Russia Intelligence N°70 of January 30), on the Russian Side, and Dmitry Firtash + PDF + Archives Acess) on the Ukrainian Side

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Russia Intelligence N°70 of January 30), on the Russian Side, and Dmitry Firtash + PDF + Archives Acess) on the Ukrainian Side N°71 - February 14 2008 Published every two weeks / International Edition CONTENTS KREMLIN P. 1-3 Politics & Government c Medvedev vs Sechin : the Khodorkovsky test KREMLIN c Medvedev vs Sechin : The Khodorkovsky affair, returned again to the forefront of the legal news during the first week of the Khodorkovsky test February, could become a sort of test of the freedom of movement that the future Russian President BEHIND THE SCENE Dmitry Medvedev could benefit from concerning supervision of the «organs of power «. This, in any case, c Kurile islands: progress is what a certain number of sound experts of the Khodorkovsky brief and its most recent developments in sight ? believe. It is known that the former attorney and legal director of Yukos, Vassily Aleksanyan, 36, suf- FOCUS fering fom AIDS, finally obtained the right to be treated and transferred to a private clinic after Mikhail c Medvedev : is another Khodorkovsky undertook a hunger and thirst strike in support of his former collaborator. At the same foreign policy possible? tilme, in Chita, Khodorkovsky has been subjected to new judicial actions seeking to attack him perso- ECONOMY nally on charges of money laundering. He could therefore run the risk of a new prison sentence on top c Russian elites over come with anxiety of the nine year term he was condemned to May 31 2005. ALERTS c Badri Patarkatsishvili Dmitry Medvedev, even if he has hardly expressed himself publicly on this matter, has, however, on several occasions placed emphasis on his desire to combat the «judicial nihilism» that currently reigns P. 4-7 Business & Networks in Russia. A second Khodorkovsky trial, that would open shortly after his election, would hardly be ap- MINES, ENERGY... propriate for the new Russian president who is already subjected to numerous demands on the part of c The Chemezov steamroller the more liberal factions of the Putin clans. The Russian lawyers for Mikhail Khodorkovsky do not lack DEFENSE INDUSTRY connections to Dmitry Medvedev and have appealed that one of the first gestures by the new president c Severnaya verf : Sergey be authorisation to release the former president of Yukos, possibly accompanied by a commitment for Pugachev’s revenge him to relocate outside Russia. In certain chancellries, notably Paris and Berlin, messages to the same PROFILE effect have been addressed to the Kremlin. c Yuri Lastochkin,the man who holds his own against Sergey As of now, nothing has emerged of the real intentions of Medvedev. Barely was it seen that Aleksa- Chemezov nyan obtained access to medical care that the prosecutors refused him, that it had the effect to Khodor- FAR-EAST kovsky’s legal team to mount a new charge at the very time that it most embarrassed Russian authori- c Gazprom is counting on ties. But those who are most interested to see that Khodorkovsky remains in prison as long as possible Dmitry Medvedev have no intent of laying down their arms. It is therefore being said in Moscow that Igor Sechin would ALERT have already negotiated that in the future organisation of power, he would reinforce his position in Ros- c East-Siberia-Pacific ocean oil pipeline neft at the cost of abandoning his functions as deputy head of the presidential administration. If such a plan were confirmed, Sechin would have no interest to see Khodorkovsky free and appealing before ALUMINIUM c The Chinese temptation international jurisdictions for reparations for the seizure of Yukos and its transfer to Rosneft. of Oleg Deripaska OIL More generally and at four weeks of the presidential election, questions abound concerning the po- c Movement around Russneft litical space that Dmitry Medvedev would dispose of/or authorised to conquer. The request of certain P. 8 Regions & CIS members of the government to relax certain aspects of Russia’s foreign policy hardly pleased the Krem- lin and it could be seen in the way that Vladimir Putin replied to these «expectations» in his speech of ARMENIA cMoscow in search of February 8. Nevertheless, on the ground, we can only observe some differences in tone, which are per- continuity haps indications of a change in style to come. As example, the way the the discussion between Russia ALERT and Ukraine gas deliveries was managed. The management of Gazprom did not make the same mistake c Poland/Belarus as in January 2006 : reducing deliveries to Ukraine first and discussing later. This time the process was reversed. And Yulia Timoshenko, the head of the government in Kiev, even, in appearance, obtained a SUBSCRIPTION Print Edition victory she probably did not expect so quickly : the programmed termination of the role of RosUkr- (23 issues, airmailed overseas) Energo as compulsory intermediary between Gazprom and Kiev in gas deliveries to Ukraine. The disap- €770 TTC pearance of this organisation is a political development in itself