@Gepapak's Profile // Twitonomy
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@Androulakis's Profile // Twitonomy
@androulakis's profile // Twitonomy http://www.twitonomy.com/profile.php?sn=androulakis @androulakis Mimis Androulakis Analyze Twitter's profile of @ androulakis 294 tweets 1,953 following 32,699 followers 542 listed Joined Twitter on May 3, 2008 as user #14,638,433 Συγγραφέας, δηµοσιογράφος, λάτρης του ραδιοφώνου. Tweets http://t.co/z0cT8Z5mUH Athens, Greece Mimis Androulakis @androulakis April 11, 2014, 7:14 am via web 0 3 Does not follow you Βουντού στις αγορές : Εµείς λέµε ούτε placebo, ούτε nocebo αλλά crisis management mimisandroulakis.blogspot.gr/2014/04/placeb… 17 followers/following 17 listed/1,000 followers Mimis Androulakis @androulakis April 9, 2014, 9:35 am via web 1 2 “Εδώ είναι Κρήτη , εδώ είναι ο Νότος ”, ξαδέλφη Άνγκελα ! - οι Μινωίτες στη Γερµανία το 1400 π.Χ.! mimisandroulakis.blogspot.gr/2014/04/blog-p… Tweets Analytics Mimis Androulakis @androulakis April 9, 2014, 7:31 am via web 3 2 “Εδώ είναι Κρήτη , εδώ είναι ο Νότος ”, ξαδέλφη Άνγκελα ! mimisandroulakis.blogspot.gr/2014/04/blog-p… Last updated 13 minutes ago Mimis Androulakis @androulakis April 7, 2014, 8:35 am via web 1 1 294 tweets from May 03, 2008 to April 14, 2014 1 Πάει καιρός που έκανες το κάρβουνο χρυσάφι mimisandroulakis.net/?page_id=448 Mimis Androulakis @androulakis March 31, 2014, 2:44 pm via web 2 4 tweets per day retweets 1% Άργησες πολύ , το ‘ χασες το τρένο , άργησες πολύ , δε σε περιµένω (M.A.) 0.14 2 mimisandroulakis.net/?page_id=448 Mimis Androulakis @androulakis March 26, 2014, 5:36 pm via web 1 3 103 user mentions 0.35 41 replies 14% Μια µυστική -
Koliastasis P Phd 280714.Pdf
Title The permanent campaign strategy of Greek Prime Ministers (1996–2011) Candidate Panagiotis Koliastasis Degree This thesis is submitted in fulfillment of the requirements of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy 4 Abstract Various academic authors have analysed the implementation, the causes and the impact of the permanent campaign strategy by political executives in presidential and parliamentary systems, notably the United States and United Kingdom. This study builds on this literature and extends the research on the permanent campaign in the European parliamentary majoritarian context by examining contemporary Greece as a national case study. In particular, the study addresses three questions. First, did contemporary Greek Prime Ministers adopt the permanent campaign strategy? Second, why did they do so? Third, what impact did the implementation of the permanent campaign have on their public approval? The research focuses on the cases of three successive Prime Ministers in Greece: Costas Simitis (1996–2004), Kostas Karamanlis (2004–2009) and George Papandreou (2009-2011). Simitis and Papandreou were leaders of the centre-left PASOK, while Karamanlis was the leader of the centre-right New Democracy. The study finds that all three Prime Ministers undertook the permanent campaign strategy in order to maintain public approval, aligning themselves with their British and American counterparts. They established new communication units within the primeministerial apparatus, consulted with communication professionals to form a coherent communication -
19 March 2010
THE GREEK AUSTRALIAN The oldest circulating Greek newspaper outside VEMA Greece MARCH 2010 Tel. (02) 9559 7022 Fax: (02) 9559 7033 E-mail: [email protected] COPING WITH TEENAGERS A scientific view of the adolescent brain PAGE 3/21 GREECE DEBT: EU AGREES BAILOUT DEAL The eurozone has agreed to a multibillion-euro bailout for getary surveillance" of all 16 participating countries. The aim Papandreou says Greece as part of a package to shore up the single curren- is a new regime of "reinforced economic policy co-ordina- cy after weeks of crisis, the Guardian has learnt. tion" in the EU. talks with Obama Senior sources in Brussels said that Berlin had bowed to "This is the essential lesson that has to be learned from successful the bailout agreement despite huge resistance in Germany the Greek case," Olli Rehn of Finland, the new commission- and that the finance ministers of the "eurozone" - the 16 er for economic and monetary affairs, told the Guardian PAGE 12/30 member states including Greece who use the euro - were (and four other