Tribalism, Ethnicity, and the State in Pakistani Baluchistan: the Economics and Politics of Detribalization in an Urban Setting
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Tribalism, ethnicity, and the state in Pakistani Baluchistan: the economics and politics of detribalization in an urban setting by Paul Brian Titus ,, \ •• UNIVERSITYOF CALIFORNIA RIVERSIDE Tribalism. Ethn,city, and the State in Pakistani Baluchistan: The Ecor,omics and Politics of Detribaiization in an Urban Setting A Disi<ertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in • Anthropology by Paul Brian Titus December, 1991 Dissertation Committee: Professor Alan A. Beals, Co-Chairman Professor Michael Kearney, Co-Chairman Professor Martin Crans Professor Edna Bonacich Copyright by Paul Brian. Titus 1991 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This dissertalion is truly a social product, one which has come from the efforts and thoughts of a number of people. First I would like to express my thanks to and great admiration for my godfather, Dr. fart Lyon, with whom I initially formulated plans to do fieldwork in Baluchistan. His " :>bbef'Vationsand ccmm-,nL'l have kept me on my toes throughout the long process of research and writing. For their insights and support I also owe intellectual debts to each of my commit tee members, Ors. Alan Beals, Edna Bonacich, MichaelKearney, and Martin Orans. My years at U.C. Riverside have been a challenge and a delight because of them and others. The two years I spent in Pakistan studying Ordu and conducting fieldwork would not have been possible without the ~erous support of a number of people in the United States and Pakistan. My doctoral researc:tlwas funded by a grant from the American Institute of Pakistan Studies and I also greatly benefited from participation in the Berkeley Urdu Program in LahOre. My experience in Pakistan was all that a scholar could hope for. I was given all the support l sought and the freedom to pursuemy research as l pleased. Therefore wh~e many will see their input in this dissertation, only l am responsible for its con clusions. l owe special thanks to my advisers at Baluchistan University, Professor Ghulam Nabi Achakzai, Professor Abdur Rehman Brahui, and Professor Abdullah Jan Jemal dini. Others who contributed immensely to-my understanding of Baluchistan are Aziz iv Luni, Mir Agha Nasir Khan Ahmedzai, Tahir Muhammad Khan, Ayub Baluch, Janmah mad, and Professor Muhammad Khan Aaisini. Nawab Akbat Khan Bugti, Nawab Abdul Qadir Shaw,and Nawab Aslam Raisini were hospitable and generous with their time and their thoughts. I made many friends in Quetta who made my stay there enjoyable and produc tive. They include Suleiman Baluch, Hafiz Buzdar, Abdul Halim Muhammad Hasni, Abdul Hamid Shiwani, Abdul Ghalfar, Javed Baluch, Abdul Basith, Abdul Karim, Rashid Summalari, and Zinat and Senaullah Baluch. A number of Pakistani academics befriended me and were the source of intellec tual stimulation and much needed support. They include Or. Akmal Hussain, Ors. Adam and Doris Nayyar, and Dr. Akbar S. Ahmed who was CommissionerQuetta during part of my stay. I am also fortunate that Ms. RehanaAsghar, a 1ecturar at Baluchistan University, has been doing doetoral research at U.C. Riverside in the years when I have been com pletingthis work. She has providad me numerous insights and helped in translating several documents and tapes. Thanks also to Peter Dodd and the staff of the United States Education Founda tion in Pakistan for faclfrtating my research and for their hospitalitywhen my family and I were in ISlamabad. Thanks to the Quetta staff of MercyCorps lntematiOnal for video nights and wonderful lunches, and to the relaxed hospitalityof George and Pat Mi: Cormick. I owe my ability to speak and read (still rudimentary) Urdu to the staff of the Berkeley Urdu Language Program in Lahore and to my .ull4l;l in Quetta, Mr. Rehimullah. I wish I had more time to devote to learning that wonderful language. V I owe a special debt of thanks to Fred Buell of Fredon Enterprises who put lnnum berable hours into prc.ducing the maps and tables in this dissertation and giving it its final appearance. Mike Hogan also gave me assistance on several occasions with com puter matters. Joye Sage, Dawn Schmechel, and the other office staff in U.C. Riverside's Anthropology Department were very helpful, patient, and enjoyable throughout my career. A number of friends in Riverside, and especially in Canyon Crest Married Student Housing provided friendship, child care, and a wonderful sense of community during our years In Riverside. A word of thanks also to Leland Lubinsky fol the numerous books he passed my way and Just because. Finally this dissertation would not hava been possibl& without the love and unsel fish support of my wife, Jan, and my parents, Lee and Ruth. I cannot begin to repay