DOCSLIB.ORG

Yemen Arab Republic Is a Member of UN and the Arab League

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Yemen Arab Republic Is a Member of UN and the Arab League Capita/: San'a YEMEN ARAB Population: 8·6m. (1988) REPUBLIC GNP per capita: US$650 (1988) al Jamhuriya al Arabiya al Yamaniya HISTORY. On the death of the Iman Ahmad on 18 Sept. 1962, arrny officers seized power on 26-27 Sept., declared his son, Saif Al-Islam Al-Badr (Iman Mansur Billah Muhammad), deposed and proclaimed a republic. The republican regime was supported by Egyptian troops, whereas the royalist tribes received aid from Saudi Arabia. On 24 Aug. 1965 President Nasser and King Faisal signed an agreement according to which the two powers are to support a plebiscite to deter­ mine the future of the Yemen; a conference of republican and royalist delegates met at Haradh on 23 Nov. 1965, but no plebiscite was agreed upon. At a meeting of the Arab heads of state in Aug. 1967 the President and the King agreed upon disen­ gaging themselves from the civil war in Yemen. At the time there were still about 50,000 Egyptian troops in the country, holding San'a, Ta'iz, Hodeida and the plains, whereas the mountains were in the hands of the royalist tribes. By the end of 1967 the Egyptians had withdrawn. In Dec. 1989 agreement was reached with the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen on a Constitution for a unified state. AREA AND POPULATION. In the north the boundary between the Yemen and Saudi Arabia has been defined by the Treaty of Taif concluded in lune 1934. This frontier starts from the sea at a point some 5 or 10 miles north of Maidi and runs due east inland until it reaches the hills some 30 miles from the coast, whence it runs northwards for approximately 50 miles so as to leave the Sa'da Basin within the Yemen. Thence it runs in an easterly and south-easterly direction until it reaches the desert area near Nejran. The area is about 73,300 sq. miles (195,000 sq. km) with a population of 8,105,974, census 1986; estimate (1988) 8,595,000. There were 1,168,199 citizens working abroad mainly in Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates not included in the census tota!. The capital is San'a with a popula­ tion of (1986) 427,150. Other important towns are the port of Hodeida (population, 155,110), and Ta'iz (178,043); other towns are Ibb, Yerim, Dhamar and the ports of Mokha and Loheiya. CLIMA TE. A desert climate, modified by relief. San'a. lan. 57°F (l3·9°C), luly 71°F (21·7°C). Annual rainfa1l20" (508 mm). CONSTITUTION AND GOVERNMENT. A general election was held on 5 luly 1988 for the 128 elective seats on the 159-member People's Consultative Assembly (Majlis ash-Shura); the remaining 31 seats are appointed by the Presi­ dent. The Consultative Assembly elects the President. President of the Republic: Co!. Ali Abdullah Saleh (elected 1978; re-elected 1983 and 1988). Vice-President: Abdel-Karim al-Arishi. The Council of Ministers in Dec. 1989 was composed as folIows: Prime Minister: Maj. Abdel Aziz Abdel Ghani. Deputy Prime Ministers: Lieut.-Co!. Mujahid Abu Shawrib (Internal Affairs), Dr Abdel Karim al-Iryani (Foreign Affairs), Dr Muhammad Said al-Attar (Develop­ ment), Dr Hassan Mohammed Makki. Agriculture and Fisheries: Dr Nasir Abdullah al-Awlaqi. Waafs and Religious Guidance: Qadi Ali bin Ali as-Samman. Legal and Consultative Assembly Affairs: Ismail Ahmad al-Wazir. Education: Ahmed Muhammad al-Unsi. Communications: 1596 J. Paxton (Ed.), The Statesman’s Year-Book © Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publishers Limited 1990 YEMEN AR AB REPUBLIC 1597 Ahmad Khadim al -Wajih. Economy: Dr Abd at-Wahhab Mahmud Abd al Hamid. Civil Service and Administrative Reform: Muhammad Abdullah al-Jayfi. Power, Water and Draina!:e : Jamal Muhammad Abduh. Finance: Alawi Salah as-Salami. Health: Muhammad Ali Muqbil. Inj()rmarion and Culture: Hassan Ahmad al­ Lawzi. Interior: Abdullah Hussain Barakat. lustice: Lieut.