since it shoved aside these «interme- diaries» that didn’t please Moscow or Kiev, including the notorious Semyon Moguilevich, in prison for The Web Pack (Print Edition the past few weeks (Russia Intelligence n°70 of January 30), on the Russian side, and Dmitry Firtash + PDF + archives acess) on the Ukrainian side. Certainly it is a bit premature to conclude that gas transactions between Mos- € 880 TTC cow and Kiev will from now on be completely transaparent, but the disappearance of RosUkrEnergo is nevertheless a break with the past. At the same time, as a demonstrated willingness by Dmitry Medve- The Premium dev to maintain a hand on the case. The reorganisation of relations betwen Gazprom and Naftogaz Subscription (Print Edition + PDF + access Ukrainy will in fact be conferred, on the Russian side, to a man we have followed with interest, namely to all the website contents) Konstantin Chuychenko, already administrator of RosUkrEnergo, classmate of Dmitry Medvedev at the € 1200 TTC Saint Petersburg law faculty (Russia Intelligence n°68 of December 20 2007). d www.russia-intelligence.fr RUSSIA INTELLIGENCE Politics & Government BEHIND THE SCENE cc FOCUS Kurile islands: progress Medvedev : is another foreign policy possible? in sight Foreign policy and, more generally, security matters are the themes on which Like all previous years at this same time, the future Russian president has carefully avoided expressing himself. Dmitry the question of the Kurile islands surfaces in Medvedev is certainly not a neophyte on the international scene. It is someti- political debates in Japan and in bilateral mes forgotten that he played a discreet but non-negligeable role on the Ukrai- relations between Moscow and Tokyo. nian front during the “orange revolution” (he was at the time in regular contact February 7 is in fact the «day of the northern with the head of Leonid Kuchma’s administration, Viktor Medvedchuk) then territories» in the land of the rising sun. This during the first “gas war” in early 2006 (in his capacity as president of the over- gives rise to various commemorations sight board of Gazprom). More recently, he travelled to Sofia to accompany Vla- uniting former residents of the four islands dimir Putin in order to participate in the signature of the accord on the South- who were expelled in 1945 and their Stream natural gas pipeline (Russia Intelligence n°70 of January 31 2008). But descendents, demonstrations in which up to now, strategic issues were clearly the responsibility of Vladimir Putin, Ser- generally participate the highest authorities gey Ivanov and Sergey Lavrov who set to music the policy lines drawn up in the of the country. From this point of view, 2008 Kremlin. was no exception. The Prime minister Yasuo Fukuda therefore made a presentation on Will Dmitry Medvedev maintain a continuity with the foreign policy of the February 7. This year, however, the message second term of Vladimir Putin ? Should we expect, on the other hand, a change contained a certain number of new of tone, if not a break ? elements. The head of the Japanese government declared his desire for a «new We are witnessing in any case, as the presidential elections draw near, a re- level of relations with Russia», which implies surgence of a debate that was believed closed concerning the direction of Rus- a settling of the territorial dispute over the sian foreign policy. Last January 31, during the business forum organised by the Kurile islands. It concerns apparently not Troika dialog bank (read also article page 3), two front-line officials clearly ex- only a circumstantial diplomatic formula on pressed their disagreement with the Putin doctrine as it was presented in the the part of Yasuo Fukuda. It has been widely-noted speech in Munich in February 2007. “How much does its conflic- learned that he transmitted a message in this tual foreign policy cost Russia ? Are we ready to pay such a high price for direction to Vladimir Putin through the controversies over the British Council at a time when the world economy is intermediary of a predecessor Yoshiro Mori, deteriorating ?” exclaimed Anatoly Chubais, the boss of the national electri- who inaugurated a new Toyota plant in city company RAO EES Rossii. More prudent in expressing himself, the vice Saint Petersburg in late 2007 with the Prime minister in charge of finance, Alexey Kudrin, for his part declared that Russian president. The Russian side is “To insure a stable growth, it is appropriate to specify the orientations of the evidently not insensitive to the Japanese country’s foreign policy as early as this year”. overtures. February 2, the vice minister of foreign affairs in charge of Asia, Alexandre These positions are not strictly speaking surprising coming from liberals, but Losyukov (ex-ambassador of Russia to they cut across the ambiant rhetoric. As a sign of the times, the same day, the Japan), was in Tokyo for a series of general Vladimir Shamanov – who “distinguished” himself during the two cam- preparatory consultations in view of a Putin- paigns in Chechnya before trying out, with mixed results, politics in Ulyanovsk Fukuda summit in early May.
