in the district are listed as follows • Rice mill • Flour mill • Dall Mill • Bone mill • Dairy • Fruits and vegetables preservation • Kettle feed • Poultry • Poultry feed• Sheep

Rearing • Bio-degradable Carry bags • Gate, Grill, Shutter • Canvas Bag • Exercise book • Leather goods (GOI, MSME-DI, 20??, p.12).

3.2: HISTORY OF CARPET INDUSTRY IN BHADOHI

Bhadohi and its adjoining areas have no production or availability of various raw materials used in carpet making but these are the places where the carpet industry was founded and flourished tremendously. The ancient history of carpet making in India goes long back and it was Emperor Jahangir was contemporary of Shah Abbas of Iran. Both the kings were friends. It is a well known historical fact that during the regime of Shah Abbas, the carpet industry made a spectacular progress. He took special interest in developing new attractive designs and some of them are popular even today. Emperor Jahangir ruled India in the 16th century A.D and his capital was Akbarabad (Agra) where he encouraged this handicrafts. After 1857A.D war of freedom which was named by Britishers as Mutiny, Agra, Delhi and other places were full of turmoil and subsequently a number of carpet weavers fled from Agra and got shelter in the village of Madhosingh on the G.T. road located between Bhadohi and Mirzapur and started carpet weaving on a very small scale. Perhaps it was during the late 19th century that one Mr. Brownford noticed those making carpets and realized its economic viability and decided to establish a company under the name and style of M/s. E. Hill & Co. in the small village of Khamaria. It was followed by Mr. A. Tellery who got his factory established in Bhadohi. His eldest son Mr. Brownford noticed those making carpets and realized its economic viability and decided to establish a company under the name and style of M/s. E. Hill & Co. in the small village of Khamaria. It was followed by Mr. A. Tellery who got his factory established in Bhadohi. His eldest son Mr. Otto Tellery was one of the founder members of the All India Carpet Manufacturers Association and was the first president of the organization. Next to these two gentlemen, a group of three Europeans formed a company by the name of M/s Obeettee. The group comprised of Messrs. Oklay, Bowden and Tallor the abbreviation of these three is Obeettee (Waziri, p. 55).

Indian carpet Industry has to be innovative for development of quality, design, texture and use of different multi fibers and colours. They should always think of research and new development seeing the trend of the market and for this government should allow subsidy and MDA. Cost is a measure factor now a day. Exporter should

59 not compromise on quality by reducing the price but should maintain top class integrity to win the buyers confidence. Trend and fashion has changed a lot. They have a stiff competition with machine made carpet is increasing which is very much alarming but still they have good future for handmade carpets because we can produce every single carpet in particular size, design, colour which is not possible in machine made carpet. Machine made carpet has to be made in big quantity in one size, colour, design and quality. For growth of carpet export cooperation of state government for infrastructure is very much needed. Condition of roads in carpet producing area is very much horrible, supply of power is uncertain without any schedule, no transport facilities are available, lack of drainage / sewer line causes dirtiness and bad smell to the visitors and therefore foreign buyers do not come to Bhadohi (Baranwal, 2010, pp. 59).

Once upon a time, in the district of Bhadohi the company of Tata has opened one of the branches of carpet division. During the decades of 80s Tata Company has entered into the carpet industry. It was a cottage industry by the nature. Tata finds it very difficult that their product is in an unsecure condition to be spread due to which they withdrew their hand from the business of carpet manufacturing. They closed the corporate division and went back. The earlier buyer also knew today they will give the order then after two three years they will get the order due to the slow process of the skill of making carpets on kath. A situation of global market is discussed here during the time of the International Band in Iran for their products. When there was the International band over the products of Iran at that time Indian weavers have got the chance to show their skill in the hand-made carpets to the world. There is an effect of economic system over the market. That is why the industry has to deal with the expenses. Sometimes the exporters get loss and sometime the buyers get the profit. The carpet industries sometimes flourish with the profit and sometimes with the loss. The carpet industry of Bhadohi had got the attraction for its handmade carpets. The handmade carpets of Bhadohi come into highlight in substitute to the carpets made in Iran. That was the reason due to which the industry got flourished and become the source of earning for its people. At that time the government also has given incentives and opens the weaving centers to learn the skill of the carpet. The Indian government has not left any step from their side to give incentives or in opening the weaving centers. The export of carpets went on increasing and about 90

percent of the total production is exported outside the country. The industry saw its bad days during the Second World War. When it was faced with the shortage of materials and shipping and exchange difficulties and the making of carpets gave place to the production of blankets for the defense department. After the war, because of the demand for woolen carpets from the United Kingdom, The United States of America, Canada, Australia, Newzealand and other countries, it regained its position in 1951 and the export of carpets from Bhadohi (as well as from Mirzapur) touched the figure of six crores of rupees approximately. There was a recession in business after 1951 due to the general slump and increasing competition from machine-made carpets manufactured in foreign countries (Joshi, 1965).

There are about eighty-three units engaged in the manufacture of woolen carpets in the district, the total investment in the industry being estimated to be two crores of rupees. The industry is equipped with nearly 4,000 looms and provides employment to about 40,000 persons. The raw materials required are wool and woolen and cotton yarn, jute twine, hessian and dyes during 1957 raw materials worth Rs 1,78,00,000 were consumed producing carpets worth Rs 2,96,00,000. Like other cottage industries, this industry also does not provide continuous employment, the workers being engaged for less than 250 days in a year. It needs improvement in the spheres of purchase of raw materials, dyeing of wool and improved type of carding machines (Joshi, 1965). TABLE 3.2.1: TABLE OF REGISTERED UNIT S.No Head Unit Particulars 1. Registered Industrial Unit NO. 3696 2. Total Industrial Unit NO. - 3. Registered Medium & Large NO. - Unit 4. Estimated avg. No. of Daily NO. 15810 Worker Employed in Small Scale Industries 5. Employment in Large and NO. - Medium Industries 6. No. of Industrial Area NO. 01 7. Turnover of Small Scale IN LACS - Industries 8. Turnover of Medium & Large IN LACS - Scale Industries (Source : GOI, MSME-DI, 20??, p.9)

TABLE 3.2.2: TABLE OF REGISTERED UNIT YEAR WISE

Year wise trend of Number of Employment Investment units registered registered units (crores rs.) year 1995-96 88 343 0.97 1996-97 186 768 1.88 1997-98 217 981 2.03 1998-99 177 726 1.33 1999-2000 250 995 2.17 2000-01 96 478 0.98 2001-2002 153 687 1.33 2002-03 262 1092 2.11 2003-04 258 1078 2.13 2004-05 261 1081 1.76 2005-06 264 1185 1.31 2006-07 260 1086 15.92 2007-08 298 1225 2.62 2008-09 302 1185 2.47 2009-10 303 1560 9.03 2010-11 321 1350 9.37 Total 3696 15814 57.44 (Source : GOI, MSME-DI, 20??, p.9)

3.3: AREA UNDER STUDY, SAMPLE AREAS OF THE STUDY

The area is surrounded in the west from the ancient city Varanasi. The area is famous for its carpets. The location of the study area is in the district of Bhadohi under Bhadohi block. Bhadohi block consist of the urban and the rural areas. The study has selected those areas for the sample which are the main cluster zone of carpet production. The urban area of the study is Nagar Palika Parishad, Bhadohi and the rural area viz. Ahamadpur Phulwariya, Jamunipur Badfaros, Makdumpur, Gangapur. The rational for selecting Bhadohi (NPP) is because it is the area of the district that is the main center for the manufacturing of the various range and designs of the carpets. The area specializes in carpets production of various knots and counts for their varied range and designs and for the production of the woolen, Tufted, Tibetan carpet and durries. The name of the district is upon the name of Bhadohi (NPP) because of the glory of the carpet production. The office of the Carpet Export

Promotion Council is located in the sample area of the study. It is a non-profit organization, set up with the objective to promote and develop exports of handmade Carpets, Rugs and other Floor coverings. It is an official body of handmade carpet exporters for promotion of exports from country and its project India’s “Make in India” image abroad as a reliable supplier of high quality handmade carpet products. The district consists of 371 registered firms for export under CEPC. The large numbers of firms are in Bhadohi (NPP). According to the 2011 census the total population of the Bhadohi (NPP) is 94,620, of the total male population is 49,639, and the total female population is 44,981. The government development setups are located in the rural areas institutes like Carpet city, Indian Institute of Carpet Technology and the companies which are adopting the production inside their premise and the contemporary technology. In the town area the people are following the local network of production system. The study is upon the carpet industry of Bhadohi that is why the study is divided into rural and urban areas. There are five stages in the processes of carpet manufacturing. For the various stages it has to go to the various areas. The production system of carpets can be divided into production inside the premise and production outside the premise. In production outside the premise has to go with local network of production system for each stage it has to go to various units located in different rural and urban areas.

It is very difficult to understand the nature of the industry because there are some units of weaving and dyeing that are registered and on the other hand there are unregistered units. It is an unorganized sector because the unit for dyeing like bhatta is not registered it is the skill of the rangsaaz with the help of which he is doing the work of rangsaazi. The reason for not being registered is due to the unavailability of the work all the time. Once they are registered under factory act 1948 then they had to follow the rules and regulation of the act. That is the reason of not taking the advantage of the factory act in terms of getting the loans they prefer to be not the part of it due to the unavailability of order throughout the year. The industry is also a cottage industry because the weaver along with his family member or friends weaves the carpet at their home. That is the reason the study has opted for the judgment sampling method for the selection of the sample.

TABLE 3.3.1 TOTAL POPULATION MALE / FEMALE

S. No. RURAL SUM OF SUM OF MALE SUM OF AREA TOTAL POPULATION FEMALE POPULATION POPULATION 1. Ahamadpur 2296 1201 1095 Phulwariya 2. Jamunipur 3158 1667 1491 Badfaros 3 Makdumpur 1180 625 555 4 Gangapur 528 282 246 Grand Total 7696 4037 3659 (Source: Census 2011)

3.4: TYPES AND FEATURES OF SOME OF THE CARPETS

 Abadeh  Afshar  Bakhtiari  Balouchis  Bijar.  Birjand  Bownat  Dergazine  Feraghan  Gabbeh  Hamadan.  Herez  Isfahan  Joshghan  Karaja  Kashan  Kelardasht  Kerman  Kurdish rugs.  Lillihan  Luri

 Maslaghan  Nain  Qashqa’i  Qum  Sarour  Seraband (Lichi)  Shiraz  Tabas  Tabrez Carpets  Tehran  Tehran knot  Veramin  Viss  Yezd (Summers, 1994).

 TABREZ:

Tabrez carpets are woven in Tabriz and numerous small surrounding villages. They use a tool that enables the weavers to tie a knot in a second. Called the Tabriz hook, it consists of knife, similar to that used in other weaving centers, with a small hook at its tip. This implement enables the weaver to isolate a pair of warp threads, loop a strand of wool around the warps, than cut the strand free, all in one continuous motion. Weaving in the Tabrez area can vary greatly in quality ranging from some of the world’s finest carpet to a poor, bazaar quality. Common quality of Tabriz rugs ranges from 30 to 90 knots per line or radj. A radj is a measure which equals the length of a Persian cigarette, approximately 3 inches (7 centimeters). In fine quality Tabriz rugs, a thin white cotton cord is used for the warp and weft threads. The wool used for the pile is an excellent quality and trimmed short. Small amounts of silk are often used to accentuate certain designs and motifs. In rugs of medium to coarse quality, a thick cotton warp is used and heavy wool of medium length is used for the pile (http://www.claremontrug.com/antique-rugs-information/antique-persian-rug- guide/ tabriz-rugs/).

 HAMADAN:

The weave of Hamdan rugs is characterized by a combination of one shoot of weft and warps on the same level. This combination yields a flat appearance to the back of the rug. Both rectilinear and curvilinear designs are woven in rugs of the Hamdan area. Rectilinear rod medallions, boteh and herati pattern are frequently used. The weave in Hamdan rugs varies from coarse to medium: older Hamdans have a thinner pile and a much tighter weave than rugs currently woven. Excellent-quality wool is used for the pile which yields rugs that were exceptionally well. The largest majority of Hamdan rugs are woven in small sizes, from mats to rugs approximately 4 by 7 feet. Room-size rugs and runners are also made. A large number of used Hamadan rugs are available and are quite often in good condition. They are usually much less expensive than other rugs of similar age (Summers, 1994, pp. 59-60).

 BAKHTIARI:

The most common designs woven in Bakhtiari rugs are the Medallion, Panel and Lozenge designs. The field of the panel design is divided into rectangular compartments, each of which contains one of a variety of motifs: flowers, trees, boteh or palmettes. This design was adopted from the matrix formed by the irrigation channels in Persian gardens. The lozenge design is similar to the panel in that the field is segmented by repeating lozenges. Each lozenge contains a small motif similar to those used in the panel design. This design is commonly found in older and antique Bakhtiari carpets. The medallion design is composed of a large lozenge shaped medallion superimposed on a field filled with stylized floral patterns. Another type of Medallion design is that of a large stylized floral bouquet, referred to as a Gul-i- France, which is contained within a medallion. The colours of Bakhtiari carpets can vary from somber with a predominant use of browns and rust-red tones to very bright with pink, white and orange. The colours found in antique Bakhtiari carpets are mellow with rich, deep shades of red, blue, green and white (http://www.oldcarpet.com/bakhtiari.htm).

 GABBEH:

Gabbeh rugs are woven by nomads in the Zagros Mountains region fars. The majority of weaving is done by Qashqa’I or luri weavers. Gabbehs are usually woven on horizontal looms by women and young girls, who also spin and dye much of their

wool. Traditional Gabbeh rugs are coarsely knotted with numerous weft threads between each row of knots. The pile is along shaggy wool. Rugs are small and tend to be squarish. Modern Gabbeh rugs, made for markets in the west, are woven with thick, coarse knots and a relatively long pile. Two to four weft threads are used between each row of knots. Because of their dense pile, Gabbeh of this type with stand wear much better than their earlier counterparts. The designs used are simple geometric patterns. The most common is that of a central medallion or several medallions on a large expense of open field. Small geometric motifs, birds, animals and plants are scattered throughout the field. Other designs are also woven, such as a central stylized tree, lions, zigzag stripes and bands. Gabbeh are colourful, with bright shades of golden yellow, red, orange, blue, green, and white. Some gabbeh rugs are woven with natural un dyed wool in shades of beige, brown, and black and others with a mixture of un dyed and brightly colourful wool. Gabbeh are occasionally made with pile on both sides and a different design on each side. Most gabbeh rugs tend to be squarish in shape, in sizes from 4by 5feet to 7 by 9 feet. Recently large sizes up to 9 by 12 feet have been woven (http://www.rugidea.com/aboutgabbeh.html).

 DURRY:

In India, weft-faced pile fewer rugs are known as durries, originally they were woven entirely of cotton, but since the late 1940s wool has been used for the wefts. Today the majority of durries are woven with wefts and cotton warps. Those of the finest quality come from Agra, Srinagar, and Bhadohi areas. Finer-quality durries are woven with a blend of local, New Zealand, and Australian wool. The imposed wool yields a stronger carpet and gives a most lustrous appearance. Wool durries are produced primarily in the Bhadohi area and cotton durries in Srinagar and Agra. In Agra, gold and silk threads are added to accentuate certain motifs. A few all-silk durries are produced and are expensive. A drugget is a coarsely woven, inexpensive flat weave. The wool used for the weft is not combed well before spinning and is often mixed with other fibers. The designs are simple geometric patterns. Druggets are woven in small sizes, 3 by 5 feet (90 by 150 centimeters), 4 by 6 feet (120 by 180 centimeters), and 5 by 7 feet means 150 by 215 centimeters (Summers, 1994, pp. 202- 203).

 TIBBETTI / NEPALI-TIBBETI:

Tibetan carpets are utilitarian. Small rugs were made for horse blankets, saddle rugs, and mats for sitting and sleeping. Mats for sitting and backrests for seats were woven in 3-foot (90-centimeter 0 squares). Sleeping mats approximately 3 feet by 5 feet six inches (90 by 170 centimeters) were used by Tibetans in their homes as well as by nomads. Saddle rugs were usually made in pairs, one to put under the saddle and over the other to cover the top of the saddle. Large rugs were made for floor covering as well as for other purposes. In monasteries, rugs were used for door curtains, temple runners, and pillar rugs. Temple aisle runners were woven up to 33 feet (10meters) in length. These were divided by design into 3-foot (90-centimeter) square sections for monks to sit on in rows. The pillar carpets were woven in one- directional designs, often with a dragon. Many pillar rugs were woven in such a way that the figure of the dragon wrapped around the pillar, in a continuous coil of the dragon and its tail. Antique Tibetian carpets are coarsely woven on a woolen foundation. Wool was used solely for the warp and weft threads until after World War I, when the use of cotton for the weft threads was first introduced. The Tibetan use of a metal or wooden rod in knotting carpets is unique. Instead of cutting the yarn after each individual knot, the yarn is looped around consecutive pairs of warp threads and then around the rod. After the row has been completed, a knife is run along the rod, cutting the pile. This gives the pile a ridged appearance.

 DRUGGETS:

Designs woven in druggets tend to be geometric. Floral patterns are linear and do not have intricate, curved outlines. Central medallions, stripes, repeated floral sprays or geometric motifs, abstract modern designs, and stylized animal, bird, and human figures are all used. Druggets are woven with the shared-warp technique. They are either finished with fringe at both ends and bound on all four sides with wool over casting, and are completely reversible. Druggets are inexpensive but attractive floor coverings and come in all sizes, from small mats to room-size rugs.

3.5: MANUFACTURING PROCESSES

The carpet manufacturing process can be divided into the five major processes. The first process is the designing, second dyeing: third, weaving and finishing. All the four steps are discussed here one by one.

 FIRST STEP IS DESIGNING:

Design is the first step in the carpet making process; it can be said as the heart of the body. The design is an oriental rug that can be divided into two parts that is the field and the border. The field is the center and focal point of the rug. The border serves as a frame for the design used in the field. The field composition can be classified into seven basic types: medallion, repeated motif, all over pattern, empty or open field, compartmentalization or panel, picture or portrait and prayer. Each of these design types has numerous variations.

From time to time there is the change in the demand of the designs and pattern of the carpets. Earlier the designs were made with the hands only with the help of the nakshakar (Manual designer), painter and tracer. Upon the designing plates the orders are passed then these designs are made over the naksha paper with the help of pencil scale, driver by the nakshakar with the measurement of Tara and Pogoji. After making half design, the designs are traced by the tracer upon the full naksha paper, after tracing the design on the naksha paper these design, go for the painting as the colour were demanded by the buyer through exporters. After the painting, the naksha are given the support of large paper (Bans paper) or cloth for the stability by pasting the naksha are pasted with the paper or cloth at the back by putting maadi (fevicol) over it.

The new method of making the naksha is with the Computer Aided Designs. Here the designers made the design which was earlier done by the designing plates. These designs are passed and then drawn into the computer and then with the help of the printer, designs are printed.

 SECOND STEP IS DYEING OF THE WOOL

The dyeing of wool is a delicate process which varies according to the dyestuff used and the colour desired. Commercially this process is directed by a master dyer, who is highly skilled and respected craftsman in a profession that demands accuracy as well as skill (Summers, 1994, p. 25).

The procedure of wool dyed in Bhatta while dying all excess oils and grease must be removed from the wool so that the dye can penetrate into the fibers. The wool is then treated with a mordant to facilitate the adherence of the dye to the fibers. A mordant is a metallic salt which enables the dye to affix itself to the wool fibers,

thus improving the colour fastness of the dye. The mordant binds to the wool fiber and the dye then binds to the mordant wool. The mordant most commonly used are alum, iron, chrome, and tin. The mordant used can affect the colour or tint obtained; for example, tin mordant tend to brighten colours and iron mordant tend to darken them. The dye is dissolved in water, called the kuda (dye tub). The wool in skeins (loosely coiled lengths), is submerged in the kuda (dye tub), which is heated and brought to a boil. The wool is stirred through the dye bath to ensure uniform dyeing. After the dyeing has been completed, the wool is hanged in the sun to dry Bukani- colour.

Table 3.5.1: LOCAL TERMINOLOGY FOR COLOUR

S.No Colour Name Local Term 1. White Chandi 2. Of white Malai 3. Sky blue Phattahi 4. Pink Mallah 5. Red Lal 6. Golden Sona (Source: Field Study, 2014-2015)

The New method or the emerging pattern is the technology of the Boiler dyeing plant was located that replaced the technology of Bhatta. The convenience is in the installment of the boiler dyeing plant due to which there is the fast production in terms of the dyeing of the wool. That also reduced the cost of dyeing and the time also.

 THIRD STEP IS THE PROCESS OF WEAVING

a. OPENING OF KATTI

After the colouring of the wool, the wools are open which is mainly done by women at home sometimes taken to their home by themselves or sometimes delivered to their home by the contractor on a fixed price per kg to open kati. Opening of Kati means after the dyeing of wool, the wool get mixed up with each others; these mixed strings are opened by women at their home with the help of charkhi, as demanded by the contractor like. do tag, teen tag etc, etc. and they will form dhimora or kabli as required.

b. WEAVING OF CARPETS

In the procedure of weaving carpets, there are various ways of weaving carpets like Knotted, Tibbetti, Nepali. The carpets which are made upon kath by making knot are costly because it is require fine quality wool and other materials due to which its cost of production becomes high. So many factors from the starting till the end make the carpets costly. The varieties of patterns of carpets making is used to reduce the cost of production of the carpets. The tufted guns are introduced to reduce cost of the production of the carpets. The knotted carpets that started weaving upon the kath that was located mostly in homes. Hand knotted carpets are composed of three parts: warp, weft, and pile. During the weaving process the warp threads are attached to the upper and lower beams of the loom. They run vertically through the body of the carpet. A strand of wool is looped around a pair of warp threads, forming a knot. The loose ends of the knots make up the body of the carpet and are called the pile. Weft threads run horizontally through the carpet and are used to secure the rows of knots in place. At the first step the tana are made through the batatar upon the kath. Upon those tana weaver started weaving after doing the procedure of khatti and chunan. The weaver by looking from the naksha that was hanged over the corner side of the kath with nails makes the designs over the tana for manufacturing carpet. The weavers started weaving by handling three steps its terminology is khadi sedhi, khadi giri and khadi uthi. These are the three terminologies of weaving. When khaddi sedhi it mean the wools were taken out from the kabli which was hanged near to the kath. When khaddi giri then it means the weaver will took tharri into the strings of the tana. Then he will give stroke upon each knot with the help of panja and chura. When he will put khaddi uppar it means again he will put the lachhi into the strings of the tana. Again he will give stroke (beaten) on tana, with the help of panja and chura.

When the khaddi sidhi then it means now weaver will start weaving the carpets with colourful kati over the kath. The length and breadth of carpet and also the number of knots as per given shown in the naksha. The deviation in weaving from these specifications affects the quality of the carpet. Number of knots per square inch and quality of woolen yarn are the main criteria for the determination of the quality of the carpet using the weaving process. The warps are attached to the upper and lower beam of the loom. After weaving is completed and the carpet is removed from the

loom, the loose warp threads are called the phatte (fringe). A knot is formed as a strand of wool is looped around a pair of warp threads. The warp threads run vertically through the body of the carpet. The material used for the warp threads must be strong and the warps must be tightly strung on the loom, with an even tension. Uneven warp tensions will results in bumps or ridges in the carpet.

The other and dominating way is to weave the carpets upon khaddi through the tufted guns. With the help of the tufted guns the carpets are woven by taking the string of the wool into the tufted guns which is a sharp scissor form of tools that has given power through the power supply or charged battery with the help of the scissor. The carpets are weaved on those cloths that have the designs inscription with the neil (Indigo). The frames of the weaving of such type of carpets are called khaddi.

 FOURTH STEP IS WASHING

After taking out the carpet from the kath carpet goes for dhulai upon plot. Plot is a vast place where the arrangement of water was there the carpets are washed through the washing powder, bleaching, acid, sunlight soap by the manual unskilled carpet workers through the pharua, kangha /chura. In the procedure of washing also there is the pattern of the changes. The pattern of the change is in the terms of first the carpets are washed with herbal next with artificial wash further with antique wash.

 FIFTH STEP IS FINISHING AND PACKING

There are similar processes of finishing in the made upon kath and the carpets made upon khaddi. In the handknotted carpets the process of finishing is different than carpets made with tufted guns.