-Col. Muhsin Muhammad al-Ulufi. Soda! Aij'airs and Lahollr: Ahmad Muhammad Luqman. MlInici{Jalities and HO/Hin!:: Muhsin Ali al-Hamadani. Oi! and Mineral Resollrces: Ahmad Ali al-Muhani. Puhlic Works and Transport: Abdullah Hussain al­ Kurshumi. Yourh and Sports: Dr Muhammad Ahmad al-Kabab. Yemen Unity Affairs: Yahya Hussain al-Arashi. National j7ag : Three horizomal stripes of red, white, black, with a green star in the cemre. Loml govemment: There are 11 provinces (Liwa'): Sa'dah, Bayda, San'a, Hodcida, Hajjah, Jawf, Mahwit, Marib, Dhamar, Ibb and Ta' iz. DEFENCE. Military service for 3 years is compulsory. Army. The Army consists 01' 3 armoured, I mechanized, 9 infantry, 2 para­ commando, I Special Forces, 5 anillery brigades, I central guard force and 3 anli­ aircraft artillery and 2 air defence battalions. Equipment includes 100 T-34, 480 T-54/-55, 20 T-62 and 64 M-60A I main batlle tanks. Strength (1989) 35,000. Navy. The f10tilla consists of 3 US-buill and 5 Soviet-built inshore patrol craft, 3 Soviet-built inshore minehunters and 4 smallianding craf\. Personnel in 1989 num­ bered 500. Air Force. Built up with aid from both the USA and USSR, as weil as Saudi Arabia, the Air Force is believed to be receiving many new Soviet aircraft. Currem equipment includes 15 Su-22 fighter-bombers, 30 MiG-21 and 14 F-5 fighters, a total of 14 11-14, An-12, An-24/26, C-130 Hercules and Skyvan transports, and over 30 Mi-8 and Agusta-Bell JetRanger and 212 helicopters. Personnel (1990) about 1.000. INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Membership. The Yemen Arab Republic is a member of UN and the Arab League. ECONOMY Planning. The Third Development Plan (1987-92) provides investment of US$3,776m. (40% foreign aid), and concemrates principally on agricultural devel­ opment. Budget. The budget for 1989 provided for expenditure of 20,789m. riyal and revenue of 16.04Im. ri yal. Currency. The currency is the riyalof 1001ils. In March 1990, 16·03 riyal = EI and 9·78 riyal = US$I. ENERGY AND NATURAL RESOURCES Electricity. Production (1986) 556m. kwh. Oil. The first large-scale oilfield and pipeline was inaugurated in 1987, following the discovery in 1984. Production ( 1989) 10m. tonnes. Minerals. The only commercial mineral being exploited is salt and (1985) produc­ tion was 169,000 tons. Reserves (estimate) 25m. IOnnes. Agriculture. Of the total area of 19· Sm. hectares, I·3m. are arable or permanent crops. Cotton is grown in the Tihama, the coastal bell, round Bait al Faqih and Zabid. Fruit is plentiful, especially fine grapes from the San'a district. Production (1988. in 1,000 tonnes): Sorghum, 542; potatoes, 117; grapes, 133; dates, 15; wheat, 132; barley, 48; maize, 53. 1598 YEMEN ARAB REPUBLIC Livestock (1988): Cattle, 1,053,000; camels, 63,000; sheep, 2,674,000; goats, 1,709,000; poultry, 23m. Fisheries. Total catch (1986) 22,300 tonnes. INDUSTRY AND TRADE Industry. There is very little industry. The largest is a textile factory at San'a. Pro­ duction of cement (1982) 85,000 tonnes. Commerce. Imports totalled 11, 155m. riyals in 1986, the largest items being food and live animals. Exports totalled 96·7m. in 1985. Total trade between Yemen Arab Republic and UK (British Department of Trade returns, in f1 ,000 sterling): 1986 1987 1988 1989 Imports to UK 2,106 2,306 1,532 1,598 Exports and re-exports from UK 58,149 55,334 42,564 41,653 Tourism. There were about 44,000 tourists in 1986. COMMUNICATIONS Roads. There were (1985) 37,000 km of roads and (1986) 125,000 cars. Aviation. There are 3 international airports: San'a, Ta'iz and Hodeida. Shipping. Hodeida, Mokha, Salif and Loheiya are the 4 main ports. Post and Broadcasting. There were about 35,000 telephones in 1984. In 1986 there were 50,000 television and 200,000 radio receivers. RELIGION, EDUCATION AND WELFARE Religion. The population is almost entirely Moslem, comprising 39% Sunni (Shafi'i) and 59% Shi'a (Zaidi). Education. There were (1985-86) 904,487 pupils at primary schools, 112,922 in secondary schools, and 11,616 at teacher-training establishments. In 1982 the Uni­ versity of San'a (founded in 1974) had 6,719 students. Health. In 1986 there were 1,234 physicians and 60 hospitals and health centres with 5,986 beds. DIPLOMA TIC REPRESENT A TIVES Of Yemen Arab Republic in Great Britain (41 South St., London, W I Y 5PD) Ambassador: Ahmed Daifellah AI-Azeib (accredited 16 Oct. 1982). Of Great Britain in Yemen Arab Republic (129 Haddah Rd., San'a) Amhassador and Consul-General: M. A. Marshall. Of Yemen Arab Republic in the USA (600 New Hampshire Ave., NW, Washing- ton, D.C., 20037) Amhassador: Mohsin A. Alaini. Of the USA in Yemen Arab Republic (P.O. Box 1088, San'a) Ambassador: Charles F. Dunbar. Of Yemen Arab Republic to the United Nations Amhassador: Mohamed Abdulaziz Sallam. Further Reading Bidwell, R., The Two Yemens. Boulder and London, 1983 EI Mallakh, R., The Economic Development of Ihe Yemen Arab Republic. London, 1986 Peterson, J. E., Yemen: TheSearchfora Modern Siaie. London, 1982 Smith, G. R, The Yemens. [Bibliography] Oxford and Santa Barbara, 1984 .