Recommended publications
  • Presentation Is Made, Or by Reading the Presentation Slides, You Agree to the Following
    AEROFLOT GROUP Q3 & 9M 2020 IFRS R ESULTS 1 December 2020 Speakers: Andrey Chikhanchin – Deputy CEO for Commerce and Finance Andrey Panov – Deputy CEO for Strategy, Service and Marketing Ivan Batanov – Head of Revenue Management Disclaimer This document has been prepared by PJSC “Aeroflot” (the “Company”). By attending the meeting where the presentation is made, or by reading the presentation slides, you agree to the following. This document does not constitute or form part of any advertisement of securities, any offer or invitation to sell or issue or any solicitation of any offer to purchase or subscribe for, any securities of the Company in any jurisdiction, nor shall it or any part of it nor the fact of its presentation or distribution form the basis of, or be relied on in connection with, any contract or investment decision. No reliance may be placed for any purpose whatsoever on the information contained in this document or on assumptions made as to its completeness. No representation or warranty, express or implied, is given by the Company, its subsidiaries or any of their respective advisers, officers, employees or agents, as to the accuracy of the information or opinions or for any loss howsoever arising, directly or indirectly, from any use of this presentation or its contents. This document may include forward-looking statements. These forward-looking statements include matters that are not historical facts or statements regarding the Company’s intentions, beliefs or current expectations concerning, among other things, the Company’s results of operations, financial condition, liquidity, prospects, growth, strategies, and the market in which the Company operates.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 2 Economic Model of a Professional Football Club in France
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Stirling Online Research Repository Chapter 2 Economic model of a professional football club in France Nicolas Scelles and Wladimir Andreff The economic model of football clubs is a revenue model but also a cost model in relation to their objective. It can be defined as the search for balance between revenues, costs and objective, and the latter can vary: profit maximization, sporting maximization under strict constraint (“hard” constraint), or “soft” budget constraint (Andreff, 2009). In France, the revenue model of football clubs has evolved with time. This mutation fits in the switch from an SSSL (Spectators-Subventions-Sponsors- Local) model to an MMMMG (Media-Magnats-Merchandising-Markets-Global) model at the European level (Andreff & Staudohar, 2000). Before 1914, sport financing came mainly from practitioners (Bourg et Gouguet, 2001, p. 19). Thereafter, with competitions as spectacle, spectators have become the primary source of revenue, ahead of the subsidies granted by the local authorities and industry patrons. Advertising revenues have gradually become more and more important and, in the 1960s and 1970s, sponsorship increased significantly as firms were seeking more direct identification in terms of audience, image, reputation and sales (Andreff et Staudohar, 2000, p. 259) . In France, during the 1970s, operating revenues of first division football clubs came mainly from the spectators, supplemented by subsidies and sponsorship. The SSSL model was at its peak, with its “L” finding its justification in the fact that the revenues were generated from local or national residents. The 1980s is the starting point of a continuous increase in the share of TV rights income for French clubs.