TABLE 3.5.2: LOCAL TERMINOLOGY FOR FINISHING

Carpets upon kath Carpets upon khaddi Pechai Letexing Berai Pechai Gachhi badhai Dhulaiya Dhulaiya Clipping Gultras Brooming (Source: Field Study, 2014-2015)

a. PECHAI

It is done through the suja with the border of the colour of the carpets to give the final touch to the side of the carpets called as binding. b. KHOPAI

It is done mostly in the high quality of hand knotted carpets. Khopai means a rod called bhokani which is putted inside the carpet again and again to bring out the flower. c. BERAI

It is done mostly in the high quality carpet but some low quality carpets like 5/28, 5/40 also go through the process of berai. Berai means with small pencil structured tool of rod or bamboo stick will be used by the semi skilled carpet workers to roll over the flower and took out the finished touch of the flowers. d. CLIPPING

Through scissor or clipping machine the upper portion of the carpet is trimmed. e. BROWNING

Through the unskilled carpet workers each carpet are browned. f. PACKING AND SHIPMENT

The next process is of packing. There the carpets are packed after the final inspection. The last stage is the shipment of the carpet (Source Field Study, 2014- 2015).

CHAPTER 4

FIELD STUDY

4.1: CARPET INDUSTRY OF BHADOHI: AN OVERVIEW:

Since 1974 carpet export is passing through difficult time. About 200 shipments were lying unclear in USA and Canada ports and most of the importers refused to accept the shipment which resulted discounts to the buyers or some of the shipments were transformed to other buyers. In 1974, to control the quality export inspection agency enforced the unskilled, inexperienced officers who had no experience of carpet production which resulted delay in shipment. The rules and regulations were so defective that the industry opposed this scheme and finally this was discontinued in 1977. The period from 1972 to 1980 the buyer of the whole seller’s carpets used to give order of the monotonous pattern of one design in huge quantities. The whole working structure of the industry has changed. Earlier, export was allowed in rupees but since July 1991 Indian Government allows export in foreign currency only. Besides this, Dr. Manmohan Singh then the finance minister abolished cash compensatory scheme to the exporters which resulted increase of export prices. In the last quarter of 1995 Indian currency was further devaluated by finance minister that had adversely affected to the carpet industry. Due to the global slump in USA and Europe most of the department store stopped buying directly from India consequently wholesalers also reduced the imports from India to a great extent. Besides the Dollar and Euro was also devalued which has affected the export adversely (Barnwal, 2010, pp. 57-58).

There is recession in the market of Bhadohi that had started in the year 1996 there is the effect of recession in the market of Bhadohi. The recession means the handmade carpets made upon kath are available in abundance in the market however no takers (buyers). The carpets made upon kath have high cost of production. Therefore it is incompatible with non kath products which are less expensive and because of technology intensive easier to meet the deadlines for the purpose of exports.

To face the competition of the low cost of the carpets various types of carpets started to be produced other than the carpets made upon kath. Kath is the traditional

74 way of manufacturing carpets. The other types of carpet like gabbe, shaigi, lori buff, druggets, tufted etc. were produced with the use of hand loom, panja durry loom, shuttle loom and khaddi. For each type of carpet particular skill of weaver is required. According to the demand of the type of carpet weaver has to learn the skill of weaving carpets. There is a continuous change in the fashion and the type of carpets because of it every time that type of skill of weaving has to be developed among the weavers through different technology according to the demand of the carpets. Now-a-days every time the design, pattern and its type changes. According to which there is partial upgradation of technology and the technological change in the processes of production to face the tough competition from the global market.

In the old working structure majority of exporter follows the local network of production. In the manufacturing process step by step it has to go through various units located in urban and rural areas. In the last step the raw carpets are brought under the head of the exporters for finishing and final inspection and lastly it is used to be dispatched for the shipment. In the local network of production because of dealing to so many units located at different rural and urban areas. Due to which there is the delay in the delivery of the products to the buyers on time. That has become one factor to do the production system inside the premise of the industry. For this reason, some exporters have started to bring different units inside to their premise viz. designing, dyeing and weaving.

4.1.1: CLASSIFICATION OF EXPORTER, NAKSHAKAR, RANGSAAZ, CONTRACTOR AND WEAVER: NATURE OF WORK AND TECHNOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE:

There are various types of exporters, nakshakars, rangsaazs, contractors and weavers associated with the local network of production. Therefore, each category needs elaborations and its role in the Bhadohi carpet production process. The following is the description of different categories involved in carpet production.

1. EXPORTER: He is the one who exports the products from one country to another and also from one place to other place within the country. a. Bada Exporter: Exporter who has inside to their premise the technology of designing, dyeing and weaving. Those exporter who themselves are efficient

for the production of carpets. Many skilled, semiskilled or unskilled workers were employed in their premise. b. Majhola Exporter: Exporters who have inside to their premise the technology of designing and dyeing. The exporter supervises indirectly over all the manufacturing units. At last the unfinished carpets are brought under the head of exporters. Many skilled, semiskilled or unskilled workers were employed in his premise. There he does the final finishing and packaging for the shipment. c. Chota Exporter: The exporters who are not the possessor of any technology viz. designing, dyeing and weaving. Only through the local network of production they do the export of carpets.

2. Naksha Kar: He is one who has acquired the skill of designing. a. Bada Naksha Kar: He is one who serves his skill to bada or majhola exporter for the work of nakshakari on monthly salary payment. b. Majhola Naksha Kar: He is the one who has once in his career has served his skill to bada or majhola exporter for the work of nakshakari on monthly salary. c. Chota Naksha Kar: He is the one who has never served his skill to bada or majhola exporter for the work of nakshakari.

3. Rangsaaz: He is one who has acquired the skill of dyeing either with the help of bhatta or boiler dyeing plant. a. Bada Rangsaaz: Bada rangsaaz is the malik (owner) of boiler dyeing plant. He has installed the boiler dyeing plant. He keeps chota rangsaaz for the purpose of dyeing. b. Majhola Rangsaaz: He is the owner of bhatta. He does the work of dyeing with the help of semiskilled or unskilled carpet workers. c. Chota Rangsaaz: He serves his skill as a carpet worker into the bhatta or boiler dyeing plant of others. His service is paid on salary. He worked with the assistance of semi skilled or unskilled workers.

4. CONTRACTOR: He is the one who collect the weaver from different places for the purpose of weaving.

76 a. Bada Contractor: Bada contractor with the help of chota weaver manufactures the carpets. Using his raw material and designs then he offered it for sale to the company in the market. b. Majhola Contractor: He is the owner of kath, khaddi or any other technology for weaving. He gets the order for manufacturing of carpets from the exporter. He was supplied raw material along with the design given to the contractor. Contractor with the help of chota weaver weaves the carpet. c. Chota Contractor: He worked as middleman between the exporter and bada contractor. He works on commission. They bring the order of weaving from the exporter and give it to bada or majhola contractor. Bada or majhola contractor with the help of chota weaver prepares the order.

5. WEAVER: He is skilled individual who does the work of weaving. a. Bada Weaver: He is the owner of kath, khaddi or any other technology. He works along with his family member or along with chota weaver. He gets the order for manufacturing of carpets from the exporter. He was supplied the raw material along with the designs. After preparation of carpets he brings the carpets to the exporter and gets the price for it. b. Majhola Weaver: He is the owner of kath, khaddi or any other technology and weaves along with his family member. c. Chota Weaver: He is a skilled person goes to weave as labour in the karkhana of bada contractor, majhola contractor and chota contractor.

4.1.2: PRODUCTION SYSTEM OF CARPETS CAN BE VIEWED INTO TWO WAYS:

1. PRODUCTION INSIDE THE PREMISE:

Mostly bada exporter follows such type of production system. They had replaced bhatta and they had installed boiler dyeing plant and the karkhana for weaving. In their premise they had kept bada nakshakar who made the design with the help of traditional tools earlier but now they had replaced it with CAD. They will bring the order from the buyer through their direct contacts or through the broker from the foreign countries. They manufacture carpets according to the demand and taste of the buyer. They will participate in the fare of foreign countries to exhibit their

77 products. Possibility is there they took designer with themselves. When they get the order then according to the choice and demand of the buyer they purchase the raw material from the merchants. Merchants could be from other states like Punjab, Rajasthan etc. Then they start preparation for manufacturing of the carpets. They will prepare the naksha with the help of the bada nakshakar. They will get the wool to be dyed with in their bhatta according to the colour/s desired of the buyer. Then these materials will be given to the weavers for weaving. Then after weaving the carpets are given for washing into the plot. After washing of the carpets it is brought back into the premise of the exporter. In the premise with the help of the skilled, semiskilled or unskilled workers the carpets are finished and after the inspection of the carpets. It is packed and loaded for the shipment. The large numbers of skilled, semiskilled and unskilled workers get the employment. Sometimes they involve bada contractor and bada rangsaaz from the local network of production system for their production.

2. PRODUCTION OUTSIDE THE PREMISE:

a. Mostly majhola exporter follows this production system of carpets. They bring the order from the buyer through their direct contacts or through the broker. The designs are accepted by the buyers. According as per the designs exporter purchases the raw material from the merchants. Later on those raw materials were given for dye to bada rangsaaz. Further as the direction were given by the majhola exporter. After dyeing of the wool it goes for weaving to the workplace of the contractor or to the home of the weaver as per the direction of exporter. There the wools are prepared by the women for weaving. If the buyer has asked for washing of the carpets then from the place of the contractor raw carpets goes to another unit for washing of the carpets. The place for washing is known as the plot. There with the help of the semiskilled and unskilled carpet workers the carpets are washed. Later the carpets are brought under the custody of exporters. There under the supervision of the exporter the work of finishing took place with the help of the semiskilled or unskilled workers for finishing of the carpets and given on contractual basis for finishing. Then from there the carpets are packed and dispatched for the shipment.

b. Mostly chota exporter follows such production system. They get the order from the buyer through the broker. They purchase the raw material and they give it for dye to the bada rangsaaz. Then either he will give the order for the preparation of carpets to majhola contractor or bada weaver after preparation of the carpets he will

78 bring back the carpets to chota exporter. Then for washing of the carpets it is given on the plot for the washing. It is brought back under the custody of chota exporter and after finishing and packing it is loaded for shipment. The other method he follows for the preparation of order is that he will give order to bada contractor for the full preparation. There under the supervision of the exporter the work of finishing took place with the help of the semiskilled or unskilled workers for finishing of the carpets and given on contractual basis for finishing. Then from there the carpets are packed and dispatched for the shipment.

4.1.3: LOCAL LEVEL NETWORK OF CARPET PRODUCTION

Exporters can be divided into the three categories bada, majhola and chota exporter. They are the one who bring the order of manufacturing and give it for production. Rangsaaz can be divided into three categories bada rangsaaz, majhola rangsaaz and chota rangsaaz. Bada rangsaaz will employ chota rangsaaz and kept hired labour as skilled or unskilled carpet workers. At local level of carpet production contractor can be divided into the three categories bada contractor, majhola contractor and chota contractor. Weaver also can be divided into bada weaver and chota weaver. Bada, majhola and chota exporter are interrelated for the work of dyeing to the bada rangsaaz, chota rangsaaz and malik of boiler dyeing plant according to their requirement of production. Bada exporter is related to the bada nakshakari. Majhola and chota exporter is related to the majhola and chota nakshakar for their requirement of designs. Majhola and chota nakshakari are related to the painters and tracers. The work of painting and tracing could be done by house hold women by remaining at home. Majhola and chota exporter is related to the bada contracter, majhola contractor and chota contractor they are also related to the bada weaver. Bada contractor and chota contractor are related to bada weaver and chota weaver. Bada contractor and chota contractor are related to the women for the work of finishing. Bada exporter, majhola exporter and chota exporter are related to the contractor for washing. Contractor of washer took the work by hiring the skilled, semiskilled and unskilled carpet workers on daily wages. Bada exporter, majhola exporter and chota exporter took the work of finishing and packing by hiring skilled, semiskilled and unskilled carpet workers and taking work on daily wages. Those skilled, semiskilled or unskilled carpet workers could be man and women both. The work of finishing could be done by house hold women by remaining at home (see Appendix-I).

4.1.4: CHANGING STATUS AS SKILLED MALIK AND SKILLED MAZDOOR

The designer when works under the company there he works on salary payment and there he is a bada nakshakar but skilled mazdoor. But when the designer works at their home by using CAD or the work of nakshakari along with the semiskilled workers then he is the majhola and chota nakshakar but skilled malik. The dyer when work under the premise of exporter in the bhatta or boiler dyeing plant then there he was a chota rangsaaz and skilled mazdoor. But when the dyer works in his own bhatta then he is a bada rangsaaz and majhola rangsaaz and who works along with semiskilled and unskilled workers. Contractor when with the help of poor weaver manufactures the carpets using his raw material and designs then he offered it for sale to the company in the market then he is a bada contractor and malik. Weaver when weaves along with his family member or along chota weaver then he is a bada weaver and skilled malik. When the weaver goes to other place for weaving then he is chota weaver and skilled mazdoor. Thus, malik has been defined as owner of the skill/ entrepreneur, whereas, mazdoor has been defined as a person selling his / her skill for the carpet production in Bhadohi.

4.1.5: CHANGES FROM TRADITIONAL TO CONTEMPORARY TECHNOLOGY

The industry of carpet in Bhadohi has an impact of globalization in general and global economy very particular. The process of social exclusion has been examined in the Bhadohi Carpet Industry by highlighting partial up-gradation of technology and technological change into three stages of carpet manufacturing process. The first stage is designing. The second stage is dyeing and the third stage is weaving. It has implication on how the old technology is replaced with the new technology. There is the replacement of kath with khaddi, nakshakar with CAD and bhatta with boiler dyeing plant. Changes are in the terms of partial technological upgradation in the processes of production that has led to contradictions. All these changes lead towards deskilling of carpet workers. Eventually, they have to re-skill for their survival. The process of deskilling and reskilling is highly complex in the carpet industry. There are five steps in the process of carpet production. The first stage is designing. In the steps of designing, the designs could be made by manual traditional designer with the help of the tracers or painters. The designs could be made

with the help of the Computer Aided Designer. The second stage is of dyeing. In the unit of dyeing the process of dyeing could be done by the dyer at bhatta or at the Boiler Dyeing Plant. The third step is of weaving. Weaving could be done by the weaver upon the kath or khaddi.

a. FOR DESIGNING: NAKSHAKAR / CAD

Nakshakar: The nakshakar is a skilled individual. Nakshakar worked as the malik at his home in which he makes the designing plates. The designs are depicted on those designing plates. The master nakshakar get the order on these designing plates then with the help and the support of the tracers and painters the designer prepare the designs. The painter is a semiskilled person and the tracer is the unskilled but he is in the process of becoming the semiskilled. The work of nakshakari is done by a group of manual carpet workers that is the effort of the master nakshakar that he works along with the painters and tracers. There is the possibility that the nakshakar could work in two ways. In the first way the manual nakshakar on the monthly payment lives in the house of the exporter and does the work of designing carpets. In the second way nakshakar by living at home seeks the order to make the designs from the exporters. When the nakshakar needs the assistance then he gives the work of tracing and painting home to home or he calls the nakshakar or tracers at their home for work. The work of tracing and painting is also done by the women at their home.

CAD: The technology of CAD has increased the efficiency of the designers in making the designs. It has reduced the time and the work pressure. The work of nakshakari is replaced with the introduction of the technology of CAD. The technology of CAD has replaced the nakshakar with Computer Aided Designer. Those designers are kept by the exporters on salary payment who are having the skill of accessing the technology of CAD.

b. FOR DYEING: BHATTA / BOILER DYEING PLANT

Bhatta: There is the possibility that the rangsaaz could work in two ways. In the first way the rangsaaz on the monthly payment lives in the house of the exporter and does the work of dyeing the wool in his bhatta. In the second way nakshakar by living at home seeks the order to make the designs from the exporters. Bhatta is the traditional way of dyeing the wool. The rangsaaz does the work of dyeing in his bhatta. He is the skilled carpet workers and it is his skill due to which he gets the

work of dyeing for his bhatta. Second in bhatta the rangsaaz lives at the exporter house. He has acquired the skill of dyeing from one of the skilled manual designer he lived in the relationship of the ustad (teacher) and chela (pupil). By staying into the relationship of the chela and ustad, he had learnt the expertise of dyeing the wool. One master rangsaaz called ustad under whose supervision the chela learns the work and procedure. It’s the skill of ustad who tells chela about the tactics of dyeing the wool. It could be possible that the relationship could be of kinship and friend viz. father and son, uncle and nephew or between friends.

Boiler Dyeing Plant: In boiler dyeing plant was one of another method of dyeing the wool. The possibility is there that the dyers themselves have located the boiler dyeing plant or the exporters in their premise have located the boiler dyeing plant. Now the emerging pattern is to locate the boiler dyeing plant in comparison to the bhatta. It’s the new and can say that it is replacing bhatta with the technology of Boiler dyeing plant. The purpose is the wool dyed in the boiler dyeing plant reduces the cost and save the time. The number of carpet workers involved in the bhatta is more in comparison to the number of carpet workers involved in the boiler dyeing plant.

c. FOR WEAVING: KATH / KHADDI:

Kath: Kath is the old and traditional technology of weaving carpets. The carpets that are made upon kath are no more in demand due to its high cost of production and delivery of products on time. In kath weavers used to weave the carpets at their home. Kath is the traditional way of weaving carpets. The skill of weaving carpets upon kath is developed among the individual when Akbar had left some of the individual in the area. Due to its high cost of production and many other issues related to it has degenerated the skill of passing the traditional skill of developing carpets upon kath.

Khaddi: Khaddi is gradually replacing kath. There are many other ways of producing carpets. But the dominant trend is the technology of khaddi. The reason is to reduce the cost of production and to face the challenge of the delivery of products on time with the buyers. The carpets made upon khaddi took less time in comparison to the carpets made upon kath. The number of weaver involved into khaddi is less in

82 comparison to the number of weavers involved into kath for the production of the same quantity of carpets. There is the replacement of kath with khaddi.

4.2: PRELIMINARY FIELD VISIT

My preliminary visit was of fifteen days. The objectives of preliminary visit were to have a look over the changes in the carpet industry of Bhadohi because of the partial technological upgradation. For this purpose investigator has visited different sites representing different categories of the carpet production viz. weavers, nakshakar, rangsaaz, designers using CAD, workers of carpet industry, exporters etc. During the field visit investigator has started observing the up gradation of technology, at different stages of carpet manufacturing process. The carpet produced in Bhadohi region is not at one place. It follows the local network of production process because of its five stages in the production process. The major stage in the carpet manufacturing industry is the designing, dyeing, weaving, finishing and packing of the carpets.

The study has taken under consideration of all the production system as mentioned above. There are different units where the different processes of carpet manufacturing goes and in manufacturing process like a network it goes from one unit to other unit and in the last the raw carpets are brought under the head of the exporters for finishing and final inspection and lastly it goes to dispatch for the shipment.

The samples for the study have taken from the different units of the designing, dyeing and weaving. Due to that partial upgradation of technology there is the process of the acceleration of the concept social exclusion in the carpet Industry because of the need and demand of the globalization. The role technology is playing in the changing status relationship with the network production and how they are getting out from the network is the focus of the study. Partial upgradation of technology is the main focus of the study from the three stages of the production of carpets viz. designing, dyeing and weaving from old ways of technology to the new ways of technology respectively or the emerging trend for the domination of partial technological upgradation because of the demand for the low cost of the carpets and the fast production. The sample is taken from the different unit of the carpet

manufacturing processes and it has tried to grasp the penetration of the concept of social exclusion in the carpet industry of Bhadohi.

a. PRODUCTION THROUGH LOCAL NETWORK:

The exporter supervises indirectly all over the manufacturing units. Weaving is done at one unit. The work of nakshakari is done at other place under the head of the master nakshakar at one unit where his subordinates painters and tracers work along with the master nakshakar to complete the work. In the modern ways of designing the designers uses the technology of CAD and they work in the company on the salary payment. In the second unit that is dyeing, there the wools are dyed by the rangsaaz. The study has tried to grasp the contrast between traditional method of dyeing wool known as bhatta and how the wools are dyed in the boiler dyeing plant. The focus of the study is how the one technology is replaced with the other technology. How the traditional tools are used for weaving the carpets and on the other hand how carpets are weaved by upgradation of technologies in weaving carpets. Finally, the unfinished carpets are brought to the house of exporters, where the final finishing and packaging for the shipment is done.

b. PRODUCTION INSIDE THE PREMISE:

The study considers that there are few companies of exporters, which as per their demand have tried to organize the whole three units under one shed to cope with the challenges from the world market. The study has come to know from the respondent that the business has the impact of the demand of the foreign companies and to satisfy their demand it becomes the requirement and need to bring upgradation in the methods of producing carpets. Globalization demands and requires to bring upgradation in the procedures of manufacturing carpets.

4.3: PRIMARY DATA ON BHADOHI CARPET INDUSTRY

This section deals with primary data collected during the field study I had mentioned at the outset that I have collected qualitative as well as quantitative data. Later the data have been described in the form of case studies and FGDs. The former have been explained in terms of tabular form from data collected by schedule. Finally, a section on discussion and analysis has been provided for incorporation of analysis of data or primary data. The sample size of the study is one hundred twenty five for quantitative data. One hundred twenty five samples were gathered on the

premise of the snowball and judgment sampling. While selecting the respondents the study has taken consideration that the respondent preferably from the first three stages of manufacturing carpets. The stages of carpet manufacturing can be divided into five stages. The first three stages are designing, dyeing, weaving and the last two is of washing and finishing of the carpets. The study revolves round the partial technological upgradation in the first three stages of carpet manufacturing. Tables, case studies and FGDs reveal that the contrast between the traditional and the pattern of the partial upgradation of the technology at the different level of the production system of the carpets and the role of the technology played upon the individuals. The data are collected from the different segments of the industry. The study has attempted to take the interview from the different categories and occupation of the carpet industry. Interview technique has been used for the data collection. The data were collected from both who adopted the technology and those who did not adopt the technology. The study has generated the data on both the ways of producing carpets through utilization of the traditional tools and by utilization of the partial technology in the processes of designing, dyeing and weaving. While generating the data it has tried to capture the nuances of the differences and the changes in the process of the old and the new ways of designing, dyeing and weaving. The study has shown that the large number of skilled, semi skilled and unskilled carpet workers source of income depend upon the income generation from the carpet industry of Bhadohi. Skilled and semiskilled women workers got employment opportunities through the carpet industry by living at home they can do the finishing work of the carpets. The focus of the study from the beginning is to grasp the working nature of the industry and the role technology is playing upon the status, criteria and the relationship of man with technology.

The investigator has taken the sample for weaving upon kath and khaddi from the rural areas. The weavers of the carpets of kath are mostly located in the rural areas and they are the local residents of that place. The weavers come from the outside of the district and state for weaving the carpet according to the type of the carpet. When investigator visited in rural areas there it has interacted with weaver who was weaving the carpets at his home by sitting upon his kath the small carpet locally named as pusti. It is the traditional method of weaving carpets by making knots upon kath. From those areas sample for kath weavers were collected. When the investigator

was passing from the rural areas then she comes to know from one of the old man of the region that earlier in the area in many houses kath uses to be installed. Weavers in their free time use to weave the carpets by making the knots upon kath but now one does not find kath in most of the houses. He further told that he himself was having many kath and as the owner of those kath and in the free time from the agriculture field he used to weave the carpets. From those observations and insights Investigator has constructed certain questions on recession years viz. 1994, 1995, 1996, 1997, 1998, in order to know implications of recession on the demand of the carpets made upon kath. Then most of the respondent have identified the time period that is 1996 as the recession period of the carpet industry. That is why in the final schedule the study has taken the year 1996 as the recession period in the carpet industry. Recession mean products are available in the market but there is no one to purchase the product. If further simplified the carpets made upon kath is not demanded because of its high cost and other issues related to it. There are numerous instances of such kind of cases. When the investigator was passing from those villages from those roads made of mud, water passes into that field through water pump, from those cottages kids are gazing with suspicious at investigator. Investigator ceased to pose the question with one woman sitting inside the house made of mud with her charkha. Investigator asked the question, ‘chachi ka kar rahi h’ (What are you doing?) the respondent told that ‘ki yahi humara guzara h, Jab bhi kam milta h kar lete hain’ (This is the source of my livelihood. Whenever I get an order I work for it). On further probe whether she gets work regularly she responded that getting assignment is highly irregular. The respondent told by pointing her finger to the place of the contractor that when he gets the order then he ask us for opening the kati. At that point investigator asked what sum do you get then the respondent says five rupees for a kg. How many kg's you can open in a day? The respondent told that it relies on their free time they get from their family it may be 3kg’s to 5 kg's of work she can do.