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Minority Rights Group International : Yemen : Yemen Overview
    Minority Rights Group International : Yemen : Yemen Overview World Directory of Minorities Middle East MRG Directory –> Yemen –> Yemen Overview Yemen Overview Last updated: February 2012 Environment Peoples History Governance Current state of minorities and indigenous peoples Environment Yemen lies on the southern tip of the Arabian Peninsula, bordering Saudi Arabia to the north and Oman to the east. Its western coast lies along the Red Sea, and its long southern coast along the Gulf of Aden. Yemen can be very crudely divided between its mountainous interior, its western coastal plain of Tihama, and the Hadramawt region in the south- east. It is an arid state with significant oil and gas reserves which provide the country with 75 per cent of its income. The World Bank has however projected that these reserves will run out by 2017. Peoples Main languages: Arabic and South Arabian (Mehri, Soqotri, Bathari) Main religions: Shafa’i Sunni (65-70%), Zaydi Shia (30-35%) and Isma’ili Islam (small, unknown) Main minority groups: Zaydis 6.6-7.7 million (30-35%), Akhdam 440,000-1.1 million (2-5%), Isma’ilis (a few thousand), Jews 500 (.002%) [Note: Percentages for Zaydis and Shafa’is, the number for Jews, and the estimate of Isma’ilis are taken from US Comission on International Religious Freedom 2007. The percentage range for Akhdam comes from the US State Department’s human rights report on Yemen for 2006. The total population of Yemen is 24 million according to the 2010 World Development Indicators from the World Bank.] Demographic statistics for Yemen are unreliable, but nearly all Yemenis are Muslim.
    [Show full text]
  • Yemen in Crisis
    A Conflict Overlooked: Yemen in Crisis Jamison Boley Kent Evans Sean Grassie Sara Romeih Conflict Risk Diagnostic 2017 Conflict Background Yemen has a weak, highly decentralized central government that has struggled to rule the northern Yemen Arab Republic (YAR) and the southern People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen (PDRY).1 Since the unification of these entities in 1990, Yemen has experienced three civil conflicts. As the poorest country in the Arab world, Yemen faces serious food and water shortages for a population dispersed over mountainous terrain.2 The country’s weaknesses have been exploited by Saudi Arabia which shares a porous border with Yemen. Further, the instability of Yemen’s central government has created a power vacuum filled by foreign states and terrorist groups.3 The central government has never had effective control of all Yemeni territory. Ali Abdullah Saleh, who was president of Yemen for 34 years, secured his power through playing factions within the population off one another. The Yemeni conflict is not solely a result of a Sunni-Shia conflict, although sectarianism plays a role.4 The 2011 Arab Spring re-energized the Houthi movement, a Zaydi Shia movement, which led to the overthrow of the Saleh government. Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi took office as interim president in a transition led by a coalition of Arab Gulf states and backed by the United States. Hadi has struggled to deal with a variety of problems, including insurgency, the continuing loyalty of many military officers to former president Saleh, as well as corruption, unemployment and food insecurity.5 Conflict Risk Diagnostic Indicators Key: (+) Stabilizing factor; (-) Destabilizing factor; (±) Mixed factor Severe Risk - Government military expenditures have been generally stable between 2002-2015, at an average of 4.8% of GDP.
