Vigilantism Against Migrants and Minorities; First Edition
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War on the Mexican Drug Cartels
THE WAR ON MEXICAN CARTELS OPTIONS FOR U.S. AND MEXICAN POLICY-MAKERS POLICY PROGRAM CHAIRS Ken Liu Chris Taylor GROUP CHAIR Jean-Philippe Gauthier AUTHORS William Dean Laura Derouin Mikhaila Fogel Elsa Kania Tyler Keefe James McCune Valentina Perez Anthony Ramicone Robin Reyes Andrew Seo Minh Trinh Alex Velez-Green Colby Wilkason RESEARCH COORDINATORS Tia Ray Kathryn Walsh September 2012 Final Report of the Institute of Politics National Security Student Policy Group THE WAR ON MEXICAN CARTELS OPTIONS FOR U.S. AND MEXICAN POLICY-MAKERS POLICY PROGRAM CHAIRS Ken Liu Chris Taylor GROUP CHAIR Jean-Philippe Gauthier AUTHORS William Dean Laura Derouin Mikhaila Fogel Elsa Kania Tyler Keefe James McCune Valentina Perez Anthony Ramicone Robin Reyes Andrew Seo Minh Trinh Alex Velez-Green Colby Wilkason RESEARCH COORDINATORS Tia Ray Kathryn Walsh September 2012 Final Report of the Institute of Politics 2 National Security Student Policy Group Institute of Politics ABOUT THE INSTITUTE OF POLITICS NATIONAL SECURITY POLICY GROUP The Institute of Politics is a non-profit organization located in the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University. It is a living memorial to President John F. Kennedy, and its mission is to unite and engage students, particularly undergraduates, with academics, politicians, activists, and policymakers on a non-partisan basis and to stimulate and nurture their interest in public service and leadership. The Institute strives to promote greater understanding and cooperation between the academic world and the world of politics and public affairs. Led by a Director, Senior Advisory Board, Student Advisory Committee, and staff, the Institute provides wide-ranging opportunities for both Harvard students and the general public. -
Vigilantism V. the State: a Case Study of the Rise and Fall of Pagad, 1996–2000
Vigilantism v. the State: A case study of the rise and fall of Pagad, 1996–2000 Keith Gottschalk ISS Paper 99 • February 2005 Price: R10.00 INTRODUCTION South African Local and Long-Distance Taxi Associa- Non-governmental armed organisations tion (SALDTA) and the Letlhabile Taxi Organisation admitted that they are among the rivals who hire hit To contextualise Pagad, it is essential to reflect on the squads to kill commuters and their competitors’ taxi scale of other quasi-military clashes between armed bosses on such a scale that they need to negotiate groups and examine other contemporary vigilante amnesty for their hit squads before they can renounce organisations in South Africa. These phenomena such illegal activities.6 peaked during the1990s as the authority of white su- 7 premacy collapsed, while state transfor- Petrol-bombing minibuses and shooting 8 mation and the construction of new drivers were routine. In Cape Town, kill- democratic authorities and institutions Quasi-military ings started in 1993 when seven drivers 9 took a good decade to be consolidated. were shot. There, the rival taxi associa- clashes tions (Cape Amalgamated Taxi Associa- The first category of such armed group- between tion, Cata, and the Cape Organisation of ings is feuding between clans (‘faction Democratic Taxi Associations, Codeta), fighting’ in settler jargon). This results in armed groups both appointed a ‘top ten’ to negotiate escalating death tolls once the rural com- peaked in the with the bus company, and a ‘bottom ten’ batants illegally buy firearms. For de- as a hit squad. The police were able to cades, feuding in Msinga1 has resulted in 1990s as the secure triple life sentences plus 70 years thousands of displaced persons. -
THE ALOOF ELECTION MANIFESTO Radical Political Right in Finland in the Borderlines of Neoliberalism and Cultural Nativism
Article • DOI: 10.1515/njmr-2016-0012 NJMR • 6(2) • 2016 • 124-131 THE ALOOF ELECTION MANIFESTO Radical Political Right in Finland in the Borderlines of Neoliberalism and Cultural Nativism Abstract The rise of the populist radical political right is one of the significant phenomena Tapio Nykänen* in recent European party politics. In this article, I examine the ideology of the radical right in Finland by analysing the Aloof Election Manifesto, an election Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Lapland, Finland platform published by radical wing of the Finns Party for national parliament elections 2011. The analysis shows that the ideology challenges traditional notions of nationalism. It combines cultural nativism, secularism and economic neoliberalism to the fear of Islam and multiculturalism. Keywords