The investigator has collected the data on bhatta and boiler dyeing plant from the rural areas. There it has gone for the bhatta to observe the traditional method of dyeing wool. Then from there went to the unit of the boiler dyeing plant to observe the process of dyeing. Those who are doing the production inside their premise by using the new technology are located in the rural areas. The government development

projects are located in the rural areas like Carpet City and Indian Institute of carpet Technology.

The study has collected sample for the majhola and chota exporter, for skilled, semi skilled and unskilled carpet workers, for the bada, majhola and chota nakshakar are taken from the urban areas. In the urban areas one of the old man of about seventy year of age has interacted with the investigator and shared that prior to the introduction of the technology of CAD. The whole region was covered with the painters and tracers. At that time the work for nakshakari was feasible in most of the houses. The man and women were employed in the work of tracing and painting. Now day’s nakshakar does not have the work of designing. That is why the skill of designing manually is declining gradually. The work of painting and tracing is also used to be done at home by the women. Now the condition was not as it was before because if the manual nakshakar are having the work they don't have in large number to give it to the painters or tracers. That is the reason they are not having the painters and the tracers for the work. The painters or the tracers had left the occupation and moved to other place in search of livelihood. They had relocated and looking for the occupation to other spot. The next day researcher again visited the same site with an objective to find nakshakar after getting the insight from the last respondent. When the investigator has visited to the urban areas there it was observed how the designers are using the technology of CAD for making the designs. There Investigator has interacted with the designer of CAD. Further taken the interview from the two nakshakar and observed their traditional ways of producing designs. The manual designers are making the designs with the help of the painters and tracers to comply the order. The carpets are washed in the urban areas. There it was observed that the large numbers of manual workers are involved in the work of washing carpets. Investigator visited to the labour mandi to take the views of the carpet workers visiting their daily in search of the job. There are many merchants who have migrated to the place from the other region to sale their raw materials located in urban areas. Those merchants are from other state like Bikaner, Panipat, and Ludhiana etc.

The study includes eighteen tables for quantitative data. The study includes total ten case studies and eight FGDs for qualitative data. The breakup is as follows: two case studies done on bada exporter, two on majhola nakshakar, two on bada rangsaaz, two on majhola rangsaaz, one case study is on majhola weaver and one

87 from the broker. In addition, qualitative data was generated by using eight focused group discussions (FGD). The breakup of FGD is as follows one focused group discussion with majhola exporters, two with majhola nakshakars, one with bada weavers and the other with chota weavers, one with skilled and semiskilled women carpet workers, one with skilled, semiskilled and unskilled carpet workers, one with chota exporters. It is evident from the data that the industry gives employment irrespective of caste. The main consideration for employment is desired skill. However, the caste which is involved in weaving belongs to the OBCs among the Hindus. The castes involved in weaving among Hindus are Bind, Kevat, Yadav. Among Muslims, castes like Dhuniya, Behna, Chudhiar, Darji, Julha etc are involved. In washing of the carpets, the caste belonging to STs are Pasi, Chamar, Banbasi, Dhobi, Kahar, Konia etc. In upper caste carpet workers are coming from Brahman, Darji. The caste involved in finishing sector among Hindu’s and Muslim’s religion are from Chamar, Pasi, Brahman, Chatri, Julha, Dhuniya, Behna, Yadav, Bind etc. The merchants involved in selling of the woolen yarn are from the castes from Rajesthan. These are as follows: Popli, Sethi, Jain, Daga, Batra, Kabra. The investigator has observed that the industry gives employment to the large section of the society belonging to the different castes. The investigator has observed that in an era of globalization the industry has to face various challenges in terms of competition from the world market by looking to the taste and the demand from the global world.

4.3.1: TABLES ON PRIMARY DATA The following section deals with quantitative primary data generated during the field study from Bhadohi Carpet Industry as shown in the map 1.1 and already elaborated in chapter three. There are eighteen tables highlighting on different responses provided by the respondents on different issues related to globalization, response related towards the use of the new technology of CAD, response related towards the technology of bhatta, kath, response towards the aspiration of young generation towards diploma courses. The table was generated with the composition of Hindu and Muslim religion and the various castes involved in the various occupation. The table shows the involvement of different religion and caste involved in the carpet Industry of Bhadohi. The table was generated to know the response of the different occupation of the sample on various issues like the effect of globalization, response

88 toward 1996 as recession period, the adverse effect of recession on different occupation, response toward CAD, and response towards the decline of the skill of nakshakari, response toward weaving of kath carpets, bhatta as labour intensive.

TABLE 4.3.1.1: PERCENT CASTE / RELIGION WISE OCCUPATION

BC GENERAL SC Grand % of Categories Total Total Hindu Muslim Hindu Muslim Hindu BROKER 1 3 1 5 4% CONTRACTOR 12 18 1 6 37 29.60% DESIGNER 1 2 1 4 3.20% DYER 1 1 1 1 4 3.20% EXPORT 5 19 3 3 1 31 24.80% MANAGEMENT 7 2 3 12 9.60% OTHERS 3 7 4 1 1 16 12.80% RAW MANUFACTURER 2 1 3 2.40% RAW SELLER 1 1 1 3 2.40% SHIPPING 2 1 1 4 3.20% WEAVER 2 3 1 6 4.80% Grand Total 25 63 17 17 3 125 100% (Source: Field Study, 2014-2015)

TABLE 4.3.1.1:

The table 4.3.1.1 shows the component of the different religion from the different caste to the different occupation of the sample size. The table shows there are involvement of 4 percent of the broker, 29.60 percent of the contractor, 3.20 percent of the designer, 3.20 percent of the dyer, 24.80 percent of the exporter, 9.60 percent of the management, 12.80 percent of the others, 2.40 percent of the raw manufacturers, 2.40 percent of the raw seller, 3.20 percent of the shipping and 4.80 percent of the weaver to the total sample size.

TABLE 4.3.1.2: PERCENT CASTE WISE DIFFERENT CATEGORIES

Grand GENERAL BC SC CATEGORIES Total (%) (%) (%) (%) WEAVER 0.00 83.33 16.67 100.00 DESIGNER 75.00 25.00 0.00 100.00 DYER 50.00 50.00 0.00 100.00 CONTRACTOR 18.92 81.08 0.00 100.00 EXPORT 19.35 77.42 3.23 100.00 OTHERS 31.25 62.50 6.25 100.00 MANAGEMENT 41.67 58.33 0.00 100.00 RAW MANUFACTURER 33.33 66.67 0.00 100.00 RAW SELLER 66.67 33.33 0.00 100.00 SHIPPING 50.00 50.00 0.00 100.00 BROKER 20.00 80.00 0.00 100.00 GRAND TOTAL 27.20 70.40 2.40 100.00 (Source: Field Study, 2014-2015)

TABLE 4.3.1.2:

The table 4.3.1.2 shows the percentage of the different caste of the sample involved in the different categories of occupation. It shows from the sample size percentage of 70.40 percent belong to the BC. The table shows the percentage caste belonging to the General is 27.20 percent. The caste belonging to the SC is 2.40 percent. The table shows that the different caste of sample involved with the different occupation in the carpet Industry of Bhadohi.

TABLE 4.3.1.3: PERCENT OCCUPATION WISE EFFECT OF GLOBALIZATION

VERY GRAND HIGH MODERATE CATEGORIES LITTLE TOTAL (%) (%) (%) (%) BROKER 60.00 20.00 20.00 100.00 CONTRACTOR 29.73 45.95 24.32 100.00 DESIGNER 25.00 50.00 25.00 100.00 DYER 25.00 50.00 25.00 100.00 EXPORT 22.58 61.29 16.13 100.00 MANAGEMENT 50.00 25.00 25.00 100.00 OTHERS 56.25 25.00 18.75 100.00 RAW 33.33 0.00 66.67 100.00 MANUFACTURER RAW SELLER 66.67 33.33 0.00 100.00 SHIPPING 0.00 50.00 50.00 100.00 WEAVER 16.67 33.33 50.00 100.00 Grand Total 33.60 42.40 24.00 100.00 (Source: Field Study, 2014-2015)

TABLE 4.3.1.3:

In the table 4.3.1.3, the investigator has tried to look at the occupation wise response towards the effect of globalization. The table shows the effect of globalization into three categories that is High, Moderate and Very little. The effect is moderate that is 42.40 percent of the total percentage response of the different sections of the industry. The percentage response for the high category is 33.60 percent and the percentage of response at the low category is 24 percent. In the table the response from the different occupation, there is the effect of globalization among all the sectors of the sample belonging to the different section. The table shows there is the effect of globalization upon the occupation of the sample engaged in the carpet industry.

TABLE 4.3.1.4: PERCENT RELIGION / CASTE WISE EFFECT OF GLOBALIZATION

GRAND HIGH MODERATE VERY CATEGORIES LITTLE TOTAL (%) (%) (%) (%)

HINDU 37.78 24.44 37.78 100.00 BC 32.00 28.00 40.00 100.00

GENERAL 47.06 17.65 35.29 100.00

SC 33.33 33.33 33.33 100.00

MUSLIM 31.25 52.50 16.25 100.00 BC 33.33 47.62 19.05 100.00

GENERAL 23.53 70.59 5.88 100.00

GRAND TOTAL 33.60 42.40 24.00 100.00 (Source: Field Study, 2014-2015)

TABLE 4.3.1.4:

In the table 4.3.1.4, shows the percentage response according to the caste and religion wise response in the effect of globalization upon the industry of carpets in Bhadohi. 37.78 percent Hindu and 31.25 percent Muslim of the sample responded that the effect of globalization is high. Among Hindus 40 percent of the sample of BC has responded for very little. 47.06 percent of the sample of General has responded for high while 33.33 percent of the sample of SC has responded for high, moderate and very little. Among Muslim 47.62 percent of the sample of BC has responded for moderate and 70.59 percent of sample of General Muslim has also responded for moderate. The table shows that the effect of globalization is moderate among the BC Muslim in comparison to BC Hindu with very little with a difference of 7.62 percent. It also shows that the effect of globalization among the General Muslim is Moderate with a difference of 23.53 percent in comparison to the General Hindus with high effects.

TABLE 4.3.1.5: PERCENT OCCUPATION WISE RESPONSE TOWARD 1996 AS RECESSION

VERY GRAND NO MODERATE HIGH CATEGORIES LITTLE TOTAL (%) (%) (%) (%) (%) DESIGNER 25.00 0.00 25.00 50.00 100.00 DYER 25.00 0.00 50.00 25.00 100.00 WEAVER 0.00 33.33 50.00 16.67 100.00 EXPORT 3.23 22.58 38.71 35.48 100.00 CONTRACTOR 0.00 16.22 43.24 40.54 100.00 MANAGEMENT 0.00 16.67 33.33 50.00 100.00 OTHERS 0.00 6.67 40.00 53.33 100.00 RAW 0.00 33.33 33.33 33.33 100.00 MANUFACTURER RAW SELLER 0.00 0.00 33.33 66.67 100.00 SHIPPING 0.00 0.00 75.00 25.00 100.00 BROKER 0.00 20.00 40.00 40.00 100.00 Grand Total 2.42 16.13 41.13 40.32 100.00 (Source: Field Study, 2014-2015)

TABLE 4.3.1.5:

The table 4.3.1.5 shows the percentage response occupation wise for the year 1996 as the recession period. The total percentage response for No is 2.42 percent, which mean they do not agree with the recession period. In total the percentage of the sample occupation wise response towards very little is 16.13 percent. The percentage of the sample occupation wise response for moderate is 41.13 percent. The percentage of the sample occupation wise response for the sample towards the recession is high that is 40.32 percentages. The table shows that there is the effect of globalization which consequences into the year 1996 as the recession period in the market of Bhadohi carpet industry.

TABLE 4.3.1.6: PERCENT RELIGION / CASTE WISE RESPONSE TOWARD 1996 AS RECESSION

CATEGORIES NO VERY MODERATE HIGH Grand (%) LITTLE (%) (%) Total (%) (%)

HINDU 2.27 27.27 34.09 36.36 100.00

BC 4.17 33.33 29.17 33.33 100.00

GENERAL 0.00 11.76 41.18 47.06 100.00

SC 0.00 66.67 33.33 0.00 100.00

MUSLIM 2.50 10.00 45.00 42.50 100.00

BC 3.17 12.70 39.68 44.44 100.00

GENERAL 0.00 0.00 64.71 35.29 100.00

GRAND 2.42 16.13 41.13 40.32 100.00 TOTAL (Source: Field Study, 2014-2015)

TABLE 4.3.1.6:

The table 4.3.1.6 shows the percentage response according to the caste and religion wise response for year 1996 as recession period of the carpet Industry of Bhadohi. From the sample 36.36 percent Hindu responded for high and 45.00 percent of Muslim has responded for moderate respectively towards the year 1996 as recession period of the carpet industry. Among Hindu, sample of the BC has responded towards the year 1996 as recession period of the carpet industry with 33.33 percent very little and 33.33 percent for high. The General Hindu sample has responded for high with 47.06 percent while 66.67 percent of SC has responded for very little. Among the Muslim BC sample has responded for 44.44 percent as high while the General Muslim with 64.71 percent has responded for the moderate towards the year 1996 as recession period of the carpet industry.

TABLE 4.3.1.7: PERCENT OCCUPATION WISE RESPONSE FOR ADVERSE EFFECT OF RECESSION

Categories Small- Weaver Nakshakar Carpet Women Rang Painter Tracer exporter (%) (%) Workers Workers saaz (%) (%) (%) (%) at home (%) (%) Broker 5.10 5.62 5.71 2.86 0.00 6.90 3.57 0.00 Contractor 27.55 32.58 22.86 28.57 28.57 31.03 28.57 18.2 Designer 4.08 2.25 5.71 2.86 2.86 3.45 3.57 4.55 Dyer 4.08 3.37 0.00 2.86 5.71 3.45 0.00 4.55 Export 22.45 24.72 31.43 31.43 25.71 27.59 28.57 31.8 Management 10.20 8.99 11.43 8.57 8.57 10.34 7.14 13.6 Others 13.27 13.48 5.71 5.71 22.86 6.90 7.14 4.55 Raw Manufacturer 2.04 1.12 8.57 2.86 0.00 6.90 7.14 13.6 Raw seller 3.06 1.12 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 Shipping 4.08 2.25 2.86 5.71 2.86 0.00 3.57 4.55 Weaver 4.08 4.49 5.71 8.57 2.86 3.45 10.71 4.55 Grand total 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 (Source: Field Study, 2014-2015)

TABLE 4.3.1.7:

The table 4.3.1.7 shows the percentage response of the adverse effect of recession is maximum upon small exporters with 27.55 percent, 32.58 percent upon weaver, and 28.57 percent upon women workers at home, rangsaaz with 31.03 percent and Painter 28.57 percent pointed out by contractor. While exporter says nakshakar, Carpet workers, Painter and tracers are more affected with 31.43 percent, 31.43 percent, 28.57 percent and 31.8 percent respectively.

TABLE 4.3.1.8: PERCENT RELIGION / CASTE WISE RESPONSE ADVERSE EFFECT OF RECESSION

Women Small Rang Carpet Nakshakar Painters Tracers Weavers Working Categories exporter saaz Workers (%) (%) (%) (%) in houses (%) (%) (%) (%) HINDU 39.80 20.69 31.43 32.14 27.27 25.71 39.33 34.29 BC 21.43 13.79 14.29 17.86 9.09 11.43 23.60 20.00 General 15.31 6.90 17.14 14.29 18.18 11.43 12.36 11.43 Schedule 3.06 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 2.86 3.37 2.86 caste MUSLIM 60.20 79.31 68.57 67.86 72.73 74.29 60.67 65.71 BC 43.88 62.07 54.29 50.00 54.55 57.14 48.31 45.71 General 16.33 17.24 14.29 17.86 18.18 17.14 12.36 20.00 GRAND 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 100.00 TOTAL (Source: Field Study, 2014-2015)

Table 4.3.1.8:

The table 4.3.1.8 shows the percentage response of the religion and the caste for the adverse effect of recession upon different occupation. The sample of the Hindu caste has responded for the most adverse effect is upon small exporters with 39.80 percent. Among them the BC has responded for weavers are the most affected with 23.60 percent. The General has responded for the tracers with 18.18 percent and the SC has responded for weavers with 3.37 percent. From the total sample size the Muslim has responded for rangsaaz are the most affected with 79.31 percent. While the BC has responded for 57.14 percent of the carpet workers are the most affected. While other BC has responded for 20 percent of women workers are the most affected.

TABLE 4.3.1.9: PERCENT OCCUPATION WISE RESPONSE TO CAD

CATEGORIES Strongly Disagree Don't Agree Strongly Grand Disagree (%) Know (%) Agree Total (%) (%) (%) (%) WEAVER 0.00 0.00 16.67 33.33 50.00 100.00 BROKER 0.00 0.00 0.00 100.00 0.00 100.00 CONTRACTOR 5.41 5.41 0.00 64.86 24.32 100.00 DESIGNER 0.00 25.00 0.00 50.00 25.00 100.00 DYER 0.00 0.00 25.00 25.00 50.00 100.00 EXPORT 3.23 9.68 3.23 74.19 9.68 100.00 MANAGEMENT 0.00 0.00 0.00 75.00 25.00 100.00 OTHERS 0.00 18.75 0.00 62.50 18.75 100.00 RAW 0.00 0.00 33.33 33.33 33.33 100.00 MANUFACTURER RAW SELLER 0.00 0.00 0.00 100.00 0.00 100.00 SHIPPING 0.00 0.00 50.00 25.00 25.00 100.00 GRAND TOTAL 2.40 7.20 4.80 64.80 20.80 100.00 (Source: Field Study, 2014-2015)

TABLE 4.3.1.9:

The Table 4.3.1.9 shows the percentage response for the designing with CAD. In the table 64.80 percentage response of the sample agreed towards the CAD as more effective way of designing. There are 20.80 percentage of the total sample who strongly agrees that the CAD has made the designers more versatile. While there is 2.40 percentage of the total sample who strongly disagree with the idea that CAD has made the designer more versatile. On the other hand there are 7.20 percent of people who disagree over that Computer Aided Designing has made the designer more versatile and competitive. The table shows that the total percentage response for designing through CAD has made the designer more versatile and competitive in making the designs.

TABLE 4.3.1.10: PERCENT RELIGION / CASTE WISE RESPONSE TO CAD

CATEGORIES Strongly Disagree Don't Agree Strongly Grand Disagree (%) Know (%) Agree Total (%) (%) (%) (%) HINDU 0.00 6.67 6.67 66.67 20.00 100.00 BC 0.00 8.00 8.00 72.00 12.00 100.00 GENERAL 0.00 0.00 5.88 64.71 29.41 100.00 SC 0.00 33.33 0.00 33.33 33.33 100.00 MUSLIM 3.75 7.50 3.75 63.75 21.25 100.00 BC 3.17 6.35 4.76 61.90 23.81 100.00 GENERAL 5.88 11.76 0.00 70.59 11.76 100.00 GRAND 2.40 7.20 4.80 64.80 20.80 100.00 TOTAL (Source: Field Study, 2014-2015)

TABLE 4.3.1.10:

The Table 4.3.1.10 shows the percentage religion / caste wise response for the designing with CAD. There are 66.67 percent of Hindu and 63.75 percent of Muslim who have agreed that CAD as more effective way of designing. While there is 72 percent of Hindu BC and 61.90 percent of Muslim BC who agreed that CAD has made the designer more versatile. There are 64.71 percent of General Hindus and 70.59 percent of General Muslim who have responded that CAD has made the designer more versatile. While there is 33.33 percent of SC has agreed that CAD has made the designer more versatile. In other way, we can interpret from the table that Hindu religion is in comparatively more agreement for the technology of CAD with 2.92 percent more in comparison to the Muslim religion. While there is 6.67 percent of Hindu sample and 7.50 percent of Muslim sample who disagree over the idea that CAD has made the designer more versatile. The Muslim sample disagree for the technology of CAD with 0.83 percent that CAD has made the designer more versatile.

TABLE 4.3.1.11: PERCENT OCCUPATION WISE RESPONSE TO NAKSHAKARI DECLINE

CATEGORIES Strongly Disagree Don't Agree Strongly Grand Disagree (%) Know (%) Agree Total (%) (%) (%) (%) WEAVER 0.00 16.67 16.67 33.33 33.33 100.00 DESIGNER 0.00 25.00 0.00 50.00 25.00 100.00 DYER 0.00 0.00 25.00 75.00 0.00 100.00 EXPORT 6.45 38.71 9.68 35.48 9.68 100.00 CONTRACTOR 8.33 38.89 0.00 52.78 0.00 100.00 OTHERS 12.50 25.00 12.50 43.75 6.25 100.00 RAW 66.67 33.33 0.00 0.00 0.00 100.00 MANUFACTURER RAW SELLER 0.00 0.00 33.33 66.67 0.00 100.00 SHIPPING 25.00 50.00 25.00 0.00 0.00 100.00 BROKER 0.00 40.00 20.00 40.00 0.00 100.00 MANAGEMENT 8.33 33.33 8.33 41.67 8.33 100.00 GRAND TOTAL 8.87 33.06 8.87 42.74 6.45 100.00 (Source: Field Study, 2014-2015)

TABLE 4.3.1.11:

The table 4.3.1.11 shows the percentage of response for the decline of Nakshakari from different categories of occupation. In the table 42.74 percentage response of the sample agreed towards the decline of nakshakari. There are 6.45 percent of the total sample strongly agree that there is a decline for the nakshakari. There is 8.87 percent of the total sample who strongly disagree with the idea that there is the decline of the skill of Nakshakari. On the other hand there are 33.06 percent of sample who disagree over the idea that there is the decline in the skill of Nakshakari. While there are 8.87 percentage of sample has responded that they do not know. The table shows that there is the declining trend in the tendency of learning the skill of Nakshakari.

TABLE 4.3.1.12: PERCENT RELIGION / CASTE WISE RESPONSE TO NAKSHAKARI DECLINE

CATEGORIES Strongly Disagree Don't Agree Strongly Grand Disagree (%) Know (%) Agree Total (%) (%) (%) (%) HINDU 4.44 33.33 15.56 40.00 6.67 100.00 BC 4.00 32.00 16.00 44.00 4.00 100.00 GENERAL 5.88 41.18 11.76 35.29 5.88 100.00 SC 0.00 0.00 33.33 33.33 33.33 100.00 MUSLIM 11.39 32.91 5.06 44.30 6.33 100.00 BC 9.68 35.48 4.84 43.55 6.45 100.00 GENERAL 17.65 23.53 5.88 47.06 5.88 100.00 GRAND 8.87 33.06 8.87 42.74 6.45 100.00 TOTAL (Source: Field Study, 2014-2015)

Table 4.3.1.12:

The table 4.3.1.12 shows the percentage response for the decline of nakshakari from different religion and caste of respondents. There are 40.00 percent of Hindu and 44.30 percent of Muslim of the sample agree that there is a decline for the nakshakari. The BC, General and the SC Hindus agree for the decline in the skill of nakshakari with 44.00, 35.29, and 33.33 percent respectively. Among Muslim the sample of BC and General has responded for agree for the decline in the skill of nakshakari with 43.55 and 47.06 percent respectively.

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TABLE 4.3.1.13: PERCENT OCCUPATION WISE RESPONSE TOWARD KATH

CATEGORIES Strongly Disagree Don't Agree Strongly Grand Disagree Know Agree Total WEAVER 0.00 0.00 0.00 50.00 50.00 100.00 DESIGNER 0.00 0.00 0.00 75.00 25.00 100.00 DYER 0.00 0.00 0.00 75.00 25.00 100.00 EXPORT 0.00 3.23 6.45 77.42 12.90 100.00 CONTRACTOR 2.78 16.67 5.56 63.89 11.11 100.00 RAW SELLER 0.00 33.33 0.00 66.67 0.00 100.00 SHIPPING 0.00 0.00 0.00 75.00 25.00 100.00 BROKER 0.00 0.00 0.00 80.00 20.00 100.00 OTHERS 0.00 6.25 37.50 56.25 0.00 100.00 MANAGEMENT 0.00 8.33 0.00 66.67 25.00 100.00 RAW 0.00 0.00 0.00 66.67 33.33 100.00 MANUFACTURER Grand Total 0.81 8.06 8.06 67.74 15.32 100.00 (Source: Field Study, 2014-2015)

TABLE 4.3.1.13:

The table 4.3.1.13 shows the percentage of response for the decline of the skill of carpet making upon kath from different categories of occupation. In the table 67.74 percent response of the sample agreed towards decline of the skill of carpets made upon kath. There are 15.32 percent of the total sample strongly agree that there is a decline for the knotted carpets. There is 0.81 percent of the total sample who strongly disagrees with the idea that there is the decline of the skill of the carpets made upon kath. On the other hand, there are 8.06 percent of sample who disagree over the idea that there is the decline in the skill of the carpets made upon kath. While there are 8.06 percent of sample has responded that they do not know that the table shows that there is the declining trend towards the skill of the carpets made upon kath.