    [Show full text]
  • The Two Yemens
    1390_A24-A34 11/4/08 5:14 PM Page 543 330-383/B428-S/40005 The Two Yemens 171. Telegram From the Department of State to the Embassy in the People’s Republic of Southern Yemen1 Washington, February 27, 1969, 1710Z. 30762. Subj: US–PRSY Relations. 1. PRSY UN Perm Rep Nu’man,2 who currently in Washington as PRSYG observer at INTELSAT Conference, had frank but cordial talk with ARP Country Director Brewer February 26. 2. In analyzing causes existing coolness in USG–PRSYG relations, Ambassador Nu’man claimed USG failure offer substantial aid at time of independence and subsequent seizure of American arms with clasped hands insignia3 in possession of anti-PRSYG dissidents had led Aden to “natural” conclusion that USG distrusts PRSYG. He specu- lated this due to close US relationship with Saudis whom Nu’man al- leged, somewhat vaguely, had privately conveyed threats to overthrow NLF regime, claiming USG support. Nu’man asserted PRSYG desired good relations with USG and hoped USG would reciprocate. 3. Recalling history of USG attempts to develop good relations with PRSYG, Brewer underlined our feeling it was PRSYG which had not re- ciprocated. He reviewed our position re non-interference PRSY internal affairs, regretting publicity anti-USG charges (e.g. re arms) without first seeking our explanation. Brewer noted USG seeks maintain friendly relations with Saudi Arabia as well as PRSYG but we not responsible for foreign policy of either. 4. Nu’man reiterated SAG responsible poor state Saudi-PRSY con- tacts. Brewer demurred, noting SAG had good reasons be concerned over hostile attitude PRSYG leaders.
    [Show full text]
  • Institutional Change and the Egyptian Presence in Yemen 1962-19671
    1 Importing the Revolution: Institutional change and the Egyptian presence in Yemen 1962-19671 Joshua Rogers Accepted version. Published 2018 in Marc Owen Jones, Ross Porter and Marc Valeri (eds.): Gulfization of the Arab World. Berlin, London: Gerlach, pp. 113-133. Abstract Between 1962 and 1967, Egypt launched a large-scale military intervention to support the government of the newly formed Yemen Arab Republic. Some 70,000 Egyptian military personnel and hundreds of civilian advisors were deployed with the stated aim to ‘modernize Yemeni institutions’ and ‘bring Yemen out of the Middle Ages.’ This article tells the story of this significant top-down and externally-driven transformation, focusing on changes in the military and formal government administration in the Yemen Arab Republic and drawing on hitherto unavailable Egyptian archival material. Highlighting both the significant ambiguity in the Egyptian state-building project itself, as well as the unintended consequences that ensued as Egyptian plans collided with existing power structures; it traces the impact of Egyptian intervention on new state institutions, their modes of functioning, and the articulation of these ‘modern’ institutions, particularly the military and new central ministries, with established tribal and village-based power structures. 1. Introduction On the night of 26 September 1962, a column of T-34 tanks trundled through the streets of Sana‗a and surrounded the palace of the new Imam of Yemen, Mu ammad al-Badr,2 who had succeeded his father Imam ‘ mad (r.1948-62) only one week earlier. Opening fire shortly before midnight, the Yemeni Free Officers announced the ‗26 September Revolution‘ on Radio Sana‗a and declared the formation of a new state: the Yemen Arab Republic (YAR).
