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Mitchell Cohen From Sweden to Socialism although this terrain remains contested by well make large-scale investment and con- privatization drives. sumption aid imperative (as the recent $3 3. Integration in the world market. Here I billion loan by Germany to the Soviet Union cannot follow Heilbroner's argument. He indicated); and such aid can only be extended seems to believe that in order to establish at the expense of living standards now enjoyed socialism, his imaginary Sweden must disen- in the potentially aiding countries. It would be tangle itself from the world market, and that a manifestation of worldwide socializing ten- this would entail a change if not a decline in its dencies; I am sure that Gunnar Myrdal would standard of living. He evidently rejects the have so interpreted this development, and that notion that socialism without autarky is Willy Brandt would be inclined to do so, and possible. The evidence for this notion is the would even urge its intensification. autarkic regimes of Eastern Europe, all of 4. Bourgeois life. If living standards may be which closed themselves off against the world capped or reduced due to the imperatives of an markets and all of which broke down. This international redistribution of income, they implies that either your economy is integrated may also be impinged upon by environmental in the world market—then you can have a concerns, unless technologies are developed high standard of living, but no socialism. Or and resource planning is instituted that over- it protects itself against the world market— come such concerns and enable a shift in then your standard of living won't be great, standards of comfort rather than necessitate a but you'll have socialism. I believe this to be cut in them. a false dilemma. But leave these considerations aside; Heil- The history of international institutions over broner implies a civilizational change, even as the past century depicts a struggle to curtail the he speaks of a "visitor" who, after all, reach of the world market or at least to regulate "envisages" or sees two different societies, one it. No matter that this effort more often failed capitalist, the other socialist. And what sym- than succeeded; it was perennially renewed. I bolizes the heart of their difference better than, cite only the work of the International Labor for capitalism, the New York skyline and the Office in setting work standards and seeking power of capital it proclaims, and, for the adherence to the codes to which its member socialist future, the campuslike setting of more countries agree. Perhaps standards of living in and more industries, indicating their knowl- the "advanced" countries will have to be edge-based activities? The intelligence of reduced—but not so as to bring socialism to an power being displaced by the power of imaginary Sweden. Rather, the threat of intelligence—that would be the promise of a political instability and migration pressure may civilization based on democratic socialism. Mitchell Cohen Why go beyond an advanced welfare defined. Jean Jaures provided the metaphor state—beyond what Robert Heilbroner calls (which I'll amplify): a hemispheric border is "real but slightly imaginary" Sweden? How not immediately visible to passengers on a ship would the passage from welfare state to as they cross the sea. Conflicting gales may "socialism" be manifest? press them back and forth, tempestuous travel To create a more democratic society. By trying the craft's seaworthiness. Yet if they expanding substantive, that is, social and persist, the voyagers eventually perceive that economic in addition to political, democracy. new waters have been reached. If we postulate that these aims are pursued These new waters are not enclosed. Nor are by reformist means, then the "goal" would not they frozen. They do not represent an endziel, be evident at first glance; nor would there be a or final goal, but rather an opening of "last glance" upon something comprehensively possibilities. The point, to paraphrase Marx, is 100 • DISSENT From Sweden to Socialism to establish conditions of freedom not to Irreversibility presumes a political constella- impose a prefabricated set of ideals. Those tion different from the contemporary Swedish conditions, in my view, must be egalitarian and one. In it social democratic success depends entail social and economic democracy. My significantly on disunity and weaknesses assumption: concentrated private ownership of among three bourgeois (opposition) parties. In a society's productive forces (and the attendant the United States, where socialists are mar- concentration of wealth) engenders undemo- ginal, two capitalist parties compete, one cratic power relations in that society. Such own- straightforward in its reactionary orientation, ership exists in Sweden; indeed, about a third of the other containing some social democratic the value of the Stockholm stock exchange is, in tendencies. In a democratic socialist Sweden one way or another, controlled by a single