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TABLE 4.3.1.14: PERCENT RELIGION / CASTE WISE RESPONSE TOWARD KATH

CATEGORIES Strongly Disagree Don't Agree Strongly Grand Disagree Know Agree Total (%) (%) (%) (%) (%) (%)

HINDU 0.00 15.56 13.33 55.56 15.56 100.00

BC 0.00 24.00 12.00 52.00 12.00 100.00

GENERAL 0.00 5.88 11.76 64.71 17.65 100.00

SC 0.00 0.00 33.33 33.33 33.33 100.00

MUSLIM 1.27 3.80 5.06 74.68 15.19 100.00

BC 1.61 4.84 3.23 74.19 16.13 100.00

GENERAL 0.00 0.00 11.76 76.47 11.76 100.00

GRAND 0.81 8.06 8.06 67.74 15.32 100.00 TOTAL (Source: Field Study, 2014-2015)

TABLE 4.3.1.14:

The table 4.3.1.14 shows the percentage of response for the decline of the skill of the carpets made upon kath from different religion and caste. In the table 55.56 percent of Hindu and 74.68 percent of Muslim of the total sample agree that there is a decline for carpets made upon kath. Among the sample of the Hindu BC, General and SC the sample response for agree is 52.00, 64.71 and 33.33 percent respectively with the idea that there is the decline of the skill of carpets made upon kath. Among the sample of the Muslim BC and General the sample response for agree is 74.19 and 76.47 percent respectively with the idea that there is the decline for the skill of the carpets made upon kath.

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TABLE 4.3.1.15: PERCENT OCCUPATION WISE RESPONSE TO BHATTA AS LABOUR INTENSIVE

CATEGORIES Strongly Disagree Don't Agree Strongly Grand Disagree Know Total (%) (%) Agree (%) (%) (%) (%)

DYER 0.00 0.00 0.00 75.00 25.00 100.00

DESIGNER 0.00 0.00 0.00 75.00 25.00 100.00

WEAVER 16.67 0.00 16.67 33.33 33.33 100.00

CONTRACTOR 0.00 5.56 16.67 66.67 11.11 100.00

EXPORT 0.00 6.67 13.33 73.33 6.67 100.00

MANAGEMENT 0.00 8.33 25.00 58.33 8.33 100.00

OTHERS 0.00 0.00 0.00 93.33 6.67 100.00

RAW 0.00 0.00 0.00 100.00 0.00 100.00 MANUFACTURER

RAW SELLER 0.00 0.00 0.00 66.67 33.33 100.00

SHIPPING 0.00 0.00 25.00 50.00 25.00 100.00

BROKER 0.00 0.00 0.00 80.00 20.00 100.00

Grand Total 0.82 4.10 12.30 70.49 12.30 100.00 (Source: Field Study, 2014-2015)

TABLE 4.3.1.15:

The table 4.3.1.15 shows the percentage of response for Bhatta as labour intensive. There are 12.30 percent of the total sample strongly agree that Bhatta is labour intensive. In the table 70.49 percent response of the sample agreed that Bhatta is labour intensive. There is 0.82 percent of the total sample who strongly disagrees with the idea that Bhatta is labour intensive. On the other hand, there are 4.10 percent of sample disagree Bhatta is labour intensive. While there are 12.30 percent of the sample has responded that they do not know. The table shows that the sample size agreed that Bhatta is labour intensive than boiler dyeing plant.

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TABLE 4.3.1.16: PERCENT RELIGION / CASTE WISE RESPONSE TO BHATTA AS LABOUR INTENSIVE

CATEGORIES Strongly Disagree Don't Agree Strongly Grand Disagree (%) Know (%) Agree Total (%) (%) (%) (%)

HINDU 2.22 6.67 2.22 77.78 11.11 100.00

BC 4.00 4.00 4.00 84.00 4.00 100.00

GENERAL 0.00 11.76 0.00 70.59 17.65 100.00

SC 0.00 0.00 0.00 66.67 33.33 100.00

MUSLIM 0.00 2.60 18.18 66.23 12.99 100.00

BC 0.00 1.64 18.03 67.21 13.11 100.00

GENERAL 0.00 6.25 18.75 62.50 12.50 100.00

GRAND 0.82 4.10 12.30 70.49 12.30 100.00 TOTAL (Source: Field Study, 2014-2015)

TABLE 4.3.1.16:

The table 4.3.1.16 shows the percentage of response for Bhatta as labour intensive. In the table 77.78 percent Hindu and 66.23 percent Muslim of the sample agree that Bhatta is labour intensive. Among Hindu religion BC, General and SC has responded for agree that is 84.00, 70.59 and 66.67 respectively. Among Muslim the sample caste belonging to the BC and the General are 67.21 percent and 62.50 percent respectively. The table shows that the sample agrees that Bhatta is labour intensive comparatively to boiler dyeing plant.

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TABLE 4.3.1.17: PERCENT OCCUPATION WISE RESPONSE FOR DIPLOMA COURSES

CATEGORIES Strongly Disagree Don't Agree Strongly Grand Disagree (%) Know (%) Agree Total (%) (%) (%) (%) WEAVER 0.00 16.67 16.67 50.00 16.67 100.00 DESIGNER 0.00 0.00 0.00 75.00 25.00 100.00 DYER 0.00 0.00 0.00 75.00 25.00 100.00 CONTRACTOR 0.00 11.11 16.67 61.11 11.11 100.00 OTHERS 0.00 12.50 6.25 62.50 18.75 100.00 EXPORT 0.00 0.00 6.45 83.87 9.68 100.00 MANAGEMENT 0.00 0.00 0.00 75.00 25.00 100.00 RAW 0.00 0.00 0.00 33.33 66.67 100.00 MANUFACTURER RAW SELLER 0.00 0.00 0.00 100.00 0.00 100.00 SHIPPING 0.00 0.00 25.00 75.00 0.00 100.00 BROKER 20.00 0.00 20.00 60.00 0.00 100.00 GRAND TOTAL 0.81 5.65 9.68 69.35 14.52 100.00 (Source: Field Study, 2014-2015)

TABLE 4.3.1.17:

The TABLE 4.3.1.17 shows the percentage of the sample response towards the diploma courses. There are 14.52 percent of the sample who strongly agree that the youngsters are doing the diploma courses in dyeing and designing to learn the technology of designing and dyeing. The total percentage response who agreed that there are 69.35 percent of the sample agreed that the youngsters are doing the diploma courses in dyeing and designing to learn the technology of designing and dyeing. There are 9.68 percent of the samples who do not know about the idea of the response of the sample for the diploma courses. There are 0.81 percent of the sample who strongly disagree that the young generation is interested towards acquiring the diploma courses. There are 5.65 percent of the sample who disagree that the young generation is doing the diploma courses in dyeing and designing to learn the technology of designing and dyeing.

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TABLE 4.3.1.18: PERCENT RELIGION / CASTE WISE RESPONSE FOR DIPLOMA COURSES

CATEGORIES Strongly Disagree Don't Agree Strongly Grand Disagree (%) Know (%) Agree Total (%) (%) (%) (%) HINDU 0.00 4.44 13.33 66.67 15.56 100.00 BC 0.00 8.00 12.00 76.00 4.00 100.00 GENERAL 0.00 0.00 11.76 58.82 29.41 100.00 SC 0.00 0.00 33.33 33.33 33.33 100.00 MUSLIM 1.27 6.33 7.59 70.89 13.92 100.00 BC 1.61 8.06 1.61 70.97 17.74 100.00 GENERAL 0.00 0.00 29.41 70.59 0.00 100.00 GRAND 0.81 5.65 9.68 69.35 14.52 100.00 TOTAL (Source: Field Study, 2014-2015)

TABLE 4.3.1.18:

In the table 4.3.1.18 investigator has tried to look at the percentage of the sample response religion and caste wise towards the diploma courses. There are 66.67 percent Hindu and 70.89 percent Muslim of the sample who agrees that the youngsters are doing the diploma courses in dyeing and designing to learn the technology. Among the Hindu, BC, General and SC agree with 76.00, 58.82 and 33.33 percent respectively, that the youngsters are doing the diploma courses in dyeing and designing to learn the technology. Among the Muslim, BC and General agree with 70.89, 70.97 and 70.59 percent respectively, that the youngsters are doing the diploma courses in dyeing and designing to learn the technology.

4.3.2: CASE STUDIES AND FGDs ON PRIMARY DATA

CASE STUDY 1

Majhola nakshakar

Shamim (all names in the study are pseudo names) a manual designer known as nakshakar of fifty eight years old worked at his home as a nakshakar of carpet. He is a Muslim of Ansari caste. He has acquired the skill of designing from his father.

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His father was the nakshakar of carpets and engaged in the work of designing. While designing the naksha he took an extra care and he is of calm and reserved nature. He made the designs with the help of the pencil, eraser and compass. The nakshakar was drawing the design on the graph paper yet it was not exactly like the graph paper. He used the local term pagoji and tara to refer to y and x axis the same as we see in the graph paper. He has told that the composed graph paper was to be given to the tracers and painters for tracing and painting. Before the introduction of the technology of CAD the nakshakar had the supporting hands in the forms of the tracers and the painters for making the designs. He is of the view that not only it has reduced the work of tracers and painters but the tracers and painters are out of the job and they had involved themselves in certain other kind of work. He has told before the introduction of CAD during the period of 1976 onwards near his house there are home of many painters and tracers. When the technology of CAD was not introduced then he as the master nakshakar used to get the order for the preparation of naksha. He completed the order with the help of those painters and the tracers. The whole area was surrounded with the house of painters and tracers but gradually the things got changed. Introduction of the CAD has made the work of designing easier, with more effective results. That led towards less involvement of workers like painters and tracers. Shamim told when the technology of CAD was not introduced in the carpet business, then he had ten painters and near about seven tracers to assist him in the work of nakshakari. The introduction of the technology of CAD has reduced the number. It has diminished the requirement of the tracers and painters. The designs which are made manually require many number of individual but the use of CAD has declined the involvement of the number of individual in the work of Nakshakari. Shamim told before the introduction of the technology of CAD the entire range is encompassed with carpet workers of painting and tracing. However due to the introduction of the technology CAD slowly painters and tracers are declined and migrated to some other places in search of job. Shamim told they had involved themselves in certain other kind of work some had migrated in search of job for example to Delhi, Bombay in the unskilled labour kind of job in work at hotel, shop etc.

Shamim told he had acquired the skill of nakshakari from his father. His father was having the expertise in the skill of making designing plates. Shamim told

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during his father time the introduction of the plowright camera has reduced the work of making designing plates. Shamim told his father was expert in making the designing plates. He told that 'designing plate' is the rectangular page upon which the thoughts of the designs of the rugs are portrayed. Over the designing plates the thoughts are inscribed by the manual designer. The order was given by the buyer over these designing plates. Later on he had told that first the introduction of the plowright camera had influenced the work of making designs by reducing the work of designing plates. Be that as it may, step by step the patterns of making designing plates get closed with the introduction of the plowright camera. Shamim told with the use of plowright camera the purchasers themselves used to send their designs of their choice to be made on the carpets. Then these pictures were drawn over the nakshas with the help of the painters and tracers. The introduction of plowright camera has reduced the work of making designing plates that had affected the work of designing because there are some designers who had trained themselves in making the designing plates. Because the buyers send their design of choice further the introduction of the technology of CAD has reduced the processes of designing. Later on with the introduction of the technology of CAD the work of tracers and the painters are diminished. He has told that prior before the introduction of the CAD technology how he was requested by the proprietors to make the designs. But now he was not needed by those proprieters. He do not have the capability to acquire the skill of operating CAD at this old age. At that point he reminded of his ‘olden days of glory’ that made him to be in demand by the exporters to make the designs. He made the designes by living into their house when the order was passed by them then those designs he uses to prepare at home with the help of the tracers and painters. Shamim told still his designs are apreciated by the buyers of the carpets, because of which he still get the order for making designs for those typical designs which could not be made by the designers who are using the technology of CAD. The respondent told that earlier he had worked in the industry. However, he left it because of his preoccupation with his own works.

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Photo 4.3.2.1: Nakshakar doing the work of Nakshakari

CASE STUDY 2

Majhola Nakshakar

The next respondent was a manual nakshakar his name was Shamsul but his son has acquired the skill of CAD. Shamsul is of fifty five year old and his son named Amir is of twenty eight year old. Shamsul is having three daugters and two son. His three daughter are married and his son Amir recently got married and his younger son is studying. Shamsul was an expert in making the designs manually but his son has acquired the skill of CAD that is the new technology of designing. Shamsul has told his son has not acquired the skill of designing manually but he has acquired the skill of designing through CAD. He is now in the process of acquiring the skill of CAD from skilled resource person of CAD. In light of the present demand of the technology of CAD. Now he and his son both are working in the carpet designing process. He use to tell his son the tactics of designing manually due to which his son is elligible to draw those peculious design too. He told that those typical designs which he is able to make manually on the paper of naksha is not possible to make through CAD by his son. Shamsul told the technology of CAD has made the work faster and efficient. The technology of CAD didn't require the painters and the tracers to assist the designer. The designer of CAD could utilize the computer and printers to develop the same type of nakshas in many numbers, so it doesn't require the tracers and the painters to assist them. The respondent told that the work of naksha making manually requires numerous individuals that he cannot afford to pay to those painters

109 and tracers. Involment of other individuals means giving salary work to those likewise however the nakshas made through CAD does not require the number of other workers for support. The nakshakar has told when he was making the design manually then he himself had accompanied with twenty painters and tracers. But now with the insufficiency of work and he is not keeping persons to help them and his son Amir is there to help him with CAD. That has helped them in saving the money. From time to time upgradation of technology had infiltrated in each field of work which had its effect on unemployment among tracers and painters. The technology has barred those manual nakshakar from the stream of manufacturing. The son is assisting his father by acquiring the skill of CAD. The skill of designing is lost and another sort of ability is developed among the designers. The involvement of the number of workers has decreased because of the intoduction of the technology of CAD. The introduction of CAD has made the work easier for the designers but the Shamsul has told before the introduction of CAD technology, the area was surrounded with the painters and the tracers. Yet, now nobody is getting the work for tracing and painting easiley because of the introduction of the CAD technology. Researcher has shown an intention to have an interview with the tracer or painters. The respondent replied now you will not get those painters and tracers easily. Earlier the region was encompassed with the place of the painters and tracers yet today the condition was distinctive. Those tracers and painters had migrated to some other place in an unskilled kind of labour work or included themselves in other kind of work due to the insufficient work of painting and tracing.

CASE STUDY 3

Majhola Rangsaaz

The next respondent of mine is the majhola rangsaaz of the bhatta. His name was Hari belonged to the Yadav caste. He is of forty five year of age. Hari has located his bhatta around the agricultural land. Hari was running the bhatta because of his skill of dyeing the wool. Hari had four children two daughter and two sons. His two daughters got married. His daughters have studied in the public school. He has told he wants his son to become doctor or engineer. He does not want his children in the occupation of dyeing the wool. He said the work of dyeing wool is good if availability of work is there but there is a difficulty to manage the workers. Hari said when he has passed class tenth then he had started working under one expert dyer

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rangsaaz in his bhatta under the relationship of ‘Chela’ and ‘Ustad’ to acquire the skill of dyeing. From there he had acquired the skill of rangsaazi. He had told in his family his cousin brother is involved in the work of dyeing manually. His bhatta is alongside to his bhatta. He had joined one industry of exporter on salary payment he was dyeing the wool on his bhatta. Later on he left the company of exporter. He had opened his own bhatta. His bhatta was located in the field there when he has the order of dyeing then along with his workers on working days he prepared for the procedure to colour the kati. He has told the difference between working in his bhatta as he is working as malik and working in someone else bhatta he is working as servant. When he is working in his bhatta then there is the chance to earn more money because it is his skill that will give him the chance to grow in economic terms. It depends upon his skill in the quality dyeing that will bring work opportunity for him. Hari has told the technology of boiler dyeing plant is not new but due to the time constrain it has started to be located at many places. Hari has told today his bhatta won't work because many workers were on leave and they had gone for the ritual of Terahi. That was the reason his bhatta was closed ‘today’. Hari has told about the procedures through which the kati is coloured. When Hari has the order than in his bhatta carpet workers were hired from the labour mandi on daily wages. The respondent replied first his workers will extricate the lachhi in a proper order with the help of the unskilled carpet workers. Then these lachhi’s are dropped upon the charkha with the help of semi skilled workers. The group of carpet workers will rotate the charkha as the charkha rotates the wool got mixed with the coloured water by the skilled carpet workers. Lastly the kati will be kept under the sunlight to get dry by the workers. Hari said today his workers were on holiday and he had an urgent order for which he is coordinating the guchhi. Hari told the carpet workers employed in his bhatta are the daily wagers, according to the quantity of the orders he hired the carpet workers from the labour mandi. Hari is of the opinion that it depends upon the amount of order according to which the numbers of carpet workers are employed. In his bhatta now he had employed twenty carpet workers. Sometimes the number increased to thirty even more than thirty and some time to ten. Hari said when in his bhatta work is not available then according to availability the workers went for works in other industries. On daily wages he hires the workers from the labour mandi as per his requirement for the work. The labour mandy was a place where every morning the group of carpet and construction workers gathered in search for job. With an

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expansion in demand for the carpet, demand for workers increases. Hari is of the view that now the emerging trend is the installation of boiler dyeing plant by the dyer. He had not installed the technology of Boiler dyeing plant because then he had to go with the registration. If he installs then it has to confirm many government rules and regulation and due to the uncertainty of work. It’s risky to install the boiler dyeing plant. Sometimes the work of dyeing the wool will be there sometimes it is not there in the market. It is not necessary that all the time the order will be available in the market. He does not have the order then from where he will pay the electricity charges. Hari was matching the guchhi because urgently he had to fulfill the order. He was worried, he had to supply the order on the time, it is urgent but carpet workers are not available. The benefit in boiler dyeing plant is that without the help of carpet workers the work could be done.

CASE STUDY 4

Majhola Rangsaaz

Murli was the cousin brother of Hari. Like the Hari he had located his own bhatta. Murli’s bhatta was smoldering at the time investigator has reached there. Murli has said in manual dyeing process, more carpet workers are involved in comparison to the boiler dyeing plant. The carpet workers are the unorganized carpet workers working on the daily wages. They are brought from the labour mandi by the rangsaaz. The respondent told that the involvements of the number of carpet workers are more in bhatta then the boiler dyeing plant. They are employed in the various procedures of dyeing wool like work of opening and setting lachhi, drying of the lachhi, firing of the bhatta etc. Investigator has enquired with them about their native place. They replied that they came from the adjoining regions. The communication of transportation they use viz., tractor, cycle, and auto-rickshaw so on to visit. Murli has told that the workers working in his bhatta belonged to the caste of yadav, thakur and dhuniya. Murli told that two-three are those who get the work daily. The other keeps an eye for the work. When any information about the availability of works is there, then they would advise other companion mate about the work. Some groups of workers are sitting at a place involved in separating the lachhi to place it in an order. The bhatta was blazed with the assistance of the wooden squares. Group of workers was running the handle of the charkha. The charkha was stringed with the kati. Those kati’s are dipped into the bubbled hot water with the help of the charkha by semi

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skilled carpet worker. The string of the colourful kati was demonstrated to the rangsaaz. However if the master rangsaaz discovers it alright then no more shading is required. If the expert discovers it unacceptable, then it goes for further process and some more hues are added to it. The kati’s after colour goes for the next step that is for drying. In the manual dyeing the kati is dried under the daylight. Mostly unskilled carpet workers are involved in the work of drying of the kati. As the lachhi get dried then it is kept in showcase and further goes to the supplier. Mostly the skilled, semiskilled or unskilled workers have told that they went back to their home when they do not find any work for themselves.

Photo 4.3.2.2: A Group of unskilled carpet workers opening the lachhi

Photo 4.3.2.3: Traditional manual dyeing plant (Bhatta)

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Photo 4.3.2.4: Carpet workers for drying wool.

CASE STUDY 5

Bada Rangsaaz:

The next case study is upon the firm named XMT Woolens Ltd., Bhadohi colour house. It was a big and an old organization. The company is divided into two sections. In one section wool are manufactured through fibers and in other section wools are dyed with the help of the boiler dyeing plant. It is an old and big premise for the production of wool and dyeing of wool. There kati’s are manufactured and later on goes for colouring. The organization was set up in the year 1987. It was the place where wool is first manufactured along with the dyeing of the wools. In the whole company the workers are divided in terms of their skill. There are workers who are skilled, semi-skilled and un-skilled. The workers who are skilled, they are working in the work that requires much experience. Those who are semi-skilled they are working in the less skill kind of work. Along with him investigator went inside the premise and taken an overview of the whole area. There the container of colouring plant weight of 25kg’s, 50kg’s, 100kg’s, 400kg’s were installed for dyeing of the wool. As indicated by the prerequisites, the colouring boiler plant is utilized. The master dyer told three tons of kati was dyed every day. The manager of the company has told that near about fifteen workers were involved in the dyeing section. The manager has told the group of workers was taking out the lachhi and putting it into the pole and these bars are then hanged into the carat. With the help of the crane those carats are then dipped into the boiled drums. The drum contains hot boiled

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water. In that drum the kati was dyed. After the colour of the kati, they are dried with the help of hydro machines. They are the skilled dyeing master. Contractor hired the workers on skilled, semi skilled and unskilled basis. The researcher asked to whom you took as skilled, semi skilled and non skilled workers. The respondent replied it depends upon the experience of the carpet workers. The carpet workers who involved in the work from many years are picked up as skilled, less to it semi skilled, not having any experience of the work are unskilled carpet workers. The unskilled workers after having the experience of the work become semi skilled and then skilled carpet workers. The skilled person does the work of supervision of a dyeing master. The researcher asked is there any fluctuation regarding the involvement of the carpet workers in the boiler dyeing plant? The respondent told actually the carpet workers are the unorganized worker. They have to search for the job because they are the daily wagers. All they keep themselves in search for the job. The carpet workers are brought from the labour mandi and they know each other therefore according to the requirement of the worker they convey the information regarding availability of work to each other. Further, he added it is not the caste which gives them employment it is the skill of the workers that bring employment for them. The workers are divided into the skilled, semi-skilled or the unskilled. The workers who had experience they are kept in the skilled kind of job, those who are semi skilled they are kept into the work of assisting to the skilled workers. Those workers who do not have the skilled they are kept into the loading, drying etc. There the water is separated from the kati. The kati’s are manufactured from the raw wool fibers. The first procedure in this section is of the mixing of the bales. In the mixing process there is the involvement of the semiskilled workers. Next is of the mixing of filaments which are dropped inside the willow machines. There the fibers are blended appropriately with the help of willow machine. From the Teaser machines these strands are dropped to remove the filaments then these strands are putted inside the checking machines. Through these checking machines spools are made. Then these spools pass from the Gill box through the five stages to make the sliber thinner. From the Boibner machine the work of ran sacking is finished. Ring casing is there to make the single yarn from the cop. The hanks are then washed. Hanks are washed in the scovering machine. Then these hanks go into colouring section for the process of dyeing. At that point the colourful kati goes for the production. The kati then goes for sale to the client as per the order.

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The advantage of the wool dyed in the boiler dyeing plant is that the resilience of wool is not got destructed. In rainy season they do not have the problem to dry the wool. The order is delivered on time so the buyer and supplier both are happy. The respondent has told in the colouring procedure, it is done on the agreement premise there is one manager, to administer the procedure of the processes. The respondent said they purchase the kati from the merchant. On asking regarding, who they are? The respondent said mostly they belong to the Malwadi caste of Bikaner in Rajasthan. If required they import the fibers from the Newzealand and these fibers are of the high graded fibers. From India the best quality of wools are brought from Bikaner and Jamnagar. On querying why the Newzealand wools are better in quality then the Indian fibers. The respondent had replied that Newzealand had declared the industry of the fiber making as mills. In their mills, sheep are given proper care and the weather was cool due to which the fibers trimmed in the season, are white and it has high resiliency of good quality. In India fibers of wools are trimmed in four seasons that is of monsoon, summer, winter and spring season. The wools trimmed in summer and monsoon is of high resilience in nature and of yellowish colour. The wools trimmed in the spring and winters are of white colour in India. In India the best white wool is trimmed in the month of March and it is of high resiliency quality of hundred mm fibers that is a standard quality. The researcher asked if we compare the fibers of white Indian quality with the graded fibers of Newzealand, which one will be better. Then the respondent told the Indian quality fibers will prove to be of having higher resiliency then the Newzealand fibers.