    [Show full text]
  • United Arab Republic 1 United Arab Republic
    United Arab Republic 1 United Arab Republic ةدحتملا ةيبرعلا ةيروهمجلا Al-Gumhuriyah al-Arabiyah al-Muttahidah Al-Jumhuriyah al-Arabiyah al-MuttahidahUnited Arab Republic ← → 1958–1961 ← (1971) → ← → Flag Coat of arms Anthem Oh My Weapon[1] Capital Cairo Language(s) Arabic [2] Religion Secular (1958–1962) Islam (1962–1971) Government Confederation President - 1958–1970 Gamal Abdel Nasser United Arab Republic 2 Historical era Cold War - Established February 22, 1958 - Secession of Syria September 28, 1961 - Renamed to Egypt 1971 Area - 1961 1166049 km2 (450214 sq mi) Population - 1961 est. 32203000 Density 27.6 /km2 (71.5 /sq mi) Currency United Arab Republic pound Calling code +20 Al-Gumhuriyah al-Arabiyahةدحتملا ةيبرعلا ةيروهمجلا :The United Arab Republic (Arabic al-Muttahidah/Al-Jumhuriyah al-Arabiyah al-Muttahidah), often abbreviated as the U.A.R., was a sovereign union between Egypt and Syria. The union began in 1958 and existed until 1961, when Syria seceded from the union. Egypt continued to be known officially as the "United Arab Republic" until 1971. The President was Gamal Abdel Nasser. During most of its existence (1958–1961) it was a member of the United Arab States, a confederation with North Yemen. The UAR adopted a flag based on the Arab Liberation Flag of the Egyptian Revolution of 1952, but with two stars to represent the two parts. This continues to be the flag of Syria. In 1963, Iraq adopted a flag that was similar but with three stars, representing the hope that Iraq would join the UAR. The current flags of Egypt, Sudan, and Yemen are also based on Arab Liberation Flag of horizontal red, white, and black bands.
    [Show full text]
  • The Case of the Saudi-Iranian Rivalry Pauline Crepy Edited by Cassandra Moschella and Madeleine Northfeld
    FLUX: International Relations Review Proxy Warfare’s Impact on Sectarianization: The Case of the Saudi-Iranian Rivalry Pauline Crepy edited by Cassandra Moschella and Madeleine Northfeld 22 23 FLUX: International Relations Review Cover art: Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates have committed a school the region or makes inroads with Western powers, it has to come at the expense bus bombing in Yemen in August 2018, killing 40 children. In response, an event of the other” (Robins-Early 2017). of blue backpacks was held in Chicago, IL, to remember the loss of these children. In order to attain such infuence in the region, one wonders what makes the Source: Charles Edward Miller. November 30, 2018, https://fic.kr/p/R9emBy. Middle East susceptible to the strategy of proxy warfare. Within the context of the Saudi-Iranian rivalry, the power of religious identity has occupied a central role Tis article was submitted to POLI 360: War and Peace. in the permeability of neighboring states to indirect warfare. In efect, the rivals recognize the possibility for political gain in the confict between the Sunnis Abstract and Shi’as and capitalize on pre-existing sectarian tensions to gain regional Te Saudi Arabian and Iranian rivalry has torn the Middle East apart, dominance. To better understand the prevalence of proxy warfare in the Middle aggravating the region’s struggles concerning persistent authoritarianism, East, one must turn to the sectarianization thesis; sectarianization is “an active militia violence, and sectarian tensions. Tis paper explores the impact of proxy process shaped by political actors operating within specifc contexts, pursuing warfare on sectarianization by studying the case of the Saudi-Iranian rivalry in political goals that involve the mobilization of popular sentiments around both Syria and Yemen.
    [Show full text]
  • The International History of the Yemen Civil War, 1962-1968
    The International History of the Yemen Civil War, 1962-1968 The Harvard community has made this article openly available. Please share how this access benefits you. Your story matters Citation Orkaby, Asher Aviad. 2014. The International History of the Yemen Civil War, 1962-1968. Doctoral dissertation, Harvard University. Citable link http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:12269828 Terms of Use This article was downloaded from Harvard University’s DASH repository, and is made available under the terms and conditions applicable to Other Posted Material, as set forth at http:// nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:dash.current.terms-of- use#LAA The International History of the Yemen Civil War, 1962-1968 A dissertation presented by Asher Aviad Orkaby to The Committee on Middle Eastern Studies in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the subject of History and Middle Eastern Studies Harvard University Cambridge, Massachusetts April 2014 © 2014 Asher Aviad Orkaby All rights reserved. III Dissertation Advisor: Roger Owen Author: Asher Aviad Orkaby The International History of the Yemen Civil War, 1962-68 Abstract The deposition of Imam Muhammad al-Badr in September 1962 was the culmination of a Yemeni nationalist movement that began in the 1940s with numerous failed attempts to overthrow the traditional religious legal order. Prior to 1962, both the USSR and Egypt had been cultivating alliances with al-Badr in an effort to secure their strategic interests in South Arabia. In the days following the 1962 coup d'état, Abdullah Sallal and his cohort of Yemeni officers established a republic and concealed the fate of al- Badr who had survived an assault on his Sana’a palace and whose supporters had already begun organizing a tribal coalition against the republic.