    [Show full text]
  • The Russia You Never Met
    The Russia You Never Met MATT BIVENS AND JONAS BERNSTEIN fter staggering to reelection in summer 1996, President Boris Yeltsin A announced what had long been obvious: that he had a bad heart and needed surgery. Then he disappeared from view, leaving his prime minister, Viktor Cher- nomyrdin, and his chief of staff, Anatoly Chubais, to mind the Kremlin. For the next few months, Russians would tune in the morning news to learn if the presi- dent was still alive. Evenings they would tune in Chubais and Chernomyrdin to hear about a national emergency—no one was paying their taxes. Summer turned to autumn, but as Yeltsin’s by-pass operation approached, strange things began to happen. Chubais and Chernomyrdin suddenly announced the creation of a new body, the Cheka, to help the government collect taxes. In Lenin’s day, the Cheka was the secret police force—the forerunner of the KGB— that, among other things, forcibly wrested food and money from the peasantry and drove some of them into collective farms or concentration camps. Chubais made no apologies, saying that he had chosen such a historically weighted name to communicate the seriousness of the tax emergency.1 Western governments nod- ded their collective heads in solemn agreement. The International Monetary Fund and the World Bank both confirmed that Russia was experiencing a tax collec- tion emergency and insisted that serious steps be taken.2 Never mind that the Russian government had been granting enormous tax breaks to the politically connected, including billions to Chernomyrdin’s favorite, Gazprom, the natural gas monopoly,3 and around $1 billion to Chubais’s favorite, Uneximbank,4 never mind the horrendous corruption that had been bleeding the treasury dry for years, or the nihilistic and pointless (and expensive) destruction of Chechnya.
    [Show full text]
  • Georgia's 2008 Presidential Election
    Election Observation Report: Georgia’s 2008 Presidential Elections Election Observation Report: Georgia’s saarCevno sadamkvirveblo misiis saboloo angariSi angariSi saboloo misiis sadamkvirveblo saarCevno THE IN T ERN at ION A L REPUBLIC A N INS T I T U T E 2008 wlis 5 ianvari 5 wlis 2008 saqarTvelos saprezidento arCevnebi saprezidento saqarTvelos ADV A NCING DEMOCR A CY WORLD W IDE demokratiis ganviTarebisTvis mTel msoflioSi mTel ganviTarebisTvis demokratiis GEORGI A PRESIDEN T I A L ELEC T ION JA NU A RY 5, 2008 International Republican Institute saerTaSoriso respublikuri instituti respublikuri saerTaSoriso ELEC T ION OBSERV at ION MISSION FIN A L REPOR T Georgia Presidential Election January 5, 2008 Election Observation Mission Final Report The International Republican Institute 1225 Eye Street, NW, Suite 700 Washington, DC 20005 www.iri.org TABLE OF CONTENTS I. Introduction 3 II. Pre-Election Period 5 A. Political Situation November 2007 – January 2008 B. Presidential Candidates in the January 5, 2008 Presidential Election C. Campaign Period III. Election Period 11 A. Pre-Election Meetings B. Election Day IV. Findings and Recommendations 15 V. Appendix 19 A. IRI Preliminary Statement on the Georgian Presidential Election B. Election Observation Delegation Members C. IRI in Georgia 2008 Georgia Presidential Election 3 I. Introduction The January 2008 election cycle marked the second presidential election conducted in Georgia since the Rose Revolution. This snap election was called by President Mikheil Saakashvili who made a decision to resign after a violent crackdown on opposition street protests in November 2007. Pursuant to the Georgian Constitution, he relinquished power to Speaker of Parliament Nino Burjanadze who became Acting President.
    [Show full text]
  • Mr. Chairman, I Welcome the Opportunity to Appear Before The
    Mr. Chairman, I welcome the opportunity to appear before the Helsinki Commission to discuss the current situation in Russia and the concerns of all of us about the Putin government and the future of Russia. First, I wish to emphasize the value of the Commission’s mandate and stated criteria to promote compliance with the fundamental standards of civil society in Russia and the other former Soviet republics. Second, those of us who have witnessed first-hand the travesty of justice in Russia much appreciate the concerns expressed by the co-chairmen about the improper handling of the Yukos trial and the sentencing of Mikhail Khodorkovsky and his colleagues by Russian authorities. Your formal statement to the world’s press that the “case appears to the world to be justice directed by politics” and that the “selective prosecution such as appears to be the case here will wreak havoc on Russia’s legal system” reflects that the chairmen of this commission have an accurate view of the Khodorkovsky trial and the weakened state of the legal system in Russia. Third, it is vitally important that the Helsinki Commission continue monitoring the implementation of the provisions of the 1975 Helsinki Accords as they relate to Russia and report its findings to the public. While the U.S. Administration and Congressional leaders must necessarily balance many variables in the bilateral relationship, the Helsinki Commission has a clear mandate to insure that human rights and basic freedoms are maintained in the countries under its jurisdiction. Mr. Chairman, it is my opinion that the rule of law is the cornerstone of civil society because it serves to protect the rights and freedoms of all citizens.