fam- this might be stood on its head; imagine two ily (the Wallenbergs). Nonetheless, the Swed- competing parties, but both socialist. Let's call ish Social Democrats designed an attractive wel- one the Democratic Socialist party and the fare state that, rightly, has been the envy of other the Republican Social Democratic party; much of the world. It was wrested from Swed- let's imagine that the first leans a little less, the ish capitalism, while remaining dependent on it. second a little more to the use of market forces. A social democratic quandary: the purpose of Within the latter, in its right fringe, there might the welfare state is to mitigate the socially neg- even be a small group advocating unemploy- ative consequences of capitalist ownership, yet ment to remedy economic problems; perhaps it it is the latter's economic success that sustains would be called the Democratic Capitalists of the welfare state. Sweden. Sweden's economy is strained nowadays. A recent account of its woes in the Economist reports that "economic liberals" have "long This political situation presumes a socioeco- warned" that Sweden possessed "all the nomic hemisphere beyond the welfare state— ingredients for economic paralysis." These but not a statist one. Rather, I'd draw, with include the highest taxes and—oh, horror! — some variation, on the market socialist model "the most generous welfare state, the narrowest developed in Alec Nove's The Economics of wage differentials and the highest trade union Feasible Socialism. Rejecting command econ- membership" in the industrialized world. omies, it mixes limited sectors of public and Rueful that reality in which "last year a cabinet socialized but autonomous services and indus- minister took home, after tax, only about twice tries with worker-owned cooperatives, some as much as a blue-collar worker; in 1939 the small-scale private enterprise, and a realm of ratio was eight to one." The "uncomfortable free-lance individual activities. (My emphasis conclusion is that Sweden's real problem is its would be strongly on the cooperative sector.) commitment to full employment," for "by State intervention would take place both for virtually eliminating the threat of unemploy- social needs and to prevent monopolies, ment, the incentive to restrain wages has been oligopolies, and, generally the development of destroyed." conditions deleterious to fair market activities. Put aside contemporary Sweden (I am no Indicative planning would provide a long-term expert on it); reflect on the premises of the functional framework. Firms would be gov- Economist's argument; then imagine an alterna- erned by a system of industrial representative tive mode of thought, one that seeks to democracy; management would be responsible eliminate the incentive to unemployment. To to elected workers' councils, which, in go beyond the welfare state is to make its gains collaboration with consumers' councils, would irreversible and to democratize the conditions serve as the ultimate authority of enterprises. of production. It is to make employment, (Small cooperatives would employ more health care, housing—the basics of human direct democracy.) Courses on all aspects of welfare—together with democratic control of the enterprise and the economy would be the workplace "inalienable rights," much as readily available to employees in order to private property is for the Economist. enhance educated democratic control by them, WINTER • 1991 • 101 From Sweden to Socialism and to engender as much flexibility and relations—a community, but without a reified mobility within the division of labor as endziel. possible. A caveat. The fate of Sweden's economy, Finally, the array of public institutions we which is heavily export oriented, will be identify nowadays with the welfare state substantially dependent on current processes of would exist, but the principles governing European integration, even though Sweden is them would be those of social citizenship. To not a European Community member. The only retrieve Jaures's maritime metaphor: citizens alternative scenario is, to say the least, would see themselves in the same boat, and implausible: an egalitarian autarky, which not just politically. * This would be expressed would likely require both authoritarianism and in the type of society fashioned, its values (I plummeting living standards—a nordic Alba- stress the plural), its social and human nia, as it were. Consequently, the future of socialism in Sweden, no less its welfare state, * For a somewhat different application of Juares's will be conditioned by the general complexion metaphor to Sweden, see Adarri Prezeworski's Capitalism taken on by Europe as a whole in the coming and Social Democracy, Cambridge University Press. years. Lewis Cesar The term "scientific socialism" is an oxymo- in retreat since the early days of the New Deal. ron. Science pertains to the study of what is, What has been initial retreat has now become a whereas socialism is a vision of what can or full-scale rout.
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