Nationalism • immigration • radical right • multiculturalism • islamophobia Received 6 February 2015; Accepted 16 March 2016 In this article, I examine the ideology of the anti-immigrant wing of the indeed combines diverse ideas and beliefs from different ideological Finns Party, a populist and nationalist political party that represents traditions. The AM represents a particular case within neo-populism, one of the most visible changes on the Finnish political landscape in however, as it concentrates solely on opposing immigration from the recent years. For 16 years, the party was a small one, its support being Third World. Accordingly, one of the specific aims of my article is three to four percent1. This changed drastically in 2011, when the to show how different ideological features are used to support this party received 19.1 percent of the votes in the national parliamentary goal in the case of the AM. -
New Study Indicates Growing Support for Vigilante Justice in Latin America | Security Assistance Monitor
4/7/2015 New Study Indicates Growing Support for Vigilante Justice in Latin America | Security Assistance Monitor enter search words here View Site by Region Global English Countries Programs Data Resources Regions Our Work Blog About New Study Indicates Growing Support for Vigilante Justice SHARE THIS in Latin America 04/03/15 Gabrielle Acierno Latin America and the Caribbean U.S. Aid, Justice System SHARE THIS / Like Across Latin America and the Caribbean, the number of people supporting the use of vigilantism, an indicator of distrust in law enforcement and judicial institutions, is significantly increasing according to a recent study by Vanderbilt University’s Latin American Public Opinion Project. Although the study, which is based on surveys from 2004 and 2014, shows that most people throughout the Americas do not support vigilantism, the findings highlight challenges in U.S. security assistance to many countries in Latin American and the Caribbean. Citizen selfdefense or vigilante groups have sprung up throughout Latin America and the Caribbean, taking arms to fight organized crime where many believe governments and institutions have failed. The results have typically bred more instability. A recent InSight Crime article indicates Latin America’s history boasts ample examples of how vigilantism often leads to more violence, from Colombia’s paramilitary groups, to Venezuela’s urban militias, to Mexico’s ‘autodefensa’ phenomena, to police militias in Brazil and police death squads in El Salvador and Honduras. In turbulent states like Michoacán, Mexico, organized citizen defense groups (“autodefensas”) rose up in 2013, frustrated with the government’s ineptitude at reining in violence and cartel influence. -
Suomalaisen Politiikan Murroksia Ja Muutoksia
Suomalaisen politiikan murroksia ja muutoksia Käsissänne on ensimmäinen politiikan ja talouden tutkimuksen laitoksen julkaisuja -sarjan kirja. Se on kirjoitettu ja toimitettu valtiotieteelliseksi oppikirjaksi suomalaisesta poliittisesta järjestelmästä. Artikkelikokoelmalla on selkeä pedagoginen tavoite avata valtio-opin ja yhteiskuntatieteiden opiskelijoille ja pohtijoille yhteiskunnallista ja poliittista kulttuuria ja sen historiallisia murroksia. Samalla haluttiin rekrytoida kirjan kirjoittajaryhmään tutkimuskentän parhaita suomalaisia tuntijoita ja pohtijoita, jotka myös tuntevat toistensa tulkintoja ja haluavat keskustella keskenään. Kari Paakkunainen (toim.) Suomalaisen Kari Paakkunainen (toim.) politiikan murroksia ja muutoksia Politiikan ja talouden tutkimuksen laitoksen julkaisuja 2012:1 Suomalaisen politiikan murroksia ja muutoksia Kari Paakkunainen (toim.) Suomalaisen politiikan murroksia ja muutoksia Helsingin yliopisto Politiikan ja talouden tutkimuksen laitos 2012 Politiikan ja talouden tutkimuksen laitoksen julkaisuja 2012:1 Yleinen valtio-oppi © Toimittaja ja kirjoittajat Taitto: Raimo Parikka Kannen kuva: Eveliina Kotilainen Painettua julkaisua myy ja välittää: Unigrafian kirjamyynti http://kirjakauppa.unigrafia.fi/ [email protected] PL 4 (Vuorikatu 3 A) 00014 Helsingin yliopisto ISSN-L 2243-3635 ISSN 2243-3635 (Painettu) ISSN 2243-3643 (Verkkojulkaisu) ISBN 978-952-10-8196-5 (nid.) ISBN 978-952-10-8197-2 (PDF) Unigrafia, Helsinki 2012 Sisällys Juri Mykkänen – Eeva-Liisa Nisula – Jussi Pakkasvirta Esipuhe:Uuden yhteistyön -
Finland 2018 International Religious Freedom Report