European papers). to finalise the rescue package on Monday 15 March. "The Greek case is a potential turning point for the euro- The single currency's rulebook will also be rewritten to zone," said Rehn in the interview. "If Greece fails and we enforce greater fiscal discipline among members. fail, this will do serious and maybe permanent damage to The member states have agreed on "co-ordinated bilater- the credibility of the European Union. The euro is not only a al contributions" in the form of loans or loan guarantees to monetary arrangement, but a core political project of the Eu- Greece if Athens finds itself unable to refinance its soaring ropean Union … In that sense, we are at a crossroads." debt and requests help from the EU, a senior European com- While ready to bail out the Greeks if only on terms of "rig- mission official said. -
& Workers' Liberty
So& Wloirkdersa’ Lirbeirtty y No 247 23 May 2012 30p/80p www.workersliberty.org For a workers’ government Quebec government Rebekah Brooks Capitalism: tries to ban protest is angry can it last? page 3 page 4 page 9 Solidarity against bankers’ cuts blackmail See page Help the 5 Greek le ft! 6 May: Syriza leader Alexis Tsipras celebrates with supporters on gaining 17% in the elections; 21 May: Tsipras visits Paris seeking solidarity for Syriza’s stance against austerity NEWS What is the Alliance for Workers’ Liberty? Soaring cost of childcare Today one class, the working class, lives by selling its labour power to another, the capitalist class, By Esther Townsend Under current rules evitably reduce the quality but whether they can use it which owns the means of production. Society there has to be one carer of childcare and the at all. In the last two years, is shaped by the capitalists’ relentless drive to No wonder it is expen - for three children aged five amount of engagement 24% of mothers have left increase their wealth. Capitalism causes sive to bring up children. or younger. Truss wants a and interaction children re - work, and 16% have re - In January 2012, child - poverty, unemployment, the blighting of lives by ratio of 1:5. She argues that ceive. duced their hours, because care costs were a whop - the current ratio limits the The Department for Ed - overwork, imperialism, the destruction of the childcare costs are too ex - ping £63,099 of a total income of childcarers (an ucation says it is investing environment and much else. -
Ten Months That Shook Greece
Chapter 5 Ten Months that Shook Greece Chapter 5 chronicles the events that led to the clash between the students and the regime, reconstructing the ten-month countdown to the climax of the student movement and its ultimate suppression. Further, this chapter explores the processes put in motion at the peak of the Junta’s “liberalization experiment” and the main public expressions of the student revolt: the No- vember 1973 Polytechnic occupations in both Athens and Salonica and their forerunners, the Athens Law School occupations in February and March of the same year. Th e chapter closes with the aftermath of the Polytech- nic, including the brief interregnum of the Ioannidis dictatorship and the abrupt passage to the postdictatorship period in the summer of 1974, the so-called Metapolitefsi. It traces the continuation of the student movement with its parallel radicalization and disintegration, this time under democratic conditions. Th e 1973 Reforms and Student Radicalization By 1973, the Colonels’ regime was approaching the apogee of its liberal- ization experiment. Georgios Papadopoulos had decided to personalize the regime (serving as regent, prime minister, minister of foreign aff airs, minister of defense, and minister of government policy) and to some extent to enforce the Constitution of 1968.1 Beginning in late 1972 with a counseling com- mittee, or “miniparliament,” as it came to be known, Papadopoulos urged his trusted men to speed up the process of restoring some form of parlia- mentarism. Th e state’s attitude to protest had meanwhile been wavering. In the beginning, always in line with the normalization experiment, protest policing—the barometer of the political opportunities available for social movements—was milder, a situation that favors the diff usion of protest.2 In contrast to the period of “clandestinity,” public space became the object of contestation.