Photo 4.3.2.5: Boiler machine for dyeing the wools

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Photo 4.3.2.6: Drier Machine

CASE STUDY 6

Bada Rangsaaz

The next respondent of the investigator belongs to the Yadav caste. His name was Ravi. He had acquired the skill of dyeing from one of the skilled manual designer and he lived in the relationship of the ustad and chela. He had included himself in the procedure of dyeing of the kati from eighteen years. Initially he had learnt the skill of dyeing by working into the bhatta of the company under the supervision of the master dyer. He took into the expertise of colouring from his ustad. By staying into the relationship of chela and ustad, he learnt the expertise of dyeing wool. Ravi has told about the relationship of the chela and ustad. Ravi told there is one master rangsaaz called ustad under whose supervision the chela learns the work procedure. It’s the skill of ustad who tells chela about the tactics of dyeing the wool. It could be possible that relationship could be between father and son, uncle and nephew or between friends. Ravi has told when he has acquired the skill of the dyeing then he had located his own bhatta. He has opened his own manual colouring plant that is Bhatta. For which he had located his own bhatta that is the manual dyeing plant, there in the big pot kati is coloured through manual method. The respondent told locating bhatta took less finance comparatively locating the boiler dyeing plant that took enormous amount of money. The respondent told that at the beginning of his work it is a better decision to start with the bhatta when his bhatta started running then he thought of to install boiler dyeing plant. Hari has told the order of the company where he had

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worked with their assistance they had located the boiler dyeing plant. His client had the urgent work because of which he has located the boiler dyeing plant in his premise. Ravi has told the number of carpet workers required in the boiler dyeing plant is less in comparison to the Bhatta. Ravi has told in the boiler dyeing plant there are some equipped workers who does the work of dyeing. There is some settled individual in the boiler dyeing plant they do their work. Ravi has told that still in his bhatta he is having the two sections at one section he has located the small bhatta and at other place he has located the boiler dyeing plant. The Ravi has told according to the requirement he does the work of dyeing with the help of small bhatta and on the other hand with the help of the boiler dyeing plant. He has told he has the experience of the both bhatta and the boiler dyeing plant. Hari has told the place where his small bhatta is located one will get more carpet workers there in comparison to the boiler dyeing plant. In his premise there is the location of both the bhatta and the boiler dyeing plant. The boiler dyeing plant is located in his premise, where two or three workers always work. The boiler dyeing plant requires less number of workers. What are alternate advantages that you get regarding the kati dyed in the boiler dyeing plant? The respondent answered, kati is smooth and of fine quality and in less time it gives substantial amount of results. The respondent told that the workers in the boiler dyeing plant are less than the bhatta. Ravi has told the workers employed here at his workplace are the daily wager they work from 9a.m to 6p.m. total eight hours. Then they backpedal to their places. Ravi has told the carpet workers working in the boiler dyeing plant and bhatta are the hired workers from the labour mandi. As per the prerequisite of the work, Ravi or his assistant go into the mandi of labour, there he enlist the carpet workers on everyday compensation. Ravi has told that they belong to the different caste whether it is prajapati, kumhar, chamar, passi, dhuniya, julha, khan, yadav and so on.

CASE STUDY 7

Majhola Weaver

The next respondent of the researcher is the weaver of kath. The respondent thought that the investigator would provide some money to him. He told the researcher that his father was the weaver of the kath carpet from whom he has acquired the skill of weaving carpets. During his young age he used to weave carpets

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along with his friend. He additionally began weaving alongside with his father. It was the time of 1996. Then gradually the demand of the carpets made on kath started declining because of its high cost and longer time required for its production. Due to which there was the decline in the order of the carpets made upon kath. Then varieties of carpets started to be produced on different kind of loom. The new kind of carpet started to be weaved by weavers is upon the Khaddi. Then he does not have the skill of weaving other than the kath. The weavers working upon his father’s kath had left the job of weaving due to not having daily work and because of the fewer wages. There he had left the work of weaving carpets upon kath and had involved himself in the construction work. After leaving in that work for twenty five years again he had returned back into this work, because now he is old he had not left with enough energy to do any other kind of work. That is the reason by remaining at home he is weaving this small pusti (small carpet) upon kath. Khaderu told because of the decrease in the demand of the carpets made upon kath the weaver scattered in search of other kind of job. The carpet made upon kath is not the effort of one weaver but it is the effort of the group of weavers. May be the group can be of two, four or six. It depends upon the size of the carpets. He had involved himself in the occupation of ‘mistri’ and others have become vendors, digging- mudding etc. In the mean time his wife began crying, and saying she has three sons and two daughters. Everybody had got some work but his younger child was a physically challenged one. Would you be able to bring some work for his disabled one? He had told that some had studied up to two classes some up to three standards. It will be convenient for him to sit and weave here. So he could earn some money for him. The respondent says 'Isse accha inke liye aur kya kam hoga (he cannot have better work other than this one)’. But the issue is that he will not get the work of weaving carpets upon kath. In his old days he is weaving small pusti as a source of livelihood for him. He will sell the pusti in the market. The researcher asked how much you will get for one pusti. He said he will get rupees three hundred for one pusti. He had told that he will be able to weave one pusti within one and half days with a period of interval. The respondent told if continuously he weaved then within one day he would be able to weave one pusti. The respondent observed that he had asked his son to learn the skill but his son considers it futile. The respondent says, the skill of weaving carpets upon kath is inculcated at an early age among individuals. The skill of weaving carpets upon kath only could be inculcated at an early age. Otherwise, it will not be possible to weave

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the carpets upon kath. The respondent replied the recent trend is to weave the carpets with the hand gun or the tufted gun upon khaddi. The khaddi is located in the karkhana. He has the demand to open a shop for him. The weaver says ‘Sahab aap hi batain (Sir please tell who will finance)’ from where he will give money to his son to open a shop. Khaderu’s wife again started crying. He cannot weave the carpet by going into the karkhana of others. What he will do they are worried for their son. They belonged to the caste of chamar.

Photo 4.3.2.7: Chura Photo 4.3.2.8: Punja

Photo 4.3.2.9: Weaver of kath

CASE STUDY 8

Bada Exporter

The next case study is upon the firm of the exporters. The production system of the firm is inside the premise. He had brought his business under one roof. He inside his premise had brought the designer, dyer and the weaver for the production of carpets. He told when he had begun his carpet business then it was just offering particular pattern and designs. There are not so many varieties and the pattern of the design. But now the trend and pattern has changed every time they had to do innovation for their ideas. They had to face the tough competition from the products of other countries. Their business is ancestral. They had seen once those naksha is made those patterns of designs keep on passing for a long time. But now the thing has

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transformed they need to change the sample designs and pattern every time. There is use of new technology in designing they are utilizing Computer Aided Designing (CAD), for weaving and dyeing processes they are trying to upgrade the technology. Their unit is big and they are doing production inside the premise. In their premise they had utilized seven hundred workers. There they have given them the cottages for living. There is the partial upgradation of technology through the use of the CAD, Boiler Dyeing plant and the use of khaddi and other tools in finishing. The respondent told the researcher that it is not possible to do the production within the premise. Because being an unorganized sector it has its own advantages and disadvantages. They had to do production according to the demand of their buyers. Due to which they had started partial upgradation of technology. That is the reason they had open one of its branches in Kanpur. There he had done full production under one shed. There he had setup the new motorized kath frame for weaving. Motorized frame of kath means on which there is the plate where upon the weaver sits and that move from one corner to the next corner. Then he further added that the weavers of the carpets of kath they are not getting easily. That is why the emerging trend of weaving carpet is upon khaddi or any other technology rather than on kath because of the production of carpet is very high and it took much time. Because of its high cost of production and the time taking steps in making carpets through knots. Actually they want to upgrade their process of producing carpets. That was not possible in Bhadohi, due to lack in power supply and other infrastructure they had opened one of its branch in Kanpur. Kanpur is an industrial area. The respondent told that the workers are hired from Bhadohi.

CASE STUDY 9

Bada Exporter

The next respondent of mine is the bada exporter. He told about his working structure. He does the business of carpet production under one roof. He was of forty five years of age he had involved in the export of carpet from last fifteen years. He had told when he had entered in the export business of carpets. He first made the reading of the working structure from the global market he has analyzed that he will invest the money for the production of carpets through the partial upgradation of technology. Because of the demand for the low cost of carpets and the production of carpets within limited time due to the challenges posed from the carpets of different

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countries. They had their production system inside their premise and they have divided the whole premise into three sections. In the first section they had located the modernize boiler dyeing plant. In the second section the khaddi’s are located. And in the last section the inspection and the management work are set up. They had told that the industry is moving and passing with the fast changes. The respondent replied earlier they are having only monotonous type of pattern and there are not so many complication in terms of fashion, designs etc. But now the things are different every time the colour of the designs all the things has to change as per the demand of the foreign buyers taste. They had to do variations in the pattern and the design according to the demand of the buyer that has to be fulfilled. They told that they manufacture the design and prepare the colour. Sometimes they are having the problem of colour matching. In the first section the dyeing was going on and for the dyeing of the wool the big boiler dyeing plant was set up and also some tiny pots of colour dye was located there. In the boiler section, there is the fixed person in every technical department. And whenever the demand of the supplied material is increasing then they involved more labours from the labour mandy and in the next section of the industry where the manufacturing process is going on and observed with the help of khaddi and some other technology they are manufacturing carpets. They are selling the fancy items. These items are not handmade. They are producing the fancy products based with the help of machine. They are bringing the order for only the material which is produced with the machines automatically. His firm is in the support of machine made products. They are not getting the weavers to weave so they had installed the production system by machines. In the third section that is of the finishing and the display. In that section there the products of the carpets are finished packed for the shipment. Some of the carpets are hanged to dry. In the preparation of druggets item a large number of women are employed. They are stitching the strips one by one to give shape of carpets. It is analyzed by the researcher the carpet manufacturing process is not old in the carpet industry of Bhadohi. It is on the urge of transformation because of the global demand.

CASE STUDY 10

Broker

He is of fifty five year old man. He is a migrant worker he is a professional qualified person. He has done graduation from the institute of management. It is

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difficult to meet the broker because they are not giving time; an arrangement is made to meet the broker. He has told that they approach and make the contacts with the buyers and accordingly they contact with the exporters for manufacturing of the material. He told that mostly through ICT he makes contacts with the buyer and according to their choice and demand they give order to exporters. He has told that they work on monthly salary or commission basis. The respondent told that he prefer for the consignment basis. The buyer gives them the salary and they work for them and some time they get the orders on the interest rate of the consignment.

FOCUSED GROUP DISCUSSION (FGD) 1

Chota Nakshakar

After getting insights from the last two case studies on designer, researcher thought to have one focused group discussion with the team of manual nakshakar. The researcher had set all her energy in searching a group of manual nakshakar and luckily she got it. The researcher approached that group of nakshakar. It was the workplace where the work of nakshakari was going along with the painters and tracers. The objective behind this FGD was to see directly how painters, tracers, and the master designers sit and work together. It was a small shop where FGD was taken. There were four persons who were involved in doing the work of nakshakari in a team. One was the master nakshakar who was making the designs over the naksha taking into the consideration of the pogoji and tara. He is of sixty five years of age. Pogoji is the column and Tara is the row upon which he was drawing the designs. The other individual was the painter who was filling the nakshas over the designs with the shading box, paint and brush. The other individual was painting the nakshas. The fourth individual was interfacing the little naksha with another to make the naksha of larger size. The researcher then interacted with the master nakshakar and asked about other workers that what they were doing. The master nakshakar replied that they were there to help him. The researcher asked what you think how the new innovation of CAD was influencing your work of nakshakari. The master nakshakar told before the introduction of CAD in the business he had a group of painters and the tracers to do the work of tracing and painting, some ladies also use to take the work of painting and tracing in their home. However in light of this fact there was less amount of work left because of CAD now they don't allow anyone to work outside. The respondent told that they belong to the nearby places not from the far regions but

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rather close to the work place. The investigator asked what sum of amount do you give them for the work and the answer was that they were providing the labour charges per day.

The researcher ask what you think how the new technology of CAD is affecting the work. The master designer told the researcher that when the CAD designs were not there in the market. Then they had many painters and the tracers to do the work of painting and tracing. The respondent told the researcher that CAD is replacing manual nakshakar out from the market because of the non requirement of the carpet workers. The researcher had interacted with the painter and made certain inquiry. His name was Hari. The researcher asked him how you would have been able to learn the skill of the painting or without learning any one can do it. The respondent answered that his fantasy was to turn into a master nakshakar like his proprietor. He had started first with tracing which took four years to learn it. At that point gradually he had begun filling the naksha with the paint in the beginning some restricted designs of naksha like plain designs. In any case, the naksha is not of common design but rather he found himself able to paint it. Presently he finds himself able to paint any sort of naksha, however unfortunately now days he was not getting the requests of painting the naksha. Along these lines, his fantasy of turning into a master nakshakar is by all accounts decreased. Thus, his dream of becoming a nakshakar seems to be diminished. The researcher asked the respondent to which caste do you belong. He was not willing to tell his caste but finally he told that he belongs to the Verma caste. Further I have inquired about the caste of tracer and painter. They told that they are Julha and Kumhar respectively. The researcher has observed that the involvements of different castes are in the industry.

Photo 4.3.2.10: Nakshakar

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Photo 4.3.2.11: Painter

Photo 4.3.2.12: Tracer

FOCUSED GROUP DISCUSSION (FGD) 2

Majhola and Chota Nakshakar

Another focused group discussion was with the computer aided designers and with this approach moved to search for such kind of respondents. Thus one respondent was identified who was a computer aided designer and after discussing with him very interesting insight about the designing has occurred. His name was Kafeel Ansari. He had studied up to fifth class. He was a migrant of a neighboring region Varanasi. He told the respondent at their house, they were the owner of the production of Saree. He was having the loom of Sari weaving. There was lot of weavers at their home. He was also a weaver of sari at his traditional business. He

125 has told he has left the job because his business of making traditional sari’ Banaras is discontinued. Therefore he has decided to visit the house of his maternal uncle located in Bhadohi. From there he had acquired the skill of nakshakari. Later on he acquired the skill of designing with CAD seeing the importance of CAD in the carpet designing. The respondent replied that he has both manual and CAD skill of designing and the advantage he is having that he can design the mixture of old and new pattern which is appreciative because of the uniqueness in its style. The researcher analyzed both the skill is appreciative. After that researcher interacted with his uncle who is a nakshakar. The investigator when interfaced with the respondent then she comes to know that in his family every one of the siblings were involved in the work of designing. The respondent told when the CAD has introduced in the industry then their demand has declined and they are unemployed. He has told in his earlier days he has joined the company he worked there but now he was not required there. Because of his lack in accessing the skill of CAD that is why he was not required into the company. Nobody is ready to give him work within the premise. He was serving into the company throughout the last ten years however now they let him know that they don't require him. They require those designers who know designing with the CAD. The researcher then asked what you do now. The respondent replied to the researcher that now he use to make the designs by himself and sells it in the market. There a young boy of eighteen year old was sitting next to him. The researcher then moving towards him asked that what that young fellow was doing. The respondent answered that he is his son. He had acquired the skill of designing with the CAD. He uses to help the respondent in making the design with CAD. Then I have asked did your son have joined any company the respondent answered no yet he had not joined any company. The respondent says he has turned as his supporting hand in light of the fact that he can help him through his skill of CAD. The researcher asked did he know the skill of nakshakari. The respondent replied that he does not know the skill of nakshakari. The manual designs which require the skill of flower cutting which cannot be done by these CAD designers that’s why the traditional design which he is able to make. The same traditional design cannot be made by the modern designer. The modern design which his son is able to design he was not able to design it.

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FOCUSED GROUP DISCUSSION (FGD) 3

Bada Weaver

He is the contractor of the carpets made upon kath before that he himself was the weaver. He belongs to the caste of Yadav. He is of sixty five year old. He himself is the weaver of carpets made upon kath. He has acquired the skill of weaving carpets from his father late Khaderu. He told when his father was the contractor of the kath then they are the owner of one hundred fifty kath. Further he added those kath were located in the houses of the weavers. When they had the order for weaving he gives those orders in the houses of the weaver and in his karkhana too weavers comes to weave the carpets. When the carpets were only made upon kath then there is not variety of style and pattern. Only monotonous types of designs are there for weaving. Weavers in their free time used to weave the carpets by living at their home. Then weavers took out the time for weaving and it took lot of time of six month to one year for weaving those traditional carpets. The weaver along with his family members used to weave the carpets and earn their livelihood. The issue of child labour raid has made the situation worst. With the global demand of the low cost of the production of carpets, there is a variation in the pattern of carpets. The respondent pointing toward his area told when the carpets made upon kath are in demand then the whole region is surrounded with the weavers of carpets. But now the situation has changed you will not get the weaver of the carpets made upon kath easily because they had migrated to other places and the children had not acquired the skill of weaving from their parents. They are in very less number who is of eighty or seventy years of age and the young generation had migrated for other kind of work, now in his karkhana the weavers are from some other places. The houses near his village used to weave the carpets by locating the kath in their houses. They use to weave the carpets along with the family members but due to the problem of child labour, the children are prevented from doing the work. The occupation of weaving got adversely affected due to the numerous raids in the name of child labour. In that they lost their source of earning money by weaving carpets. He has told now you will not find the weaver of the carpet who makes the carpet upon kath. It is difficult to find weaver of kath carpets. The researcher asked why? The respondent replied now the children had not learned the skill of making the carpets upon kath. The passing of the skill of the traditional type of carpets from generation to generation made upon kath is at the verge of

127 extinction. The researcher then interacted with the other weavers to get the insight from them. The researcher then asked from where you have learned the skill of weaving carpets upon kath. The respondent replied that they belong to the region of Unnao and had learned the skill of weaving carpets upon kath from the weaving center. The researcher asked how many are present in the weaving center to learn the skill of weaving carpets. The answer was there are not many but in their batch ten weavers are there who have learned the skill of weaving the handmade carpets by making knots. They had told in their family no one had learned the skill of weaving the carpets upon kath. They are of the view the work is suitable for them if continuously they get the work of weaving. The researcher has observed that the carpet is a handicraft industry. Weavers are having the skill to weave the carpets that is their source of livelihood. The researcher has observed there three kath are located of different size in their karkhana. At a single kath three weavers are sitting and weaving the knotted carpets. The other kath was vacant. The reason they had told that there is not enough work due to which the other kath was left vacant. Because of which that kath could not be utilized. Thus the researcher has analyzed that the industry promotes the skill, but that traditional skill can be lost if it is not properly saved by its knower of the carpets made upon kath because it’s a heritage.

Photo 4.3.2.13: Weavers of kath carpet

FOCUSED GROUP DISCUSSION (FGD) 4

Chota Weavers

The researcher with the thought process has searched for those karkhana where handmade carpets are manufactured by using new method viz. the carpets

128 made upon khaddi. After searching she has reached to those karkhana, there she has observed that the same carpets, which were produced in the earlier karkhana by acquiring three weavers upon kath. There, the same carpet can be produced with only one weaver. The researcher went to the place where with the handguns the weavers are weaving the carpets. The researcher when reached there, then the malik was not there in the karkhana. Without the permission of the owner of the karkhana investigator was interacting with those weavers. Thus it is not possible for the researcher, to stand there for the longer hours. There are near about thirty six khaddi’s located. At each khaddi one person was standing and with the handgun they are weaving the carpets. In the karkhana thirty six artisans are working. On each khaddi one weaver is weaving the carpet. Some weaver is not present at that time on their khaddi they had gone for the lunch. The researcher has found that four respondent has responded for the caste of kumhar. The other four has responded for the caste of Mishra and the Mishra comes under the caste of Brahmins. The other three has responded for the caste of Bind. The Bind caste is in northern India comes under the other backward caste. The other three weavers have responded for the caste of Chamar. The researcher first interacted with one weaver his name is Harish Chandra Prajapati. He belonged to the caste of kumhar. His education is up to fifth standard. He started weaving the carpets, when he was of nineteen year of age. The researcher asked what this new machine is in your hand. The respondent answered that it's another kind of technology known as tufted guns. He has told that they use to make the carpets with the use of these tufted guns. The production of carpets with the help of this technology is fast. It helps them in making the carpets quickly. The weavers say that they are satisfied with the tufted guns. The investigator has posed a question that whether he is capable of making carpets upon kath. The respondent answered that he has not learnt the skill of making carpets upon kath. The researcher asked is weaving your ancestral work. He reacts yes it is the ancestral work. The researcher requested to share some of the experiences of carpet weaving. Among those weavers one weaver has shared that he knows the skill weaving carpets made upon kath. The investigator asked at what stage you have begun weaving the carpets. From where have you taken the skill of weaving the carpets upon kath? The respondent replied in his home the kath was located. The respondent told their guardian, uncle and the neighbors are the artisans of the carpets from them he acquired the skill of weaving carpets made upon kath. Further on enquiring why you are not weaving the carpets

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made upon kath. The respondent answered when he developed the interest in weaving carpets, then the fashion and demand of the carpets made upon kath has become outdated. Due to which he stopped himself from developing the skill of weaving the carpets made upon kath. The respondent replied when he become capable of weaving those carpets. Then the demand for the carpets has declined and disappeared, due to its high cost of production. Due to which he learned the new method of weaving the carpets in year 2000 that is the carpet made upon khaddi. Sometimes he himself had migrated in search of the labour job to other place. The researcher asked why have you migrated and how many times. A time had come, when it was seem that the carpets of kath will not be sold in the market. Because of being unemployed he had migrated to Mumbai and worked there in a shop of cloths. But he had family pressure due to which he returned back. After returning he had found a new technology has introduced named tufted guns or hand guns to weave the carpet upon khaddi. He had learned the new technique of weaving and left the old technique of manufacturing knotted carpets. He has shared it is more comfortable to work by living along with the family. It is difficult to remain away from the family and working outside. The other weavers had come forward and share their experiences. There situation was similar to the previous weaver. The researcher has tried to know to which caste these weavers belong. One by one some of them have responded and some of them did not replied about it. The researcher when interacted with all of them then they had responded for the similar type of condition. The researcher asked do you want to involve your children in the work of weaving. The respondents told no they don’t want to involve their children. They are educating their children in the government schools. Earlier they use to weave the carpets in their home on the kath. On that they can involve their children to work in carpet weaving. The respondent told now they had to weave the carpets by going to those karkhana. There they had to work for eight hours and according to that they were paid and no one is allowed their below fourteen year of age. The researcher asked what happened to your hand knotted kath. They told they had sold many of its parts. Now no family member is weaving the carpets made upon kath.