    [Show full text]
  • Australian Parliamentary Delegation
    The Parliament of the Commonwealth of Australia Australian Parliamentary Delegation to the Russian Federation and the Italian Republic 17 April – 1 May 2005 REPORT June 2005 ii © Commonwealth of Australia 2005 ISBN 0 642 71532 7 This document was printed by the Senate Printing Unit, Department of the Senate, Parliament House, Canberra. iii MEMBERS OF THE DELEGATION Leader Senator the Hon. Paul Calvert President of the Senate Senator for Tasmania Liberal Party of Australia Deputy Leader Ms Jill Hall, MP Member for Shortland (NSW) Australian Labor Party Members Senator Jacinta Collins Senator for Victoria Australian Labor Party Mrs Kay Elson, MP Member for Forde (QLD) Liberal Party of Australia Senator Jeannie Ferris Senator for South Australia Liberal Party of Australia The Hon. Jackie Kelly, MP Member for Lindsay (NSW) Liberal Party of Australia Senator Ross Lightfoot Senator for Western Australia Liberal Party of Australia Delegation secretary Mr John Vander Wyk Department of the Senate Private Secretary to the Mr Don Morris President of the Senate iv The delegation with the Archimandrite of the Holy Trinity-St Sergius Lavra monastery at Sergiev Posad, Father Savva. From left, the Deputy Head of Mission and Counsellor at the Australian Embassy, Mr Alex Brooking, Senator Jacinta Collins, Mrs Kay Elson, MP, Senator the Hon. Paul Calvert (Delegation Leader), Father Savva, Senator Ross Lightfoot, Senator Jeannie Ferris, the Hon. Jackie Kelly, MP, and Mrs Jill Hall (Deputy Leader). v TABLE OF CONTENTS MEMBERS OF THE DELEGATION iii PREFACE
    [Show full text]
  • Welfare Reforms in Post-Soviet States: a Comparison
    WELFARE REFORMS IN POST-SOVIET STATES: A COMPARISON OF SOCIAL BENEFITS REFORM IN RUSSIA AND KAZAKHSTAN by ELENA MALTSEVA A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Department of Political Science University of Toronto © Copyright by Elena Maltseva (2012) Welfare Reforms in Post-Soviet States: A Comparison of Social Benefits Reform in Russia and Kazakhstan Elena Maltseva Doctor of Philosophy Political Science University of Toronto (2012) Abstract: Concerned with the question of why governments display varying degrees of success in implementing social reforms, (judged by their ability to arrive at coherent policy outcomes), my dissertation aims to identify the most important factors responsible for the stagnation of social benefits reform in Russia, as opposed to its successful implementation in Kazakhstan. Given their comparable Soviet political and economic characteristics in the immediate aftermath of Communism’s disintegration, why did the implementation of social benefits reform succeed in Kazakhstan, but largely fail in Russia? I argue that although several political and institutional factors did, to a certain degree, influence the course of social benefits reform in these two countries, their success or failure was ultimately determined by the capacity of key state actors to frame the problem and form an effective policy coalition that could further the reform agenda despite various political and institutional obstacles and socioeconomic challenges. In the case of Kazakhstan, the successful implementation of the social benefits reform was a result of a bold and skillful endeavour by Kazakhstani authorities, who used the existing conditions to justify the reform initiative and achieve the reform’s original objectives.