FINLAND 2018 INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM REPORT Executive Summary The constitution prohibits religious discrimination “without an acceptable reason” and provides for the right to profess and practice a religion and to decline to be a member of a religious community. The law prohibits breaching the sanctity of religion, which includes blasphemy, offending that which a religious community holds sacred, and disturbing worship or funeral ceremonies. Religious communities must register to receive government funds. In September an appeals court upheld a 2017 lower court ban of the Nordic Resistance Movement (NRM), the largest neo-Nazi group in the country. After a court ruled that a long-standing military service exemption which applied only to Jehovah’s Witnesses violated the nondiscrimination clauses of the constitution, parliament began debating a bill to end the exemption. Some politicians again made negative remarks against Muslims in social media. The ombudsman for children in the Ministry of Justice (MOJ) advocated banning circumcision and stricter religious registration criteria. The nondiscrimination ombudsman’s office received 55 complaints of religious discrimination during the year, compared with 46 in the previous year. Police reported 235 hate crimes involving members of religious groups in 2017, 10 of which it determined were specifically motivated by the victim’s religion. After its banning, the NRM continued to publish anti-Semitic and anti-Muslim language online, as did other groups. Muslim groups continued to seek adequate houses of worship to match their growing population after plans for a “Grand Mosque” in Helsinki failed to materialize. Groups promoting interreligious dialogue expanded their capabilities during the year, with government support. -
Vigilantism 1 POLICE LEGITIMACY and SUPPORT for VIGILANTE VIOLENCE in PAKISTAN JUSTICE TANKEBE Institute of Criminology Univ
Vigilantism 1 POLICE LEGITIMACY AND SUPPORT FOR VIGILANTE VIOLENCE IN PAKISTAN JUSTICE TANKEBE Institute of Criminology University of Cambridge MUHAMMAD ASIF Allama Iqbal Medical College Lahore, Pakistan * Direct correspondence to Justice Tankebe, Institute of Criminology, University of Cambridge, Sidgwick Avenue, Cambridge CB3 9DA, U.K. (email: [email protected]). Vigilantism 2 POLICE LEGITIMACY AND SUPPORT FOR VIGILANTE VIOLENCE IN PAKISTAN Abstract Bottoms and Tankebe (2012) recently analyzed the multidimensional nature of police legitimacy and made an argument for its relevance to social order. A few studies have tested the predictive value of their model in explaining everyday legal compliance and support for the police. Using survey data from three communities of varying socio-economic conditions in Pakistan, this paper examines the links between the multiple dimensions of police legitimacy and support for vigilante violence. The findings show overall high levels of support for vigilantism. Regression analysis shows that experiences of police illegality consistently predict support for vigilantism across the three communities. Aspects of procedural justice – specifically, perceived quality of police decisionmaking – predict support for vigilantism in some conditions but not others. Contrary to expectations, quality of interpersonal treatment by police and police effectiveness do not explain support for vigilantism. We also found no evidence to show that feelings of obligation to obey the police mediates the influence of police legitimacy on vigilante support. The implications of these findings are discussed. Key words: legitimacy, vigilantism, lawfulness, procedural justice, corruption, dialogic legitimacy Vigilantism 3 In November 2008, residents in a neighbourhood in Karachi apprehended three men suspected of robbery, beat them up, doused them with petrol and burned them. -
205 © the Author(S) 2017 E. Bergmann, Nordic Nationalism And
INDEX A Association of Icelandic Nationalists Aðils, Jón Jónsson , 98–9, 112, 114 (Félag íslenskra tjódernissinna) , Aftenposten , 132 110 Åkesson, Jimmie , 173–7, 181, 197, Attack Party , 22 202 Austria , 18, 20, 26, 28, 120, 138 Åland Island , 6, 77, 161, 162 Albin Hansson, Per , 164, 167, 176 Alexander III , 75 B Alexander I, Tsar , 71, 74 Balkans , 19, 50, 64, 191 ALP . See Anders Lange Party for Bawer, Bruce , 148 Strong Reduction in Taxes, Belgium , 19, 63 Duties and Public Intervention Bergman, Ingmar , 166 (ALP) Berlusconi, Silvio , 19 Alternative for Germany (Alternative Best, Werner , 48 für Deutschland) , 24 Billing, Michael , 16 Andersen, Hans Christian , 39 Bismarck, Otto Von , 40–1 Anders Lange Party for Strong Björgólfsson, Björgólfur Thor , 103 Reduction in Taxes, Duties and Björk , 98 Public Intervention (ALP) , 17, Björnsson, Páll , 97 139–40, 149, 191 BNP . See British National Party (BNP) Apartheid, 142 Bolshevik revolution , 71, 76 Ármann á Alþingi , 96 Bondeþartie t (Farmers/Peasants Party) , 44 © The Author(s) 2017 205 E. Bergmann, Nordic Nationalism and Right-Wing Populist Politics, DOI 10.1057/978-1-137-56703-1 206 INDEX Bood&Honor , 111 Danish Association (Den Danske Booth, Michel , 2, 42, 134, 149 Forening–DDF), The , 60 Bosnia-Herzegovina , 13 Danish Hitler Youth , 47 Bossi’s, Umberto , 19 Danish King Christian II , 36 Breivik, Anders Behring , 2, 22, 23, Danish Nazi Party–the National 126, 147–9, 150, 153, 195 Socialist Workers Party of Brest–Litovsk Treaty, 77 Denmark ( Danmarks Bretton Woods , 15 Nationalsocialistiske -