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Photo 4.3.2.14: Weaver of khaddi carpet

FOCUSED GROUP DISCUSSION (FGD) 5

Majhola Exporters

Next focused group discussion was with the exporter. To know the changes brought in the carpet industry from one way to another. Investigator has arranged a meeting with them at a place and there the researcher has interacted with the first respondent both the respondents are of the same age one is of seventy years old the other is of eighty year old. The first respondent was very much curious to tell about his journey I thought his views should be incorporated because it is thought provoking. It will give the insight about the industry nature of work problem and prospects. He was around eighty years old. The respondent told that he was a child labour. He inherited the skill of weaving from his grandfather. His grandfather was a carpet weaver. He used to weave the carpets along with him. The respondent told he had started his career from a big company from where he learned the skill of nakshakari. It was the time of 1947-48 when the buyer named Fenel Hut used to visit to the company. There he used to give him about the kind and pattern of designs that are to be made for his order. The respondent told that buyer used to visit India after every six months and there he used to show us that what naksha and shading they need to get ready for him. Some time he used to bring natural flowers to demonstrate them that such type of flowers he needed on his carpets. He use to inform about the shading of the colour mix, he needed in his carpets. The respondent told he was the buyer of carpets in England. The investigator asked will you let me know the changes you have found in the carpets industry since you have started your business. The

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respondent replied that there are different sorts of rugs like Knotted, Tibbeti, Gabe, Tufted, Shaigi etc so on weaved on the different kind of technology. For weaving different type of carpets different weavers are required. One weaver can weave only one or two type of carpets. It is not just India where the carpets are made there are many countries which make carpets. But Indian carpets are well known for its handmade designs. The other countries are manufacturer of machine made carpets which is less expensive than the carpets made by hand in India. Bhadohi is the center of delivering high quality hand-made carpets from India to different countries. Meanwhile in the interim the business sector of handicraft carpets got influenced because of varieties of reasons. He has told that earlier in the area the carpets are made upon the kath. But because of the demand to lower the price of the carpets the variety of technology are introduced in the market to produce different kind of carpets. In the year 2000 the demand for Gabbe carpets declined. The tufted carpets are in demand. Tufted carpets are those which were made by the hand guns or the tufted guns. The other respondent has let me know that the first carpet which is traded out of India is in the London market that is Abusan. Next the demand of the rug of the Persian pattern originated from Germany market. In 1972 the nakshas of the lower quality covers that are Hamdan came into the business. In 1980 America banned over the rugs of Iran the knotted designs of Iran was enjoyed by the whole world. America has drawn the band over Iranian products. India turned as the substitute to those carpets than Iran between the periods 1980 to 1985. At that time the business of the woolen durries came into existence in the year of 1974. In year 2001 the demand for the Shaigi carpet substantially increased. The researcher has asked him what kind of changes in terms of technology. The respondent has told that the most challenging thing has come in the market is the concept of cheap and best or use and throw. Due to which variety of carpets started to be produced with the use of different technology. They had told for each technology they had to involve different kind of weavers. The weavers originating from diverse distinctive parts of India get the work to their places. The researcher queried the weavers are similar or different for the different designs and patterns of carpet. The respondent replied the weavers are not similar. They are coming from different region many come from West Bengal, some from Bihar, some from the Madhya Pradesh, some from Orissa, and some also come from Nepal. He has told that there is the difference between the weavers of different region who weaved the carpets of the different design and pattern. The respondent

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told there is decrease in the demands of the Persian carpets due to its high cost of production in the global market. The varieties of the carpets are produced other than the carpets weaved on kath like Tibbeti, Gabe, Shaigi, Lori-Buff etc. the designs and type every time they had to change the pattern according to the demand. Then we have searched the market for the Gabbe carpets, and then its cost of production after some time seems to become higher. The respondent then told that we have searched the market for the tufted carpets to sell the product. The respondent told the researcher, tufted carpets are weaved with tufted guns. That has reduced time and cost of production. They are producing the carpets made of petro- products other than wool viz. viscose, malai dori with the help of khaddi. The reason for the use of khaddi is because the carpet made upon khaddi is of low cost. The respondent told the researcher that China is the competitor of petro based items similar to viscose and malai dori. Chinese products are cheaper in cost and superior in quality making it difficult and highly competitive for the Bhadohi carpet industry. Besides, the government programmes like MGNREGA have also adversely affected the carpet industry. Many skilled carpet workers of the carpet industry moved to MGNREGA.

The weavers of the young age do not want to weave the carpets by making knots. They have told that they welcome the new types of technology because they could not be able to survive in the market without it. The Industry of carpets in Bhadohi is unorganized. Weaving is done at one unit, colouring is done on another unit; designing is additionally done by other individual. Because of CAD they had started keeping their designer. Only finishing and last inspection they did under one head. Other than that washing of carpets is done at another unit. The government should impose the laws according to the nature of the carpet industry. An alternate law other than the Factory act 1948 is to be forced. The respondent answered that it is on the grounds that they don't have the security of full time work. Sooner or later they get the request and at other point they do not have the request. There is no guaranty for work throughout the year.

FOCUSED GROUP DISCUSSION (FGD) 6

Skilled and Semiskilled Women Workers

While during the field work the investigator has observed the involvement of large number of female workers from the very beginning of her field visit. The

133 researcher got an idea for having group discussion with those female workers who were involved in the work of preparing raw material and finishing. With this sole reason the researcher went to the respondents, where in a house three ladies were working with their charkha. Researcher went to their home through one of her interviewees due to which they have communicated. The respondent watched it was a two room place of semi-pucca. While discussion they reveal that they belong to the caste of julha. Further they have told that they use to involve themselves in the work of opening kati and finishing work. Researcher has tried to figure out the relationship between the three ladies who are working in the same house. They all belong to the same family. They had told that they bring the work from the contractor. Those contractors when they have the request of weaving the carpets then they send kati to get open on fixed rupees for per kg. The respondent told that it’s a source of income for them. By staying at home they can earn some money by opening the kati. They get six rupees per kg now it depends upon the quantity that how much they would open it in their free time. From that place researcher moved to other group of ladies there some distinctive sort of work is going on. The investigator has picked these on the grounds that they were given the feeling that the ladies were included in the work of kati kholai, pechai, phutki berrai, gachai and so forth. At that point the respondent answered they get the work from the proprietor who were having the orders of manufacturing carpets. Their spouses went to the house of the contractor from their karkhana they brought the work. At their home they will do the work of gachai, pechai, phutki berrai etc. The researcher interacted with her next respondent her name was Shabnam Begum. She was thirty years old. She was living along with her family in semmi-pucca house. The respondent replied her husband brought the work for their home which they can do at home. They have three children. They all are studying in the nearby government school. The elder daughter who is studying in class twelfth is also helping his mother in the work of gachai, paichai, kati kholai etc. They are of the opinion that it’s good source of earning if there is the order in the market for opening the kati. The respondent had pointed to the investigator that the carpets which are made by the machine like tufted guns did not require much finish work like berrai, gultras and so on in comparison to the carpets made upon kath.

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FOCUSED GROUP DISCUSSION (FGD) 7

Skilled, Semiskilled and Unskilled Carpet Workers

It is a place known as labour Mandi where skilled, semiskilled and unskilled carpet workers are standing in a group of two in the hope to be hired by the bada rangsaaz, bada contractor. The one group is of the workers of construction on the other hand the other group was standing are of carpet workers. Then the researcher being having an interest in the carpet Industry decided to interact with the carpet workers. She has found that the people from the far of areas have reached there by train, bus, cycle by different sources of transportation. The researcher has interacted with one of the respondent. The respondent replied that he has visited to the locality from approximately 30 km far, and like him many of the carpet workers are coming to the same place. Every day they stand there in the hope of employment of various stages of carpet manufacturing process. The respondent told that most of the labours are employed in the work like, dhulai, chadhai, kholai, kati sukhai so on and so forth. Then every day they visit there in the hope of work. How many days you get the work in a month? The respondent told that it depends. It depends upon the order in the market. It relies on the order of manufacturing carpet in the industry. The researcher asked did you go to work in the boiler dyeing plant. They say that there are fixed persons. They need only limited number of labour. The researcher asked a question if suppose the malik has come from the boiler dyeing plant and the other malik has come from manual bhatta then who will hire more carpet workers between the two. Then the respondent told that requirement of the carpet workers in the manual dyeing that is bhatta will be more rather than the carpet workers in the boiler dyeing plant. Then the researcher asked have you gone to the boiler dyeing plant. The answer was they were required sometimes but the carpet very few workers are required there. At the time question raised if in whole place boiler dyeing plant will be installed then it will affect you. Then they had replied yes it will affect because there are few number of workers who are getting the job.

FOCUSED GROUP DISCUSSION (FGD) 8

Chota Exporter

Researcher identified two respondents and tries to have a focused group discussion from chota exporters. The respondent replied who were involved in the

135 business of carpet, but now they are engaged into certain other kind of work. The researcher has thought that they will be the right person to seek information. The respondent has found that the first respondent who belonged to the ancestral export business of carpet. The researcher has asked what circumstances you have faced that you left the business of carpet manufacturing. The respondent told that he had a big loss in the business of carpet. It is due to the volatile global market that has changed the pattern of carpet production. Varieties of carpet started to be produced with variation that has consequence for the tough competition in which they were unable to cope with. Both the respondents have told that they found themselves incompetent in facing the challenges posed from the global market in terms of the cheap cost of products. When there is any policy whether national or international, it has an effect upon the industry. The respondent replied actually when the carpets are weaved upon kath they are of the traditional pattern and designs of carpets named like kashan, hamdan so on and so forth. Only those typical traditional types of carpets used to be weaved for many years due to which they are able to do export. But due to the tough competition varieties of carpets are produced. Exporters found themselves extremely difficult to cope with the changes in providing the multiplicity of designs of the carpet. The respondent replied that there is the change in the traditional pattern of carpet since the year 2006 due to its high cost of production. With the use of the raw materials like bamboo silk, chocho, petro products, like polyster, pure silk, viscose, jute carpets started to be manufactured. These products used to be purchased from different parts of India by the manufacturers of Bhadohi. Like chocho (waste of silk cloth), from Bhagalpur, viscose from Gujrat. The respondents told that their business got adversely affected due to many reasons including unfavorable government policy. Therefore, they had to look for alternative enterprises viz. garment, medicine and similar ventures.

4.4: DISCUSSION ON CASE STUDIES AND FGDs

Globalization has made the world competitive. Local people have to fight with the global market. The study has pointed out exclusion because of the globalization in general that has led to the upgradation of the technology in the carpet industry of Bhadohi to cope with the international demand of cheap and the best leading towards the penetration of the concept of social exclusion. That has restructured the local economy according to the demand of the globalization.

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In examination of ten case studies and eight FGD that reveal how in Bhadohi carpet Industry the process of social exclusion has started due to the partial upgradation of technology and the technological change that is in the terms of skilling, deskilling and the reskilling. The case studies and the focused group discussion has analyzed the effect of technology and the role it played in classification of individuals involved in the carpet industry of Bhadohi viz. bada exporter, majhola exporter, chota exporter, bada nakshakar, majhola nakshakar, chota nakshakar, bada rangsaaz, majhola rangsaaz, chota rangsaaz, bada weaver, majhola weaver, chota weaver, broker, skilled semiskilled and unskilled carpet workers, skilled and semiskilled women workers.

Case studies and focused group discussion has analyzed that the technology of CAD has an adverse effect upon majhola and chota nakshakar. They are of the view that it is not the first time that the technology has been introduced in the designing process. The introduction of the technology in the designing is an ongoing process. When the technology of plowright camera was introduced then it has reduced the work of making designing plates. That has reduced the demand for nakshakar who are expert in making the designing plate. Later on the introduction of the technology of CAD has reduced the work of the tracers and painters. Those tracers and painters have migrated in search of jobs.

The technology has changed the status of skilled labourer to unskilled labourer. The kind of skill majhola nakshakar is possessing that is not able to be made by anyone. It is unique. He still gets the order for designing because still his design is unique and liked by the buyer. The two other majhola nakshakar is of the view that their son is in the process of acquiring the skill of designing through CAD and the designs that his son is able to draw he is unable to do so. Bada and majhola exporter is of the view that the technology of CAD has made their work of designing easier. It has made them more competitive because it has helped them in satisfying the need and requirement of the buyer quickly. The technology of CAD has made the accessibility easier with the buyer. The technology of CAD has made it more convenient to satisfy the buyers in finalizing the designs through the technology of CAD of their colour as per their demand. The study has found that the skill of one is replaced with another skill. And at certain stage the old skill is replaced with the new skill. The old skill is replaced with the new skill and there is the lapse of old skill.

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Further, case studies and FGD have pointed out CAD has made designing easy for the designers. The designs made with CAD could be stored and as per the requirement can be sold in the market. The designs made with CAD instantly as per the requirement of the buyer could change the colour, style and the pattern. The CAD has made the designers more competitive in the market. It has resulted into the demand for the designers who are having the skill of CAD rather than the designers making the designs manually. The less demand of nakshakar (traditional designer) led the work of painters and tracers to decline. The study has pointed out that it is the skill of the individual that led them to get included and excluded from the stream of production. The manual nakshakar are urging their children to learn the skill of designing through CAD. The exporters are of the demand of the designers who are able to make the designs through CAD. There are the majhola nakshakar who are too old to adopt the technology of CAD. That is the reason they are insisting their children to acquire the technology of CAD. If workers have both the skill of designing with CAD and designing traditionally, then they are more in demand for making the design.

The case study and focused group discussion analyzed that the majhola rangsaaz because of his skill of dyeing the wool or other raw material is able to dye the wool. By working on his own bhatta he is working as the malik there is the chance of the growth in economic terms. He can earn more money according to the order he get for the dyeing. The emerging pattern is the installment of the boiler dyeing plant by the bada exporter inside the premise because of the demand to do the in house production under the premise. The majhola rangsaaz says the exporters now prefer more to give the wool to be dyed to the bada rangsaaz. He will do the work of dyeing fast because of the boiler dyeing plant. The other case study has shown that he was majhola rangsaaz but his status changed to the bada rangsaaz when he has installed the boiler dyeing plant by the financial assistance from one of his client due to his requirement. But now he is facing problem because of the unavailability of the order to dye the wool.

The study suggests that manual dyer because of their skill of dyeing the wool or other raw material is able to dye the wool. The workers by working in their own bhatta are working as the malik for better returns. He can earn more money according to the availability of the orders he gets for the dyeing. The emerging pattern of the

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installment of boiler dyeing plant led for the reduction in the use of the bhatta. Where ever boiler dyeing plant is used it has reduced the number of workers. The boiler dyeing plant has reduced the cost and there is improvement in the quality of wool.

The case study and focused group discussion have analyzed that the majhola rangsaaz because of his skill of dyeing the wool or other raw material is able to dye the wool. By working on his own bhatta he is working as the malik for more profits. He can earn more money according to the order he get for the dyeing. The emerging pattern is the installment of the boiler dyeing plant by the bada exporter inside the premise because of the demand to do the in house production under the premise. The majhola rangsaaz says the exporters now prefer more to give the wool to be dyed to the bada rangsaaz because he will do the work of dyeing fast in the boiler dyeing plant. Case study has shown that majhola rangsaaz to the bada rangsaaz when he has installed the boiler dyeing plant by the financial assistance from one of his client due to his requirement. But now the problem he is facing is because of the unavailability of the order to dye the wool. The semiskilled, unskilled workers are not in support of the boiler dyeing plant. Majhola rangsaaz is earning as malik because of his skill of dyeing the wool. The skilled, semiskilled and unskilled labourers are of the view that if the boiler dyeing plant is replaced with bhatta then it will reduce work opportunities. If bada rangsaaz has the boiler dyeing plant, then it will give work opportunities to those who had acquired the technique of boiler dyeing plant. If the majhola exporter is going to replace the bhatta with boiler dyeing plant then chota rangsaaz will be out from the job. The skilled, semiskilled and unskilled workers are not in favour of the use of the technology of boiler dyeing plant. The technology has reduced the number of workers. Exporters are of the view that the advantage of the wool dyed in the boiler dyeing plant is that wool’s quality is well maintained. In rainy season they do not have the problem of drying the wool. The order is delivered on time that is the reason the buyer and supplier both are satisfied by meeting the deadlines. The emerging pattern is the installment of the boiler dyeing plant.

Skilled and semiskilled women workers are not in favor of the use of the technology. Because of the use of the technology of CAD has phased the work of tracing and painting which could have been done by the women at their home. The other member of the family is being unemployed because of the reduction in the work of the tracing and painting. Workers involved in tracing and painting were thrown out

139 of job due to the introduction of CAD. They are of the view the carpets of kath need more process for finishing while the carpets of khaddi needs less process of finishing. Bada, majhola and chota exporter are of the view that the globalization has demanded the change. There was the tough competition. Competitors are from all parts of the country. They had given them the challenge in terms of the cost of fine quality of raw material and delivery of products on time.

The case study and focused group discussion reveals that kath is in the house of the weaver. When it is in the home of the weaver then the weaver along with his children weaved the carpets. But the enforcement of child labour act has stopped the contractors or exporters that order has to be given to the weaver for weaving at home upon the kath. Because of that kath started to be located only in the karkhana and later to reduce the cost and to make it time effective the kath is replaced with khaddi. The weavers sit with their compatibility of tightening the knots they use to weave the carpets upon kath. The skill of making the carpets upon kath through knots passed from generation to generation. Weavers told that they made the knots by locating the kath from home to home. Their source of income is their skill of making the carpets. This is the only skill as the source of income. If they have learned the skill of weaving carpets then it means that they can be employed. The weavers told that the skill passed on to them from their parents. Along with their parents they use to sit with them and have acquired the skill of weaving the knotted carpets everyday there is the change in the designs and the pattern of manufacturing carpets.

They are the producers of the carpets made upon kath but as the demand of different types of carpets has come they had to bring changes from one type of carpet to another type of carpets. They had to reduce the cost of production and supplied the raw material item on time. Change is to be from one type of carpet to another type of carpet. That needs different type of weaver. There was the time when there was not the demand for the carpets made upon kath. Due to its high cost of production and certain other issues due to which khaddi was introduced in the industry. Chota exporters are of the view when there was not so much variation in the type of the carpets. Then there is the scope for them to survive in the market with the help of bada contractor, bada weaver and majhola weaver. Bada and majhola exporter are of the view that today the technology has become the need and the demand of the time. It has to be further developed because without bringing upgradation of technology

140 there is not the chance for survival. They had to get the proper facilities from the government that chota exporter could survived because with them there are many other who gets the livelihood. But the globalization had an adverse effect upon all chota exporters, chota rangsaaz, majhola rangsaaz, chota nakshakar, majhola nakshakar, skilled semiskilled and unskilled carpet workers and, skilled semiskilled women workers.

The study has also pointed out it is the demand and the taste of the people sitting at the far of places according to whom the inclusion and exclusion of the weaver will be decided on the term of the skill of the individual the weaver is possessing. The weavers had told there are various skills of producing the carpets. According to the demand based on desired design (conforming the existing fashion) at one place the one type of Gabbe carpets are made at other place the other type tufted types of carpet are made at other karkhana the other type Shaigi carpets are made. But now the dominant trend is the use of the technology of khaddi that is replacing the traditional pattern of the carpets based on kath. The study has found handmade carpets are made with new technology. The artisans are learning the new skill of making the hand-made carpets. The study has found the traditional method of making carpets upon kath has been phased out it may be noted here that skill of making carpet upon kath passes from generation to generation that skill seems to be lost that skill is at verge of extinction.

Case study and FGDs have shown the partial upgradation in technology in the carpet industry of Bhadohi has led to the exclusion in terms of redundancy of labour, the lapse of the traditional skill and the process of skilling, deskilling and reskilling. The production of the types of carpet produced on khaddi is fast comparatively to carpets made upon kath. The study has found there is the pattern of change and partial technological upgradation in the procedures of producing carpets. The study has found that there is the flow of the concept of low cost and fast of production. For which the study has observed that they are not only producing the carpets with wool, but with the variations in the yarn. It also focuses that the production has connected to the different places of the region in India. Like getting the wool from the Ludhiana, Amritsar, Panipat, getting the raw petro products like viscose, silk from the Reliance or the Birla’s, chocho silk is purchased from Bihar.

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Bada, exporter, majhola exporter, chota exporter, bada contractor, chota contractor, bada weaver, majhola weaver and chota weaver are of the view that the child labour act has generated problems for them it has resulted into loss of skill by unwilling to learn the skill of making carpets upon kath.

The weavers who use to weave the carpet with their family got terrified because of the issue of child labour act and left their home and migrated to some other places in search of the alternative jobs. Child labour act is enforced through the government, civil society or by the buyers upon the carpet industry. The owner of the karkhana who has the order for weaving carpets on kath has not allowed any weaver below fourteen years of age to enter into his karkhana for weaving. For example if the father and son has come for the weaving then the owner will keep the father weaver and does not allow his son if he is below fourteen years of age to work into his karkhana. While in that process the child has not learned the skill of weaving carpets on kath. When the father has become old and the son is without the skill of making carpets through knots. It results into non availability of skilled kath weavers. Most of the carpet weavers come from rural areas of eastern UP and Bihar. They are not motivated to weave the carpet. They prefer to work in programmes of MGNREGA.

Due to the reasons described above weavers in general and new generation weavers in particular are unwilling to learn the skill of kath or any other type of weaving. As kath weaving is neither in demand nor adequate remunerative. This is also an outcome of lack of demand by the global importers. Thus demand and supply determine by the market. It has adversely affected in retaining the knowledge and skill of kath weaving technology for carpet production.

It is analyzed from the Case study and FGD, that how the work of weaving carpets had changed gradually. The work which goes from home to home the children learned the weaving techniques. But to the changing pattern, the skill of development among the children has lost the skill of making knotted carpets that had got extinct. The study has observed that the skill of making handmade carpets is different from the skill of making carpets which are made by knot. The researcher has found there are the changes in the ways of producing carpet because of globalization. Globalization has led towards the tough competition that demands for the fast production and the cheap and best quality. The struggle is there for the survival of the

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best products. Because of which there is the loss of the skill of weaving knotted carpets among weavers.

The FGD on carpet workers and women analyzed there are lot of unskilled and semiskilled carpet workers who get the employment through the industry but the partial upgradation of technology is in the process of the reduction of carpet workers. The order was placed from the far of places on designs generated through CAD. The study has found that, it is the decision of the people from the far of places who structured the local economy.

It is also pointed out from the discussion on case studies and focused group discussion that how the acceptance of technology led for the changing status of the individual. There is the direct relationship between the change in the status and technology. When the majhola exporter started upgradation of technology in terms of CAD or replacement of bhatta with Boiler dyeing plant or replacement of kath with khaddi then his status changes from majhola exporter to bada exporter, but when majhola exporter does not acquire the technology viz. CAD, boiler dyeing plant or khaddi then his status degraded to chota exporter. Chota exporter does not work with the technology then his status degraded and he could be out from the mode of exporting carpets. As the technology is accepted by the exporter shows that the exporters are competitive in the global market to sale their product. Those exporters whose status demoted slowly and slowly are out from the market of export because of their non adaptability according to the global market.

In designing there is the logic that how your design is going to be chosen by the buyer and you got attraction and how you have earned through skilled. When the bada nakshakar are not acquiring the technology of CAD then his status will be demoted from bada nakshakar to majhola nakshakar and vice-versa. How chota nakshakar by acquiring the technology of CAD would be able to raise the status from chota nakshakar to bada nakshakar.

When the majhola rangsaaz acquired the technology then his status changes from majhola to bada rangsaaz. Now if the chota rangsaaz would not acquire the skill of handling boiler dyeing plant then he would be out by bada rangsaaz or from the bada exporters dyeing unit. When the bada contractor does not acquire the contemporary technology of khaddi then it means he is getting out from the stream of

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production and he is not competent to the present economic condition. When the majhola contractor is not acquiring the contemporary technology of khaddi then he is getting out from the stream of production. When the bada weaver, majhola weaver and chota weaver are not acquiring the contemporary technology or skill of technology then it means they had an adverse effect of globalization in general and the technology very particular. There is the direct relationship of man and society with technology. The workers become deskilled due to new demand regulated by the market have resulted into exclusion from the production process of the carpet industry of Bhadohi. Deskilling has been due to changes in the technology required for meeting the deadlines as well as technological upgradation in the carpet industry.

But there are also some who are too old to adopt the skill of new technology they are excluded from the stream of production because of their being deskilled. As there is the change or the partial upgradation of technology, there is reduction in hiring of labour due to deskill. There are reasons for replacement of one with another. All these changes lead towards skilling, deskilling and reskilling of carpet workers. Eventually, they have to re-skill for their survival. The process of deskilling and reskilling is highly complex in the carpet industry of Bhadohi.

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CHAPTER 5

CONCLUSION

The present study as mentioned at the outset is on ‘Bhadohi Carpet Industry: Dynamics of social exclusion’. The field study was carried out during the period from 1st May 2014 and ended on 30th April 2015. The process of social exclusion has been examined in the Bhadohi carpet industry due to upgradation of technology and technological change into three stages of carpet manufacturing process. The first stage is designing. The second stage is dyeing and the third stage is weaving. As a result social exclusion process has intensified the carpet industry of Bhadohi. The study shows that the process of social exclusion is owing to the partial technological upgradation and the process of skilling, deskilling and reskilling due to the change in technology. Qualitative data reflect the role of technology in generating the process of social exclusion by looking to the changing status and the relationship of the exporter, nakshakar, rangsaaz, contractor, weaver and skilled, semiskilled and unskilled carpet workers and skilled and semiskilled women workers. In order to carry out the study, the following four research questions were raised (1) Pattern of upgradation of technology and the technological change at different stages of carpet production, (2) Technology playing the role in the process of social exclusion, (3) The process of skilling, deskilling and reskilling, (4) Social exclusion due to redundancy of labour. The study consists of qualitative as well as quantitative data. The quantitative and qualitative data were collected by using snowball and judgmental sampling. The approach of the methodology is grounded theory started with Inductive logic of inquiry. The later have been described in the form of case studies and FGDs. The former have been explained in terms of tabular form from data collected by schedule. Finally, a section on discussion and analysis has been provided for incorporation of analysis of data or primary data. The sample size of the study is one hundred twenty five for quantitative data. One hundred twenty five samples were gathered on the premise of the snowball and judgment sampling.