    [Show full text]
  • Anniversary Conference September 08-09, 2016 Moscow, Leninskie
    Anniversary Conference September 08-09, 2016 Thursday, September 08th, 2016 09:00-09:30 Reception and Registration 09:30-10:00 Conference Opening Round Table «Academic Research and Economic Policy-making» Participants: Andrey Belousov* (President Administration), Arkadiy 10:00-11:30 Dvorkovitch* (Government of Russia), Galina Hale (FRB San-Francisco), Andrey Klepatch (MSU), Alexey Ulyukaev* (Ministry of Economic Development), Ksenia Yudaeva (Bank of Russia), Chair: Elvira Nabiullina (Bank of Russia) 11:30-12:00 Coffee-break Irina Kirisheva (’06, Nazarbayev University) 12:00-12:45 Contests with sabotage and their optimal design Anna Chorniy (’06, Princeton) 12:45-13:30 Health economics: Human capital framework 13:30-15:00 Lunch Bank of Russia Workshop 15:00-15:45 DSGE modeling for policymaking in an Emerging market economy: some experience of the Bank of Russia Ruben Enikolopov (Barselona GSE, NES) 16:00-16:45 Social Media and Collective Action Oleg Itskhoki (‘03, Princeton) 16:45-17:30 Firms and the International Transmission of Shocks 17:30-18:00 Coffee-break Keynote Speech 18:00-19:15 Helene Rey (London Business School) TBA Moscow, Leninskie Gory, 1-46 MSU Department of Economics, Lecture Hall, П5 Anniversary Conference September 08-09, 2016 Friday, September 09th, 2016 Round Table «Modern Universities and Economic Education» Speakers: Alexey Belyanin (HSE), Shlomo Weber* (NES), Oleg Zamulin* 10:00-11:30 (NES), Oleg Itskhoki (Princeton), Philipp Kartaev (MSU), Evgeniy Kuznetsov (RVC), Andrey Markov (MSU) Chair: Alexandr Auzan 11:30-12:00 Coffee-break Vilen Lipatov (’98,Compass Lexecon) 12:00-12:45 Competition Policy Michael Alexeev (’75, Indiana University) 12:45-13:30 The 'Oil Curse' and Institutions: A Brief Survey 13:30-15:30 Lunch.
    [Show full text]
  • Russian Analytical Digest No 72
    No. 72 9 February 2010 russian analytical digest www.res.ethz.ch www.laender-analysen.de HISTORY WRITING AND NATIONAL MYTH-MAKING IN RUSSIA ■ The Politics of the Past in Russia 2 By Alexey Miller, Moscow ■■OpiniOn Poll Russian Opinions on History Textbooks 5 ■ The Victory Myth and Russia’s Identity 6 By Ivo Mijnssen, Basel ■■OpiniOn Poll Russian Attitudes towards Stalin 10 Russians on the Disintegration of the USSR 15 ■ Overcoming the Totalitarian Past: Foreign Experience and Russian Problems 16 By Galina Mikhaleva, Moscow German Association for Research Centre for East Center for Security Institute of History DGO East European Studies European Studies, Bremen Studies, ETH Zurich University of Basel russian analytical russian analytical digest 72/10 digest The■politics■of■the■past■in■Russia* By Alexey Miller, Moscow Abstract Active political intervention in the politics of memory and the professional historian’s sphere began no later than in 2006 in Russia. Today all the basic elements of the politics of the past are present: attempts to in- culcate in school a single, centrally-defined, politicized history textbook; the creation of special, politically- committed structures, which combine the tasks of organizing historical research and controlling the activ- ities of archives and publishers; attempts to legislatively regulate historical interpretations; and, as is typical in such cases, efforts to legitimize and ideologically justify all of these practices. The■Origin■of■History■politics■in■the■post- In a society claiming to be democratic, all these Communist■Space mechanisms evolve. In contrast to the previous In 2004 a group of Polish historians announced that Communist party-state system, the group or party Poland needed to develop and propagate its own politics which holds power at a given time is no longer the of the past or history politics.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia and Saudi Arabia: Old Disenchantments, New Challenges by John W
    STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVES 35 Russia and Saudi Arabia: Old Disenchantments, New Challenges by John W. Parker and Thomas F. Lynch III Center for Strategic Research Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University’s (NDU’s) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs, and Center for the Study of Weapons of Mass Destruction. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the unified combatant commands in support of the academic programs at NDU and to perform outreach to other U.S. Government agencies and the broader national security community. Cover: Vladimir Putin presented an artifact made of mammoth tusk to Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman Al Saud in Riyadh, October 14–15, 2019 (President of Russia Web site) Russia and Saudi Arabia Russia and Saudia Arabia: Old Disenchantments, New Challenges By John W. Parker and Thomas F. Lynch III Institute for National Strategic Studies Strategic Perspectives, No. 35 Series Editor: Denise Natali National Defense University Press Washington, D.C. June 2021 Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the contributors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Defense Department or any other agency of the Federal Government.