    [Show full text]
  • Unification in Yemen
    UNIFICATION IN YEMEN Dynamics of Political Integration, 1978-2000 Sharif Ismail Wadham College Thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the degree of MPhil in Modern Middle Eastern Studies Faculty of Oriental Studies, University of Oxford 1 Contents Acknowledgements 3 List of Abbreviations 4 Maps 5 1. Introduction 10 2. Theories and Methods 12 Deutsch, Security Communities and the Pluralist Model 12 The Challenge from Functionalism and Neo-functionalism 14 Federalism and Lessons from Etzioni 14 Migdal and the Question of ‘Social Control’ 15 Towards a Synthesis 16 Methodology 17 3. Reviewing Elite-centred Histories of Unification 19 Constrained State-building, Accommodation and Co-option in the YAR 19 Weakening State Control in the PDRY 21 The Enduring Theme: discourses of a united Yemen 23 Explaining Unification 23 Elite-level Politics in the Transition Period 25 Elite-level Politics after 1994: S!lih and the GPC triumphant 28 4. Coercive Contest: the limits of the state’s attempts to enforce integration 30 Theoretical Considerations 30 The Situation in the North pre-1990 31 The Situation in the South pre-1990 34 The Transition Period 37 The Civil War 39 The Post-War Impasse: negotiating a limited ‘Security State’ 40 Conclusion 43 5. The Battle for Control of Yemen’s Water Resources 45 Theoretical Considerations 45 The Situation in the North pre-1990 46 The Situation in the South pre-1990 48 The Transition Period 51 Political Compromise, 1994-2000: the limits of state control 53 Conclusion 55 6. Defining a New National Discourse in the Education Sector 56 Theoretical Considerations 56 The Situation in the North pre-1990 56 The Situation in the South pre-1990 60 The Transition Period 63 Negotiating the Education Agenda, 1994-2000 67 Conclusion 69 7.
    [Show full text]
  • The Communist Part of the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen: An
    CONTEMPORARY 'YEMEN:_) POliTICS AND HISTORICAl BACKGROUND EDITED BY B.R. PRIDHAM ST. MARTIN'S PRESS New York THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF THE PEOPLE'S 15 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF YEMEN: AN ANALYSIS OF ITS STRENGTHS AND WEAKNESSES John Duke Anthony The People's Democratic Republic of Yemen (PDRY) has been governed by a militant, Marxist-oriented regime since June 1969. Although a local communist party, the People's Democratic Union (PDU), has existed for two decades, the party has never been the dominant power in South Yemeni (PDRY) politics. Throughout the past decade the PDU's status and role in national affairs have been highly circumscribed by the practical necessity, both legal and political, for it to operate in close association with a substantially larger organisation. In 1983, the party enjoyed official status in the prevailing larger organisation -the Yemen Socialist Party (YSP). Commupist party members hold one of five posts in the YSP's Politburo- which is both the YSP's and the government's highest policy­ making body-and several seats on the YSP's 47-member Central Committee. In addition, party representatives sit in the non-party Ill-member Supreme People's Council, which serves as a consulta­ tive body and debating forum for the government. These positions, in addition to other, less formal ones within the national power structure, accord the party a degree of influence in PDRY politics far beyond what its limited membership (estimated at less than five hundred) would suggest. Evolution of the Communist Party The party's headquarters, both before and since national indepen­ dence in late 1967, have always been in the South Yemen capital of Aden.
    [Show full text]
  • Conflict in Yemen: a Sectarian Strife Or Petro-Geopolitics?