While selecting the respondents for quantitative and qualitative data the study has taken the consideration that the respondent preferably should be from the different categories of occupation in the carpet industry of Bhadohi. Tables, case studies and FGDs reveal that the contrast between the traditional and the pattern of the partial

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upgradation of the technology at the different level of the production system of the carpets and the role of the technology played upon the individuals. For quantitative data the study includes eighteen tables generated on the basis of the primary data. In addition, qualitative data were generated by using ten case studies eight focused group discussions (FGD). The breakup is as follows: two case studies on exporters, two on the nakshakars, four case studies on rangsaazs, one case study on weaver and one from the broker. The breakup of FGD’s are as follows: one focused group discussion with exporter, two with nakshakars, two with weavers, one with skilled and semiskilled women carpet workers, one with skilled, semiskilled and unskilled carpet workers and one exporters who were engaged with alternative livelihood.

In the process of skilling to reskilling the study has found out that the lapse of the skill among the young generation through quantitative and qualitative data generated through schedule, case studies and FGDs. The study includes eighteen tables. These tables suggest the following: (1) Different religion and castes, (2) The percentage of the different caste of the sample involved in the different categories of occupation, (3) the occupation wise response towards the effect of globalization, (4) Caste and religion wise effect of globalization, (5) Occupation wise response during the recession period (1996), (6) Caste and religion wise response during the recession period (1996), (7) Occupation wise response for the adverse effect of recession upon different occupation, (8) Caste and religion wise response for the adverse effect of recession upon different occupation, (9) Occupation wise response for the designing with CAD, (10) Caste and religion wise response for designing with CAD, (11) Occupation wise response for the decline of nakshakari, (12) Religion and caste wise response for the decline of nakshakari, (13) Occupation wise response for the decline of the skill of carpets upon kath, (14) Religion and caste wise response for the decline of the skill of carpets upon kath, (15) Occupation wise response for bhatta as labour intensive, (16) Religion and caste wise response for bhatta as labour intensive, (17) Occupation wise response towards the diploma courses, (18) Religion and caste wise response towards the diploma courses.

These tables suggest the impact of globalization in the Bhadohi carpet industry. These tables also highlight response towards replacement of traditional technology with the new technology. Majority of respondents are keen to opt for new technology it further highlights on loss of skill towards kath / khaddi and nakshakari /

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CAD. It further suggests that labour intensive works are replaced with technology intensive. The attitude towards new technology is highly positive. It is an irony that handicraft is supposed to be labour intensive but the findings are highlighting towards the paradoxical situation in which partial retention of traditional practices and a trend towards the technological change and upgradation due to increasing competitiveness in an era of globalization.

It has been pointed out in the study that the partial technological upgradation and the technological change are accepted by the weavers, designers, dyers and exporters. The study has focused the social exclusion due to partial upgradation of technology in terms of generating the process of skilling to deskilling and redundancy of labour resulting into the process of social exclusion. The study has focused social exclusion not in terms of the structural perspective in the area under investigation but in terms of the mode of development. The mode of development relies on the upgradation of technology that has consequences into reduction of labour. That is the demand of globalization. The study has located social exclusion as the process in terms of the degree of acquiring skill among workers engaged in the Bhadohi carpet industry. Social exclusion discussed in the thesis is in the term of the black hole because of the changes due to technology and the skill of adopting the technology. In an era of globalization there is the partial upgradation of technology and the technological change that generates the process of skilling, deskilling and reskilling.

The study has focused that the social exclusion from the local restructuration of the society / market according to the global perspective and the competitiveness. The partial technological up gradation led to exclusion of certain kind of people from the local economy that led to certain individual or group of individual to be out from the local markets for certain period of time or till it get extinct due to their inability to be in the logic of the network of production in an era of Informational society. The study has focused as the social exclusion is seen in a wider context. In particular, here, social exclusion is seen in the context of globalization and the structural changes brought due to upgradation of technology. There is the trend towards technological change and partial upgradation at different stages of producing carpets viz. designing, dyeing and weaving. The study has focused to look social exclusion in terms of redundancy of labour and the processes of the skilling, deskilling and reskilling as an outcome of a trend towards technological change and upgradation due to the

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globalization in general and global economy very particular with in Castellian framework.

The study has focused on how the globalization in general and global economy in particular has brought the changes in the Carpet Industry of Bhadohi. That has led to the partial upgradation of technology and the technological change. The study revolves round to capture the nuances of knowledge as the main source of productivity. The study took knowledge as the skill, that has focused on skill as thesis and the deskilling as antithesis and reskilling as synthesis can be seen as the process of social exclusion that the study has focused through the case studies. Combination in the forces of production and the relation of the forces of production are going under the process of change in an era of globalization. The term skilling discussed in the thesis refers to those who are having the knowledge of using traditional technology. The term deskilling refers to those who are not having the knowledge of using contemporary technology. The term reskilling refers to those who are now acquiring the skill of contemporary technology. Handicraft work mirrors the social legacy of a nation. This is more so in India. There are many handicraft industries. In an era of globalization handicraft industries are encountering many challenges. It has to meet the cut throat competition from cheap products produced in industries. It is the effect of globalization that has brought the structural changes at the local level.

It is globalization that has transformed the society from mode of production to mode of development to informationalism. The study has framed how globalization in general and global economy in particular heralds the process of social exclusion due to the role played by technology in the Bhadohi carpet industry. Someone possesses the technology he is the malik of the technology. The skill of an individual could also be seen as an asset that makes him the malik, but when he goes to serve to other place for that skill he becomes skilled mazdoor. The pace of the change in technology and the role technology is playing in accelerating the process of social exclusion.

The study has found that not only technology could categories the person involved in the carpet industry but it changes the status who adopts the technology and who is getting distanced from the technology. The technology plays the role in the categorization according to its possession of the technology. The exporter who possessed the unit of the technology of designing, dyeing and weaving he is bada exporter. The person who possess the unit of the technology of designing and dyeing

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he is majhola exporter. The entrepreneur who do not posses any unit of the technology of designing, dyeing and weaving only through local network of production he is managing his business chota exporter. The study has found how technology plays the role in defining the status of an individual and how technology plays the role in generating the process of social exclusion. Handmade products of exporters are not competent to face the challenges posed by the machine made products in terms of time and the cost. Then here the acceleration of the concept social exclusion starts slowly.

The study has found that in designing how the technology plays the role in the categorization according to its skill. In designing there is the categorization as mentioned in chapter four according to the bada nakshakar, majhola nakshakar and chota nakshakar. Bada nakshakar is the one who has served his skill to bada exporter or majhola exporter. He is able to acquire the fast pace of the change of the technology by going to the process of skilling deskilling and reskilling. Majhola nakshakar is the one who once has served his skill to any bada exporter or majhola exporter but because of not being acquiring the skill he is not able in reskilling himself but from skilling to deskilling. Chota nakshakar is the one who has never served his skill to any bada exporter or majhola exporter. From the above it is found that how technology changes the status of the person from bada nakshakar to majhola nakshakar to chota nakshakar and vice-versa. The status of the person is defined on the basis of the kind of the technology he is possessing. But when there is the replacement of one technology with another technology then there are some who are too old to adopt the skill of the new technology they are excluded from the stream of production because of their being deskilled.

In the work of rangsaazi how the technology plays the role in the categorization according to its possession of the technology as mentioned in chapter four. Bada rangsaaz is the one who is not having the skill but he possessed the bhatta or boiler dyeing plant and he took the work from chota rangsaaz on salary payment but chota rangsaaz is not being able in reskilling himself from skilling to deskilling. Majhola rangsaaz is the one who is having the skill and with this skill he is working in his own bhatta. The status of the person is defined on the basis of the kind of the technology he is possessing. But when there is the replacement of one technology with another technology then there are some who are too old to adopt the skill of the

149 new technology they are excluded from the stream of production because of their being deskilled. As there is the upgradation of technology there is reduction in hiring of labour.

In the work of contractor how the technology plays the role in the categorization according to its possession of the technology as mentioned in chapter four. The status of the contractor goes demoted as with the possession of the technology from bada contractor to majhola contractor to chota contractor.

Chapter four has examined the work of weaving and it shows the role of technology at different levels of production. Bada weaver is those who are the owner of either Kath or khaddi or any other technology for weaving he weave the carpets along with his family member and the chota weaver. Majhola weaver is one who by acquiring either kath or khaddi or any other technology for weaving and he weaves the carpets along with his family member. Chota weaver is the one who does not possess any technology. The status of the weaver demoted with the possession of the inferior technology and with his skill from skilling to deskilling to reskilling. In that process of skilling to deskilling to reskilling generates the process of social exclusion. In that process of skilling to deskilling to reskilling there are also some who are too old to adopt the skill of the new technology they are excluded from the stream of production because of their being deskilled.

The study has focused on the concept of social exclusion. How the process of social exclusion has started in the Bhadohi carpet industry due to the partial upgradation of technology to cope with the challenges and demand due to globalization. The study has focused on those aspects that how the globalization has become the need and demand for the changes at the local economy and how in the process of change there is the exclusion of workers associated with the Bhadohi carpet industry.

In that local restructuration the study has pointed out how the exclusion and inclusion of the workers start according to the ability of skill in the mode of production. The study has shown the social exclusion as the black holes in an era of globalization because of their being skilled to de-skilled in Bhadohi carpet industry. According to the demand of the carpets the weavers are hired and engaged in the industry. Thus the demands at the national international levels determine different

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types of skill workers if the demand is for the traditional design, the demand for the traditional designers increase. However, in case of the demand for tufted carpets, the newly skilled (reskilled) weavers increase. That is why the study has tried to focus on how the process of social exclusion could be seen in the form of the skill as thesis and the deskilling as antithesis and reskilling as synthesis in the process of social exclusion due to upgradation of technology. The reduction of worker has been examined as one of the component of the process social exclusion due to the technological upgradation and the process of skilling, deskilling and reskilling. The study has tried to point out the process from skilling to deskilling and reskilling as the process of social exclusion due to the partial upgradation of technology in the carpet industry of Bhadohi.

The study has found that technology and skill plays the role in defining the status of an individual in terms of skilled malik and skilled mazdoor. The designer when work under the company there he works on salary payment there he is a bada nakshakar but skilled mazdoor. But when the designer works at their home by using CAD or the work of nakshakari along with semiskilled workers then he is the majhola and chota nakshakar but skilled malik. The dyer when work under the campus of exporter in the Bhatta or Boiler dyeing plant then there he was a chota rangsaaz and skilled mazdoor. But when the dyer works in his own bhatta then he is a bada rangsaaz and majhola rangsaaz and who works along with semiskilled and unskilled workers. Contractor when with the help of poor weaver manufactures the carpets using his raw material and designs then he offered it for sale to the company in the market then he is a bada contractor and malik. Weaver when weaves along with his family member or along chota weaver then he is a bada weaver and skilled malik. When the weaver goes to other place for weaving then he is chota weaver and skilled mazdoor.

The study suggests upgradation of technology at the three levels that is designing, dyeing and weaving. The study has found that the major technological upgradation occurred is in the stages of designing with the use of the technology of CAD for designing. The local people are out of the job because of their being unskilled, in the area where they are skilled earlier. They are unskilled therefore they are out of the job. This process results into unemployment and migration. The study has focused on the technological upgradation can led towards the redundancy of labour.

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The study has pointed out the method of producing carpets is not archaic. It’s going on the process of change.

The study concludes that the industry gives employment to large amount of unorganized carpet workers. The study suggests how globalization has imposed the problem and challenges and the industry gives employment to large number of employees. There is the struggle for the survival due to the tough competition from the cheap machine made goods with the hand made goods. In that struggle of survival there are many skills which are in the process of extinction. There is the process of skilling, deskilling and reskilling due to partial upgradation of technology and the technological change in the carpet industry of Bhadohi.

The study found that the Bhadohi carpet industry is undergoing the process of high competitiveness in an era of globalization due to the demand of the low cost of carpets. The industry gives employment to large number of backward caste of individual belonging to Muslim and Hindu communities. Those who have migrated are mostly from the backward caste. The industry of Bhadohi is specialized in producing handmade carpets. The nature of the industry is of unorganized sector. But there are few big units who have organized their sector and started to do their production within their campus. The whole industry carpet industry of Bhadohi has an effect of globalization. Economic Competitiveness from the global market with the concept of cheap production had persuaded the industry for its restructuration. In the restructuration process there is one who follows the old technology viz. kath, nakshakari and bhatta. Others have followed new technology viz. CAD, Boiler Dyeing Plant and khaddi.

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GLOSSARY

Aaincha: Uneven carpet from length to width Aincha: One edge of the carpet projecting from the other end Anga: Waste Cotton Yarn Ankura: Iron hook fitted with upper and lower beams Baitha: During Knotting and cutting woolen thread when lengths of pile exceeds the prescribed limit: It results in wastage of woollen yarn and is called baitha. Baithoki: The phera in the design from which weaving of carpet is to commence in a convenient from;a beginning side of the design. Bana: Weft yarn that is yarn used width wise in a carpet Bandi: Leasing cord Barbar: Equal, when a carpet being woven exactly equal to required size. Barhotri: A carpet being woven larger than the specified size. Barkari: A piece of jute or cotton cloth used by the weaver and loom holders in handling the ready carpets or using as mat for different purposes. Batatar: Cotton thread Benta: Handle of knife Berai: Picking out waste wool Berai karna: Brushing of carpet just after clipping Berai: Colours in the design separating Bhatta: Manuel dyeing place Bhattaha: Less design clauses in the rug Bhokani: The iron rod to highlight flower design from the carpet Bis: Twenty consecutive warp threads Bodh: Thicker cotton threads Bujbun: Waste woolen fibers which come out as a result of clipping of carpet. Bundh: Rope which is used for tying the warp roller.

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Card: Wrapping round the beam of woven length of the carpet Chalta Naksha: A running designs which repeats regularly Chara: Fringe (loose warps at both ends of the carpet) Charkha: Spinning wheel Charkhi: It is a tool used for winding/unwinding cotton and woolen yarn. Chhar: Iron rod Chhura: Knife Chunan: Knots made with cotton Chura: Curved Knife Churih: Bow shaped knife Clipper: One who clips the carpet that is cuts off the top of pile to make the surface even Clipping: Smoothening of the surface pile Dam: Bamboo pieces; an accessory of loom Dehari: Work load of a day viz. 6000 knots Derh Tapakiya: False knotting Dhulai: Washing Dihari: Daily wages Do Tapka: Drawing the first even warp Fawra: Tool used in carpet washing. Full moon: Circular carpet Gachai: Warps of the carpet are tied into knots. Gachi: Knotting of the fringes Gadda: A bale of wool or Yarn Galicha: Carpet. Gathiya: Bale Ghallin Baff: Carpet worker Ghatori: A carpet being woven smaller than the specified size Gola: A circle rug Golla: Leasing rod Goolna: Sewing the jute cloth for packing purpose.

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Gorevan: A group of typical designs with borders Gulla: Bamboo piece, an accessory of loom used for separating the two sets of alternate warps Gultarasi: Clipping Gultrash: Raising the design by embossing Jeri: Iron rod fitted with lower kath (beam). It works as handle for rolling the beam up and down as per requirement. Jhol: Buckling, bulges Jori: Rod used to avoid unfolding of woven carpet on loom Joti: Rope Kabli: Rounds of wool Kada Galicha: A carpet having perfect weight Kainchi: Scissors kangha : To correct the wool Kani Tapar: Unwoven length of knotted yarn Kappen: Plain Karkhana: The place where the carpets are weaved Katai: Spinning Kath: Wooden beam Kati: Woolen yarn Kawali: Hank of woolen Yarn Kera: Small pieces of bamboo twig (about 1 feet in length) used at the upper end of tana for tightening it with the help of upper beam. khadi giri : A handle at the corner of the side to give indication to the weaver khadi sedhi: A handle at the corner of the side to give indication to the weaver khadi uthi: A handle at the corner of the side to give indication to the weaver Khandki: Ball of woolen yarn Khara Hashiya: Each of the two borders running along the length of the carpets

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Khatti: First few picks of weft inserted into warp prior to commencement or knotting of pile of a carpet. Khatti: Stripe of about one inch at both the ends of carpet woven with thinner cotton threads. Khopai: The procedure of highlighting the flower on the traditional carpets Khuahari: Concial ball of handspun wollen yarn Khunti: Peg pierced in the wall for hanging woolen / cotton thread coils. Kikar: A plant used for preparing vegetable colour. Kinarapench: Selvedge Konia: Corner of the rug or design Kooch: Stiff brush for cleaning a carpet Kowri: Harness Lachha : Hank of yarn Lachhi / kabli: Coil of woolen /cotton yarn Langri: Fault in a carpet occasioned by one leg of a knot being shorter than the other Lapait: Rolling of carpet, particularly on beam of loom while weaving one complete wind. Larhi: See Guchhi Latia: Special hank with two small hanks at each end Laut palat: The turning over of a design in a carpet, which creates symmetry Maddar: A plant used for preparing vegetable colour Mauri Bhokhara: Single weft carpets in Metan: Design in the central portion of the carpets Mirjapuri Puthha: Back of carpets in which equal number of twisted and untwisted cotton weft strands are used. Muiya: Set of woolen yarn about one feet in length around which coil is made Nadhanni: The end of carpet which is first woven

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Nadhna: Mounting of carpet warp on a loom and commencement of weaving Naksha Navish: The designer Namuna: Design Napna: A graduated gauge to measure the pile height Pachhary: Scouring of woolen yarn Paltha: Knot Panja: A tool used for weaving the carpets upon kath Pankas: A device for stretching a carpet on the loom or on the floor Panna katarna: Selvedge Scissoring Panna: Selvedge Para Hashiya: Each of the two borders lying across the width of the carpet Partaha: Unevenly dyed or streaky yarn Passerbanda / kamana: Accessory of loom Pata: Plank for sitting the weaver at the time of weaving. Patta: A plain Stripe on outside edges of a designed carpet Patti: A rug or carpet, which is more in length unusually than width Paugazi: Number of woollen weft rows in 23cm (9in.) Length Peeth Jalana: Burning the back Phalua: The fringes at the ends of a carpet formed by the free ends of the warp threads Phanda: A pile knot tied into a carpet, sometimes used as a single knot as distinct from a double knot Pharahar: Widthwise spread of a design beyond specified size. Pharrua: Wooden sheet to scrubb Pharua: A tool used for washing the carpets Phattahi: Blue Phatte: Loose kati kept by weaver while weaving Phera: One horizontal row of knots in a carpet Pile: The tufs of wool or other fibres knotted in to the base fabric of a carpet or rug Pistai: Green

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Pitav: Scouring of woollen yarn Plot: Where the carpets are wash Pola: Hank Puttha: Back of carpet Qalin: A carpet or rug Rangkata: Overlapping of shade Rangsaaz: Those who are the master of the dyeing Rung Cuta: Effect in carpet giving rise to streakiness cause by light and dark shades of the coloured pile yarn Runner: A narrow strip of carpet Satun: Part of the Kath: woolen pillars jointing lower and upper beam Sidha tana: Normal warp Siyahi: Black or dark blue Soot: Cotton yarn to be used in weft Suja: Long needle Sujja: Tool used at the time of clipping for adjusting unwanted thread Surra: Total number of knots Sust Galicha: A carpet having less weight than normal Sut: Cotton thread Tana: Warp on which a carpet is woven Tang: Iron handle fitted with upper beam. With the help of tang upper beam is rolled up and required. Tapka: Knot Tapna: Double knotting of the pile surface Tar: Warp Tazab: Acid Tehra: Crooked hence a carpet accidently woven other than the required shape Tekuwa: Small accessory of charkha which is used for spinning Tharli: Twisted weft in a strand Tharri: Thread of jute or cotton

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Tikki: Colour index given on the carpet design map made on graph paper. Ulta tana: Reverse warp Utarni: The end of a carpet which is last woven

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APPENDIX A LOCAL LEVEL CARPET EXPORT NETWORK

Exporting House Designer: Nakshakar / CAD Merchant

Dyer Contractor / Karkhandar Bhatta / Boiler Dyeing Plant Kaath / Khaddi

Washing Herbal / Stone / Bleach, Anti-wash

Finishing Gachai / Pichai / Footki Birai Packing: Hasian Shipment Ready in Container

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APPENDIX B PRODUCTION INSIDE THE PREMISE

Exporter

Designer

Dyer

Weaver

Finishing

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APPENDIX C STEPS IN CARPET PRODUCTION Step-1

Designing

MTD CAD

*T **P Step-II

Dyeing

Bhatta Boiler

Step-III

Weaving

Kath viz. Khaddi viz. knotted Tufted

Step-IV

Finishing

Kath viz. Tufted viz.

Pechai, Berai, Gachhi Letexing, Pechai, badhai, Dhulaiya, Gultras, Brooming Dhulaiya, Clipping

Note: *Tracer; **Painter

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APPENDIX D COMPARISON BETWEEN TRADITIONAL AND CONTEMPORARY TECHNOLOGY

1. DESIGNING Manual Traditional designer Computer Aided Designer (Labour intensive) (Technology Intensive)

2. DYEING In Bhatta In the boiling plant (Labour intensive) (Technology Intensive)

3. WEAVING

Knotted Carpets Tufted Carpet (Labour intensive) (Technology intensive)

4. WASHING AND FINISHING PROCESS:

Carpets upon kath Carpets upon khaddi Dhulaiya Dhulaiya Pechai Letexing Berai Pechai Gachhi badhai Clipping Gultrash

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APPENDIX E SCHEDULE

It is to confirm that I Asfiya Karimi Ph.D. scholar department of sociology, Aligarh Muslim University assure the entire respondent that the all the information/data collected here will be used for my thesis “Bhadohi Carpet Industry: Dynamics of Social exclusion” and not for any other purpose. General Information: 1. Name of respondent 2. Place of Domicile : 3. Sex : Male/Female 4. Age (in years) : 5. Marital Status : Married / Unmarried 6. Caste : General / OBC / SC / ST 7. Religion : Hindu / Muslim / Christian / Sikh / Others 8. Are you a migrant? Yes/No 9. If yes then from where name of State/District/Town /Village. 10. Duration of stay in Bhadohi: 11. Native Place : 12. What is the nature of work that you are doing? 1)Export ( ),2)Designer ( ),3) Raw manufacturer ( ),4)Raw seller ( ),5) Dyer ( ),6)Management ( ),7)Broker ( ), 8) Contractor ( ), 9) Shipping ( ), 10) Weavers ( ), 11) Others ( ). 13. Do you think the carpet industry of Bhadohi is moving towards the change? 1) No ( ), 2) Very Little ( ), 3) Moderate ( ), 4) High ( ). 14. Global market has brought and demanded the change in the pattern and the trends of making carpets? 1) No ( ), 2) Very Little ( ), 3) Moderate ( ), 4) High ( ). 15. After 1996, there is the increase in demand of variations in the designs, pattern and the trend of making carpets? 1) No ( ), 2) Very Little ( ), 3) Moderate ( ), 4) High (). 16. Do you think the change has brought the recession period in the market of Bhadohi Carpet Industry? 1) No ( ), 2) Very Little ( ), 3) Moderate ( ), 4) High ( ). 17. What do you think what will be the main reason for the change or recession? ______. 18. Recession led towards the closing of the many units like? 1) Exporters ( ), 2) dyeing

( ), 3) designers ( ), 4) yarn producer ( ), 5) wool sellers ( ), 6) Weaver ( ), 7) Other ( ), 8) None ( ).