    [Show full text]
  • Russian Billionaire Rybolovlev Sues Sotheby's for $380M in Fraud
    AiA Art News-service Russian billionaire Rybolovlev sues Sotheby’s for $380m in fraud damages The mega-collector’s latest lawsuit, filed in New York, escalates his three-year legal feud with Swiss dealer Yves Bouvier MARGARET CARRIGAN 3rd October 2018 20:38 GMT Rybolovlev served Sotheby's with a $380m suit in a New York federal court despite a similar pending case in Geneva Francknataf The ongoing and vitriolic battle between the Russian fertiliser billionaire turned art collector Dmitry Rybolovlev and Yves Bouvier, an entrepreneurial Swiss art dealer and freeport magnate, reached dramatic new heights on Tuesday (2 October) when Rybolovlev filed a $380m lawsuit against Sotheby’s in a Manhattan federal court. The charges are brought by two of Rybolovlev’s companies and claim that the auction house materially assisted what the collector refers to as the “largest art fraud in history”, as first reported by Bloomberg. It is the latest attempt by the Russian oligarch to recoup $1bn from Bouvier after first claiming in 2015 that he was overcharged by the dealer on 38 works of art purchased for a total of $2bn over the course of a decade, among them Leonardo’s Salvator Mundi. Sotheby’s was involved in the sale of 14 of the works in question. According to the court papers, Bouvier “masterminded” the fraud by acquiring the paintings at lower prices than he represented before selling them to Rybolovlev at unduly marked up rates, fraudulently pocketing millions for himself. Sotheby’s, the complaint contends, knowingly and intentionally bolstered the plaintiffs’ “trust and confidence in Bouvier and rendered the whole edifice of fraud plausible and credible” by brokering certain sales and inflated valuations.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia Intelligence
    N°70 - January 31 2008 Published every two weeks / International Edition CONTENTS SPOTLIGHT P. 1-3 Politics & Government c Medvedev’s Last Battle Before Kremlin Debut SPOTLIGHT c Medvedev’s Last Battle The arrest of Semyon Mogilevich in Moscow on Jan. 23 is a considerable development on Russia’s cur- Before Kremlin Debut rent political landscape. His profile is altogether singular: linked to a crime gang known as “solntsevo” and PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS sought in the United States for money-laundering and fraud, Mogilevich lived an apparently peaceful exis- c Final Stretch for tence in Moscow in the renowned Rublyovka road residential neighborhood in which government figures « Operation Succession » and businessmen rub shoulders. In truth, however, he was involved in at least two types of business. One c Kirillov, Shestakov, was the sale of perfume and cosmetic goods through the firm Arbat Prestige, whose manager and leading Potekhin: the New St. “official” shareholder is Vladimir Nekrasov who was arrested at the same time as Mogilevich as the two left Petersburg Crew in Moscow a restaurant at which they had lunched. The charge that led to their incarceration was evading taxes worth DIPLOMACY around 1.5 million euros and involving companies linked to Arbat Prestige. c Balkans : Putin’s Gets His Revenge The other business to which Mogilevich’s name has been linked since at least 2003 concerns trading in P. 4-7 Business & Networks gas. As Russia Intelligence regularly reported in previous issues, Mogilevich was reportedly the driving force behind the creation of two commercial entities that played a leading role in gas relations between Russia, BEHIND THE SCENE Turkmenistan and Ukraine: EuralTransGaz first and then RosUkrEnergo later.
    [Show full text]