    International Journal of Humanities and Social Science Invention (IJHSSI) ISSN (Online): 2319 – 7722, ISSN (Print): 2319 – 7714 www.ijhssi.org ||Volume 7 Issue 01||January. 2018 || PP.20-25 Conflict in Yemen: A Sectarian Strife or Petro-geopolitics? Dr. S. Fazal D. Firdausi1, Dr. Anshu2 Assistant Professor, CEC, Savitribai Phule Pune University (University of Pune), Pune Associate Professor, Department of Geography, Kirori Mal College, University of Delhi, Delhi Corresponding Author: Dr. S. Fazal D. Firdausi Abstract: Spatial distribution of Petroleum resources and the pattern of its usage is muddled with conflicts and battles for space and power played out in diverse geographical settings. Huge oil reserves and very low cost of production makes the Middle East most outstanding economic region of the world. Yemen, one among the poorest countries of the world has been reeling under multiple crises for years. Currently civil war is going between pro-government and Houthi groups. The situation is proving to be more complex due to the presence of other terrorist groups such as al-Qaeda and ISIS. Yemen has not been endowed with huge oil reserves like other of its Arab counterparts. But it lies on the nerve centre of oil transit and transport to Europe, USA and Asia due to its proximity to Bab-el-Mandeb Strait and Gulf of Aden. Its strategic location manifold increases its geopolitical significance. The on-going strife in Yemen may be interpreted as sectarian or having petro- geopolitical connotations, the only group losing all battles are the poor and common people. Problem in Yemen is soon going to become a huge humanitarian crisis, since millions are being deprived of life-sustaining commodities and basic services.
    [Show full text]
  • World Bank Document
    CONFORMED COPY Public Disclosure Authorized CREDIT NUMBER 376 YAR (Amendment) Public Disclosure Authorized AGREEMENT AMENDING DEVELOPMENT CREDIT AGREEMENT (Tihama Development Project) between YEMEN ARAB REPUBLIC and INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT ASSOCIATION Public Disclosure Authorized Dated April 9, 1976 Public Disclosure Authorized AGREEMENT AMENDING DEVELOPMENT CREDIT AGREEMENT AGREEMENT, dated April 9, 1976, between YEMEN ARAB REPUBLIC (hereinafter called the Borrower) and INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT ASSOCIATION (hereinafter called the Association). WHEREAS (A) By a Development Credit Agreement (Tihama Develop- ment Project) dated May 7, 1973, between the Borrower and the Asso- ciation (hereinafter called the 1973 Agreement), the Association made a development credit to the Borrower in an amount in various currencies equivalent to ten million nine hundred thousand dollars ($10,900,000) on the terms and conditions set forth in the 1973 Agreement; (B) Supplemental financing is now necessary to cover the es- timated increases in the cost of carrying out the Project described in Schedule 2 to the 1973 Agreement; (C) By Agreement dated January 17, 1976, the Kuwait Fund for Arab Economic Development (hereinafter called the Kuwait Fund) has agreed to make a loan (hereinafter called the Second Kuwait Fund Loan) to the Borrower in an amount of two million eight hundred thousand Kuwaiti Dinars (KD2,800,000) to assist in financing part of the Project on the terms and conditions therein set forth; and (D) The Association has agreed to amend the 1973 Agreement by adding the equivalent of ten million three hundred thousand -2- dollars ($10,300,000) to the amount of the said credit, upon the terms and conditions hereinafter set forth; NOW THEREFORE, it is hereby agreed as follows: 0 - 3 - ARTICLE I Section 1.01.
    [Show full text]
  • Why Did the Transition Process in Yemen Fail?" by Kim SALMUTTER
    "Why did the transition process in Yemen fail?" By Kim SALMUTTER Course “Islam and Politics in a Changing Middle East” Taught by Stéphane Lacroix at Sciences Po Spring 2017 This paper has received the KSP Student Paper Award of the Kuwait Program at Sciences Po The copyright of this paper remains the property of its author. No part of the content may be reproduced, published, distributed, copied or stored for public or private use without written permission of the author. All authorisation requests should be sent to [email protected] Why did the Transitional Process in Yemen fail? There is a growing consensus among Yemen experts that the transitional process of 2011–2014 failed because of the gap in policy-makers’ understanding of Yemen, the country’s generally lower order priority as opposed to seemingly more urgent conflicts in the region, and a grave mismatch between the needs of the Yemeni people and the priorities of the transition’s foreign sponsors. In 2014, Yemen was referred to as one of the success stories of the Arab Spring, today, it is dubbed “the world’s newest failed state” that is under threat of becoming little more than a country defined by its geographical borders and in which no single group wields the balance of power. Within months, a Northern rebel group known as Ansarullah (the Houthis) seized the capital Sana’a, which launched a protracted conflict that has since transformed into a civil war, involves a Saudi-led intervention, and has developed to an extent that it has become difficult to imagine a return to any peaceful settlement.
    [Show full text]