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19. Who are the most affected people with the changes in the carpet industry? 1) Small exporters ( ), 2) Manuel Dyers ( ), 3) Manuel Designers ( ), 4) Painters ( ), 5) Tracers ( ), 6) Carpet workers ( ), 7) Weavers ( ), 8) Women’s working in the houses ( ). 20. Do you think Government should take initiative to open the shops in the foreign countries where the handmade carpets can be supplied and sold? 1) Strongly disagree ( ), 2) Disagree ( ), 3) Don’t Know ( ), 4) Agree ( ), 5) Strongly agree ( ). 21. Change in terms of the mechanization of the processes of production. 1) No ( ), 2) Very Little ( ), 3) Moderate ( ), 4) High ( ). 22. Up gradation in the technique of dyeing of the wool like the use of boiler dyeing plant. 1) No ( ), 2) Very little ( ), 3) Moderate ( ), 4) High ( ). 23. Up gradation in the technique of washing of the carpets. 1) No ( ), 2) Very little ( ), 3) Moderate ( ), 4) High ( ). 24. ICT has played a role in planning or make strategies for the products to be sold in the market? 1) Strongly disagree ( ), 2) Disagree ( ) 3) Don’t Know ( ), 4) Agree ( ), 5) Strongly agree ( ). 25. The use of Information communication technology / ICT helps to make the communication and in knowing the demand of the customer easily. 1) Strongly disagree ( ), 2) Disagree ( ) 3) Don’t Know ( ), 4) Agree ( ), 5) Strongly agree ( ). 26. The use of Computer Aided Designing has made the designer to be more competitive and versatile in comparison to manual designer. 1) Strongly disagree ( ), 2) Disagree ( ) 3) Don’t Know ( ), 4) Agree ( ), 5) Strongly agree ( ). 27. Do the young generations are not acquiring the skill of designing manually? 1) Strongly disagree ( ), 2) Disagree ( ), 3) Don’t Know ( ), 4) Agree ( ), 5) Strongly agree ( ). 28. Now the new generation are aspire of doing diploma courses in designing and dyeing to get the job? 1) Strongly disagree ( ), 2) Disagree ( ) 3) Don’t Know ( ), 4) Agree ( ), 5) Strongly agree ( ). 29. The young generation weavers are not interested in learning the skill of manufacturing Knotted carpets? 1) Strongly disagree ( ), 2) Disagree ( ), 3) Don’t Know ( ), 4) Agree ( ), 5) Strongly agree ( ). 30. Did you experience the industry gives employment to large number of unorganized carpet workers in washing, bhatta, finishing & packing. 1) Strongly disagree ( ), 2) Disagree ( ) 3) Don’t Know ( ), 4)Agree ( ), 5)Strongly agree ( ). 31. In future it will remain the same to give it.1) Strongly disagree ( ), 2) Disagree ( ) 3) Don’t Know ( ), 4) Agree ( ), 5) Strongly agree ( ).

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32. Do you think the industry gives employment to women’s at home in the work like kati kholai, finishing carpets etc.1) Strongly Disagree ( ), 2) Disagree ( ) 3) Don’t Know ( ), 4) Agree ( ), 5) Strongly agree ( ). 33. In future it will remain the same to give it. 1) Strongly disagree ( ), 2) Disagree ( ) 3) Don’t Know ( ), 4)Agree ( ), 5)Strongly agree ( ). 34. In boiler dyeing plant the ratio of the wool is more produced in less time with less number of labourers in comparison to the Manual dyeing plant. 1) Strongly disagree ( ), 2) Disagree ( ) 3) Don’t Know ( ), 4) Agree ( ), 5) Strongly agree ( ). 35. From time to time company organizes for their staff training courses like workshops or refresher courses to improve the quality of the products. 1) Strongly disagree ( ), 2) Disagree ( ) 3) Don’t Know ( ), 4) Agree ( ), 5) Strongly agree ( ). 36. Do you think, there are workshops or refresher courses are to be organized by the company to improve the quality of the products? 1) Strongly disagree ( ), 2) Disagree ( ) 3) Don’t Know ( ), 4) Agree ( ), 5) Strongly agree ( ). 37. Do you think industry in future will move from handmade to machine made methods of producing carpets. 1) Strongly disagree ( ), 2) Disagree ( ), 3) Don’t Know ( ), 4) Agree ( ), 5) Strongly Agree ( ). 38. What are the main reasons because of which Bhadohi Carpet Industry will be affected? 1) Lack in Infrastructure ( ), 2) Lack of Hotels and Restaurants ( ), 3) Lack of Shopping malls ( ) 4) Lack of Transport & communication ( ), 5) Others ( ), 6) No reason ( ). 39. Is the government scheme like MGNEREGA has adversely affected the carpet industry? 1) Strongly Disagree ( ), 2) Disagree ( ) 3) Don’t Know ( ), 4) Agree ( ), 5) Strongly Agree ( ). 40. How: 41. Do you think, Carpet Industry should be exempted from the Regulation of Factory Act? 1) Strongly disagree ( ), 2) Disagree ( ) 3) Don’t Know ( ), 4) Agree ( ), 5) Strongly Agree ( ). 42. Why: 43. Do you think, government should have control over the monopoly of the price of raw- petro products? 1) Strongly disagree ( ), 2) Disagree ( ) 3) Don’t Know ( ), 4) Agree ( ), 5) Strongly agree ( ).

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APPENDIX F

TABLES GENERATED DURING FIELD STUDY

TABLE A.F.1: PERCENT OCCUPATION WISE RESPONSE FOR MGNREGA

Strongly Don't Strongly Grand CATEGORIES Disagree Disagree Know Agree Agree Total (%) (%) (%) (%) (%) (%) WEAVER 0.00 33.3 0.00 50.00 16.67 100 DESIGNER 25.00 0.0 25.00 50.00 0.00 100 DYER 0.00 0.0 25.00 25.00 50.00 100 CONTRACTOR 0.00 16.2 10.81 43.24 29.73 100 EXPORT 0.00 6.5 9.68 61.29 22.58 100 MANAGEMENT 8.33 0.0 25.00 41.67 25.00 100 OTHERS 12.50 25.0 6.25 31.25 25.00 100 RAW 0.00 33.3 0.00 66.67 0.00 100 MANUFACTURER RAW SELLER 0.00 33.3 33.33 33.33 0.00 100 SHIPPING 0.00 0.0 50.00 25.00 25.00 100 BROKER 0.00 0.0 0.00 100.00 0.00 100 GRAND TOTAL 3.20 12.8 12.80 48.00 23.20 100 (Source: Field Study, 2014-2015)

The above table A.F.1 shows the percentage response for the adverse effect of MGNREGA in the industry of carpets. The 48 percent of the sample agreed that the programme of MGNREGA has adversely affected the carpet industry. While 23.20 percent of the sample strongly agreed over that MGNREGA has adversely affected the carpet industry. On the other hand the 12.8 percent of the sample disagree over the idea that the MGNREGA has adversely affected the carpet industry. There are 3.20 percent of the sample strongly disagree over the idea that MGNREGA has adversely affected the carpet industry. There are while 12.80 percent of the sample who do not know whether MGNREGA has adversely affected the carpet industry.

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Table A.F.2: PERCENT RELIGION / CASTE WISE RESPONSE ON MGNREGA

Strongly Don't Strongly Grand CATEGORIES Disagree Disagree Know Agree Agree Total (%) (%) (%) (%) (%) (%) HINDU 6.67 11.11 4.44 66.67 11.11 100.00 BC 0.00 16.00 4.00 72.00 8.00 100.00 GENERAL 11.76 5.88 5.88 64.71 11.76 100.00 SC 33.33 0.00 0.00 33.33 33.33 100.00 MUSLIM 1.25 13.75 17.50 37.50 30.00 100.00 BC 1.59 14.29 15.87 38.10 30.16 100.00 GENERAL 0.00 11.76 23.53 35.29 29.41 100.00 GRAND 3.20 12.80 12.80 48.00 23.20 100.00 TOTAL (Source: Field Study, 2014-2015)

The above table A.F.2 shows the percentage response according to the caste and religion wise response for the adverse effect of MGNREGA in the industry of carpets. The 66.67 percent Hindu and 37.50 percent Muslim of the sample agree that MGNREGA has adversely affected the carpet industry. Among Hindus the sample belonging to the BC, General and the SC belongs to 72.00, 64.71 and 33.33 percent respectively. Among the Muslim the BC and the General has responded they agree with 38.10 and 35.29 percent Muslim for the adverse effect of MGNREGA on the carpet Industry.

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TABLE A.F.3: PERCENT OCCUPATION WISE RESPONSE TOWARD FACTORY ACT

Strongly Don't Strongly Grand CATEGORIES Disagree Disagree Know Agree Agree Total (%) (%) (%) (%) (%) (%) WEAVER 0.00 16.67 16.67 66.67 0.00 100.00 DESIGNER 25.00 25.00 25.00 25.00 0.00 100.00 DYER 0.00 0.00 25.00 50.00 25.00 100.00 CONTRACTOR 2.70 37.84 27.03 29.73 2.70 100.00 EXPORT 3.23 35.48 19.35 35.48 6.45 100.00 OTHERS 0.00 18.75 12.50 50.00 18.75 100.00 MANAGEMENT 8.33 16.67 50.00 8.33 16.67 100.00 RAW 0.00 0.00 33.33 66.67 0.00 100.00 MANUFACTURER RAW SELLER 0.00 33.33 0.00 66.67 0.00 100.00 SHIPPING 0.00 25.00 50.00 25.00 0.00 100.00 BROKER 0.00 40.00 40.00 0.00 20.00 100.00 Grand Total 3.20 28.80 25.60 34.40 8.00 100.00 (Source: Field Study, 2014-2015)

The above table A.F.3 shows the percentage response of the respondents regarding the laws of factory act. There are 34.40 percent of the respondents who agreed that carpet industry should be exempted from the factory act, while there are 8 percent of the respondents who responded for strongly agree. There are 28.80 percent of the respondents who disagree over the idea that carpet industry should be exempted from the factory act, while there are 3.20 percent of the respondents who strongly disagree over the idea that carpet industry should be exempted from the factory act. There are 25.60 percent of the respondents who do not know whether the factory act is good for carpet industry or bad for carpet industry.

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TABLE A.F.4: PERCENT RELIGION / CASTE WISE RESPONSE TOWARD FACTORY ACT

Strongly Don't Strongly Grand CATEGORIES Disagree Disagree Know Agree Agree Total (%) (%) (%) (%) (%) (%) HINDU 4.44 37.78 13.33 35.56 8.89 100.00 BC 4.00 48.00 20.00 16.00 12.00 100.00 GENERAL 5.88 23.53 5.88 58.82 5.88 100.00 SC 0.00 33.33 0.00 66.67 0.00 100.00 MUSLIM 2.50 23.75 32.50 33.75 7.50 100.00 BC 3.17 23.81 36.51 33.33 3.17 100.00 GENERAL 0.00 23.53 17.65 35.29 23.53 100.00 GRAND TOTAL 3.20 28.80 25.60 34.40 8.00 100.00 (Source: Field Study, 2014-2015)

The above table A.F.4 shows the percentage response of the respondents regarding the laws of factory act. There are 8.89 percent Hindu and 7.50 percent of Muslim respondents strongly agree that carpet industry must be exempted from the factory act. While there are 35.56 percent Hindu and 33.75 percent Muslim responded agreed that the carpet industry should be exempted from the factory act. While there are 4.44 percent Hindu and 2.50 percent Muslim of the sample who strongly disagree with the idea that carpet industry should be exempted from the factory act. There are 37.78 percent of the respondents who disagree over the idea that carpet industry should be exempted from the factory act, while there are 23.75 percent Muslim who disagree over the idea that carpet industry should be exempted from the factory act. There are 13.33 percent Hindu and 32.50 percent Muslim respondents who do not know whether the factory act is good for carpet industry or bad for carpet industry.

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TABLE A.F.5: PERCENT OCCUPATION WISE RESPONSE TOWARDS RAW PETRO FIBRES CATEGORIES Strongly Disagre Don’t Agre Strongl Gran Disagree e (%) Know e y Agree d (%) (%) (%) (%) Total (%) RAW SELLER 0.00 33.33 0.00 66.67 0.00 100.00 DESIGNER 0.00 25.00 25.00 50.00 0.00 100.00 RAW 0.00 0.00 66.67 0.00 33.33 100.00 MANUFACTURE R DYER 50.00 0.00 25.00 0.00 25.00 100.00 CONTRACTOR 0.00 32.43 21.62 40.54 5.41 100.00 EXPORT 0.00 16.13 35.48 41.94 6.45 100.00 MANAGEMENT 8.33 16.67 25.00 33.33 16.67 100.00 OTHERS 0.00 18.75 12.50 43.75 25.00 100.00 SHIPPING 25.00 25.00 0.00 50.00 0.00 100.00 WEAVER 16.67 16.67 0.00 50.00 16.67 100.00 BROKER 0.00 20.00 40.00 40.00 0.00 100.00 Grand Total 4.00 21.60 24.00 40.00 10.40 100.00 (Source: Field Study, 2014-2015)

The above table A.F.5 shows the percentage response of the respondents regarding the price of the raw petro fibers. There are 40 percent of the respondents who agreed that the government should have control over monopoly of the prices of the raw petro fibers. While there are 10.40 percent of the respondents who strongly agree that the government should have control over monopoly of the prices of the raw petro fibers there are 4 percent of the respondents who strongly disagree over the idea that the government should have control over monopoly of the prices of the raw petro fibers while there are 21.60 percent of the respondents who disagree over the idea that the government should have control over monopoly of the prices of the raw petro fibers. There are 24 percent of the respondents who do not know that the government should have control over monopoly of the prices of the raw petro fibers.

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TABLE A. F. 6: PERCENT RELIGION AND CASTE WISE RESPONSE OVER RAW PETRO FIBRES

Strongly Don't Strongly Grand CATEGORIES Disagree Disagree Know Agree Agree Total (%) (%) (%) (%) (%) (%) HINDU 2.22 42.22 11.11 31.11 13.33 100.00 BC 0.00 48.00 8.00 32.00 12.00 100.00 General 5.88 35.29 17.65 35.29 5.88 100.00 SC 0.00 33.33 0.00 0.00 66.67 100.00 MUSLIM 5.00 10.00 31.25 45.00 8.75 100.00 BC 4.76 9.52 34.92 42.86 7.94 100.00 General 5.88 11.76 17.65 52.94 11.76 100.00 Grand Total 4.00 21.60 24.00 40.00 10.40 100.00

(Source: Field Study, 2014-2015)

The above table A.F.6 shows the percentage response of the religion and the caste wise response for the raw petro fibers. The percentage response for the Hindu who agreed is 31.11 percent and 45.00 percent for Muslim. The respondents among Hindu’s who agree are 32.00, 35.29 and 0.00 percent of the BC, General and SC respectively. The respondents among Muslim BC and General who agree are 33.33 percent and 35.29 percent.

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APPENDIX G

DETAILS FOR IDENTIFIED CLUSTER 1 Principal Products Woolen Carpet Manufactured in the Cluster 2 Name of the SPV Bhola Nath Barnawal (Director M/S Bhawna Manufacturing) 3 No. of functional units 2500 Processing units (all are micro in the clusters units) 4 Turnover of the Rs. 2900 crores Clusters 5 Value of Exports from Rs. 2700 crores the Clusters 6 Employment in Cluster 72000 Artisans 7 Average investment in 115.18 Lacs plant & Machinery 8 Major Issues / The floor coverings sector in India requirement is going through a major change. Traditional markets are saturated while new markets are offering opportunities for growth. Modern designs and low end floor coverings like hand-tufted carpets are attracting new customer base. Nevertheless, total sales of the sector have been stagnant in terms of value. Hence, traditional model of floor covering business is no longer relevant. Product mapping with the consumer preferences is necessary for future growth. Indian carpet industry is finding it difficult to compete with Chinese industry in terms of volumes and prices. 9 Presence of capable 1)Indian Institute of Carpet institutions Technology (IICT) 2) DIC, Bhadohi 3) MSME, Allahabad & Br MSME, Varanasi 11 Problems & 1) Poor emphasis on domestic constraints market and its requirements 2) Exploitation by buying agents 3) Late delivery of the goods affecting the repeated (SOURCE: GOI, MSME-DI, 20??, p.13)

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APPENDIX H

ENCOUNTERS & EXPERIENCES

The researcher shares here that in light of being a local girl of the region the researcher has the advantage of establishing the affinity with the respondent to comprehend the difficulties in a particular way. The investigator has childhood experienced, in the region but yet not had look at the things sociologically but after entering into the area of research she realized that how these factors are building up the social exclusion. The thoughts perception and expository force has developed during the field work. The territory under study is the local spot of the investigator. Yet, the eyes of the researcher have changed. The same area where she has played, delighted and inculcated seems to be very different to her. The same procedures, the same conditions which had passed before likewise now began framing an alternative look in her brain. The individual working in the bhatta has never come into my advantage, yet now they have taken my consideration. The paint of the nakshakar has never looked by me yet now it has taken my appearance. The workers included in the dhulaiya, cutting, gultras, paichai, letexing and so on has never watched, however it has taken my thought. The ladies' hanging the kati has prior never taken my notification yet now it has taken my focus. The karkhana from where the voice of 'zooo', 'ghar-ghar', 'tik', "tik" has never taken into consideration yet now it has taken my consultation. The same spot which is my local place now appears to me obscure. With the new zeal I have observed the things sociologically. At that point in the interim tried to recall her adolescence days. Where I have seen "gaddi" is the image of prestige. Table seat was not the image of distinction but rather the gaddi are the prestigious one. I watched the entire zone of Bhadohi scentifically. This is separated into the mohallas each mohalla has one rich exporter. I have watched the physical structure of the range can be delineated into each mohalla was having the rich exporter. The wellspring of the employment of the subordinate individuals lies in the work of those rich exporters

When I visited the field I found myself with a new analytical vision which had not felt earlier. I have observed the region but the way I am observing now I had not observed earlier.

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I have proposed the carpet Industry of Bhadohi to be considered as the topic of my research. At the point when from the time I am trying to do the study. When I was aspiring for the research I am looking to the articles zone in which I need to do the study. Be that as it may, while her reasoning over the procedure of exploration. I have observed to be keen on the neediness, unemployment and so on. On the basis of my experience, the researcher suspected that if the wage of any individual will be satisfactory then it is the fundamental need through which he can buy or fulfill the prerequisite of daily need. This is the reason, the researcher thought to take every necessary step or examination on the theme of carpet industry. I have tried to have the look of the effect of globalization upon the industry in an era of globalization. These are the reason behind for choosing the topic of carpet industry. In that respect it has motivated me to serve for my country by generating awareness about the importance of the handicraft item of the industry. With this view I have started exploring the area under study.

In my initial visit of the field I have chosen first to comprehend the structure working structure of the business for that I have thought to look at all the units of the carpet manufacturing process.

I thought the business is offering occupation to numerous vulnerable workers and offering job to many individuals. However from numerous times investigator looked that the business is hindered which motivated the researcher to study the Industry. Why the nakshakar are out from the job? Why there are closing of many units? Why the weavers are migrating? What circumstances have developed in the area that has forced the shutdown of various units of carpet manufacturing.

The weavers with the help of punja and chura use to make the knots upon knots and with that process they make the carpets, over the kath it depends upon the size of the carpets. The weaver has now started making the carpets upon khaddi. After getting the insights from the designer the researcher’s interest has increased how those designs are transformed into the carpets. Researcher was very much enthusiastic to go to those karkhana where the hand-made carpets are weaved. When the researcher has observed those nakshas she has admired it and thought that if in these nakshas the colour would be depicted it will look so attractive then how fine it will look when it transforms into the knots for carpets. With these ideas the researcher this

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time thought to move into the villages where they can get the weaver of the handmade carpets. The researcher has gone to the village by asking from men to men where the researcher can get the weaver of the hand-made carpets. The researcher has felt whenever she has asked to the weaver there is the blow of fear in their face. Because they thought the investigator was an official person. With all these difficulties the researcher reached to the house of the knotted weaver.

On the other hand there are the traditional manual designers who with the help of the painters and the tracers are making the designs. The researcher has observed the partial upgradation in the technique of making designing has led to the redundancy of painters and the tracers. The new mode of designing has occurred that is the CAD.

The study has observed that the units are at different places. The local person sitting at some far of places demands the weavers to weave those carpets. Likewise the skill of traditional skill of nakshakari is declining. I have analyzed from the case studies that the designs made by nakshakar required much labour rather than making the designs through CAD. The nakshakar belonged to the different religion and to the different caste.

I have observed the skill of nakshakari is a time taking processes. It took time to develop in individual. They worked in an unorganized sector. They sit into the group together for work. The researcher has found that they are now motivating their young children to learn the skill of CAD rather than nakshakari. The investigators thought to dedicate this section as a thought developing process during the period of research span.

The biggest challenge for me is to collect the data from different categories. My approach was like to be as personal as I can. For example when I reached to the house of the majhola nakshakar there I found him of busy one I feel how I start in light of the fact that he was taking every necessary steps which urgently he has to finish. Then I have said “chacha free nahi hai aap to kal me ajaoo”. The respondent this time looked toward’s my face grinned and said “pucho kya puchna h, jaldi lekin”. The respondent of the researcher is the manual nakshakar. I while passing from those territory has observed that the zone was blunderous with the sloppy roads

191 smells of kati is coming out. Then here and there when I gazed I found individuals at specific levels appears to me engaged in the work of finishing like berai, paichai and so forth of the carpets. I was enthusiastic in having the interaction with the respondent to know about the manufacturing processes and their challenges.

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APPENDIX-I PHOTOGRAPHS MANUFACTURING OF RAW MATERIAL MANUFACTURING OF HANK (WOOL)

STEP 1

PHOTO 1 NEWZEALAND BALES

STEP 2

PHOTO 2 BLENDING MACHINE

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STEP 3

PHOTO 3 WILLOW MACHINE

STEP 4

PHOTO 4 TEASER MACHINE

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STEP 5

PHOTO 5 CARDING MACHINE

STEP 6

PHOTO 6 GILL BOX

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STEP 7

PHOTO 7 BOBNER MACHINE

STEP 8

PHOTO 8 HANK

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STEP 10

PHOTO 9 HANKS ARE WASHED

MANUFACTURING OF YARN

PHOTO 10 YARN MAKING MACHINE

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CARPET PRODUCTION PROCESS

DESIGNING PROCESS

THROUGH CAD

PHOTO 11 COMPUTER AIDED DESIGNER

THROUGH TRADITIONAL DESIGNER

PHOTO 12 NAKSHAKAR

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STEP 2

PHOTO 13 DESIGNING THROUGH PAINTING AND TRACING

SECOND STAGE DYEING PROCESS THROUGH BOILER DYEING PLANT

STEP 1

PHOTO 14 DYEING MASTER

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STEP 2

PHOTO 15 HANKS ARE HANGED

STEP 3

PHOTO 16 SEMI SKILLED CARPET WORKERS

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STEP 4

PHOTO 17 HYDRO MACHINE

STEP 5

PHOTO 18 UNSKILLED WORKER PICKING OUT LACHHI

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STEP 6

PHOTO 19 DRIER MACHINE

STEP 7

PHOTO 20 THE WOOLS ARE READY FOR SALE

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WOOL DYED IN BHATTA STEP 1

PHOTO 21 LIGHTNING OF BHATTA

STEP 2

PHOTO 22 RANGSAAZ

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STEP 3

PHOTO 23 WEIGHTING MACHINE

STEP 4

PHOTO 24 LACHHI WERE OPENED BY UNSKILLED CARPET

WORKERS

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STEP 5

PHOTO 25 SEMI SKILLED CARPET WORKERS

STEP 6

PHOTO 26 VISCOSE SILK ARE DYED INTO THE COLD WATER

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STEP 7

PHOTO 27 KATTI’S ARE KEPT FOR DRYING

THIRD STAGE PROCESS OF WEAVING

STEP 1

PHOTO 28 OPENING OF WOOL

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STEP 2

PHOTO 29 PHATTE FOR MAKING DHIMORA

CARPET WEAVING UPON KHADDI

STEP 1

PHOTO 30 CLOTH OVER KHADDI

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STEP 2

PHOTO 31 TUFTED GUN

CARPET MADE UPON KATH

PHOTO 32 WEAVER OF KATH

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FOURTH STAGE

WASHING

PHOTO 33 WASHING OF CARPETS AT PLOT

FIFTH STAGE FINISHING AND PACKING CARPETS UPON KHADDI STEP 1

PHOTO 34 WORKERS DOING THE PROCESS OF LETEXING

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STEP 2

PHOTO 35 CARPET STICHING

STEP 3

PHOTO 36 CLIPPING

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CARPETS UPON KATH

STEP 1

PHOTO 37 PAICHAI

STEP 2

PHOTO 38 GULTRASH

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STEP 3

PHOTO 39 GACHAI

STEP 4

PHOTO 40 KHOPAI AND BERAI

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PACKING PROCESS

STEP 1

PHOTO 41 CARPETS ARE PACKED IN PLASTIC

STEP 2

PHOTO 42 ROLLERS ARE STICHED IN HESSIAN

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STEP 3

PHOTO 43 CARPETS PACKED FOR SHIPMENT

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