them. vi ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Tribalism, Ethnicity, and the State in Pakistani Baluchistan: The Economics and Politics of Detribalizatio:, ;n an Urban Setting by Paul Brian Trtus Doctor of Philosophy, Graduate Program in Anthropology University of califomia, Riverside, December, 1991 Professors Michael Kearney and Alan R. Beals, Co-Chairmen At issue in this dissertation is the salience of tribal institutions and identities and that of ethnic or ethnic-nationalistones among 8aluchin Ouetta, · the capital of Pakis tani Baluchistan. Some evidence indicates that tribes, the genealogically and territorial ly defined subunits of 1he Baluch, retain legitimacy and practical r.etevancein contemporary Baluchistanyet circumstancescan readily move beyond the confines of tribes to activate more ~e loyalties. The major propositionunderlying this disser tation is that economic and politicalchanges caused by Baluchistan's integration into Pakistan are encouraging SUChbroader identities. It therefore seeks to assess the con figuration and strength of tribalism and Otheridentities and levels of social organization In Quetta, and to examine the economic and political contexts in which they take shape. It suggests that broadet', more inclusive ethnie, national, and-religious identities vU are replacing tribalism, and that while these identities may be conflicting, they are not necessarily exclusive. People can choose to act on the baSis of different principles in different social contexts. and indeed family, tribe, ethnic grc;>up,natiOnality, religion, etc. can all be viewed as identities that are partially. autonomous but also embedded wilhin one another. To explore these issues this dissertation examines the internal workings of Baluch society, and it examines Bal UChin their interaction with other ethnic groups and political powers. It begins by laying out the ethnographic and historical background of Baluchistan including the relationship between the people of the area and those con trolling the state of Pakistan. it also loOks at the relationships between Baluch and the members of the other major ethnic group indigenous to northern Baluchistan, the Push tun. It concludes that efforts to socially construct and control space are particularly relevant to the relations between Baluch and others. Data on the economic and polilical activities of Baluch in Quetta are the basis of this study. The economic data comes mainly from an examination of inter-city bus transportation. A portrait of this part of Baluchistan's economy which has seen both ethnic cooperation and c:onflictis drawn using data obtained through participant obser vation, interviews, and a survey. The politicaldata comas from two sources, a study of several of Quetta's self-defined social welfare organizations, and a study of the national and provincial elec:tionsof 1988 and the patties and personalities that tookpart in them. viii Table of Contents INTRODUCTION The Aims of the Dissertation . 2 TheData .............................. 7 Chapter Outline . 9 ll WHO IS BALUCH?: 1£THNICITYANO TRIBAUSMIN BALUCHISTAN • . • • • • • • • • • • • 11 Baluch Ethnicity . 14 Baluch Society . • . 15 Baluch Culture •.......................... 19 Language and Ethnicity . 21 Balucl'I Tribalism . • . 25 Ecology, Fraternity, Hierarchy . • . 26 Sections of Land, Sections of Blood . '" . 28 From Segmentation to Hierarchy . 31 Land, Blood,and Chiefsin Baluch TribaHsm . 34 Segmentation in Baluch Tribes . 35 Tribe and Territory in Baluchistan . 37 Hierarchy Within and Without . 38 Conclusion . • . 43 1 , NOTES . '. • • 45 II\ BALUCHNAMA: . , THE COURSEOF BALUCHHISTORY •••••••••• ; • • • • • • • • • • 46 Baluch Genesis . : . 50 SemiticOrigins . 51 Baluch Interpretations of Their Origins . 54 The Kalat Khanate and the Baluch Tribal Confederacy .......... 57 The Pre-historyof the Kalat Khanate . • . 57 The Development of the Kalat Khanate . ." . 59 The Nature of the Kalat Khanate . 62 Nationalist Historians View the Khanate . 64 British Colonialism in Baluchistan . 65 The Advent of the British . 66 The Emergence of Baluch Nationalism . 70 Baluch Interpretationsof the Impact of Colonialism . 73 Conclusion . 74 NOTES ................................... 76 HD IN THE lAND OF THE PURE: BAL.UCHIN THE POST-COLONIAL STATE ••••••••••••••••• , 78 An lntru.siveBureaucracy . 80 Pakistan's First Decade . 81 A Military-bureaucraticOligarc:tlY . 85 Bhutto's Populism .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ........ 87 Zia's Marital Rule . 88 Ethnic Groups and Quotas . 90 Geography and Political Economy in Pakistan . 92 States and Territory . 92 Regional Disparities . 94 Regional Identities . 97 The Territory of Pakistan . 99 Baluchistan's·State of Underdevelopment . · . 100 The Milltary's Role in Pakistan . 103 Pakistani and Baluch Nationalism . 109 Generalizing Nations .