The Philippines' War on Drugs (Read: the Poor)
INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS INTERNSHIP PROGRAM | WORKING PAPER SERIES VOL 8 | NO. 1 | FALL 2020 The Philippines’ War on Drugs (Read: The Poor): The Erosion of the Rule of Law and the Violation of Children’s Human Rights Kathleen Barera ABOUT CHRLP Established in September 2005, the Centre for Human Rights and Legal Pluralism (CHRLP) was formed to provide students, professors and the larger community with a locus of intellectual and physical resources for engaging critically with the ways in which law affects some of the most compelling social problems of our modern era, most notably human rights issues. Since then, the Centre has distinguished itself by its innovative legal and interdisciplinary approach, and its diverse and vibrant community of scholars, students and practitioners working at the intersection of human rights and legal pluralism. CHRLP is a focal point for innovative legal and interdisciplinary research, dialogue and outreach on issues of human rights and legal pluralism. The Centre’s mission is to provide students, professors and the wider community with a locus of intellectual and physical resources for engaging critically with how law impacts upon some of the compelling social problems of our modern era. A key objective of the Centre is to deepen transdisciplinary — 2 collaboration on the complex social, ethical, political and philosophical dimensions of human rights. The current Centre initiative builds upon the human rights legacy and enormous scholarly engagement found in the Universal Declartion of Human Rights. ABOUT THE SERIES The Centre for Human Rights and Legal Pluralism (CHRLP) Working Paper Series enables the dissemination of papers by students who have participated in the Centre’s International Human Rights Internship Program (IHRIP). -
Killings by Non-State Actors and Affirmative State Obligations
KILLINGS BY NON-STATE ACTORS AND AFFIRMATIVE STATE OBLIGATIONS This chapter of the Handbook addresses a wide variety of situations in which killings by non-state actors can nonetheless implicate the State to some degree, or invoke responsibilities on its part. The right to life includes not only a prohibition on illegal killings by State authorities, but also entails State obligation is to adequately protect this right and punish violations of it by non-state actors. In situations of widespread killings, or traditions which tend towards regular violence against a particular portion of the population, States can be held responsible for failure to adequately address systemic causes, for instance, through efforts to protect vulnerable populations, improve education, address impunity, or correct perceived inadequacies in law enforcement and the justice system which lead to vigilantism. A. LEGAL BASIS OF RESPONSIBILITY OF STATES FOR VIOLATIONS BY NON-STATE ACTORS ....................................................................................................................... 2 B. KILLINGS BY ARMED OPPOSITION GROUPS ......................................................... 10 C. MANDATE OF THE SPECIAL RAPPORTEUR AND ADDRESSING KILLINGS BY ARMED OPPOSITION GROUPS .............................................................. 22 D. DUE DILIGENCE AND INTER-COMMUNAL/ETHNIC VIOLENCE ............... 25 E. KILLINGS BY VIGILANTES AND MOB JUSTICE ................................................... 29 F. KILLINGS OF “WITCHES” .................................................................................................. -
Emilia Palonen & Urpo Kovala: Populism on the Loose: Seminal Preflections on the Condition of Differentiality 13
POPULISM ON THE LOOSE NYKYKULTTUURIN TUTKIMUSKESKUKSEN JULKAISUJA 122 JYVÄSKYLÄN YLIOPISTO 2018 Copyright © tekijät ja Nykykulttuurin tutkimuskeskus Urpo Kovala (vastaava toimittaja, Jyväskylän yliopisto) Pekka Hassinen (kustannustoimittaja, Jyväskylän yliopisto) Laura Piippo (kustannustoimittaja, Jyväskylän yliopisto) Eoin Devereux (University of Limerick, Irlanti) Irma Hirsjärvi (Jyväskylän yliopisto) Sanna Karkulehto (Jyväskylän yliopisto) Raine Koskimaa (Jyväskylän yliopisto) Hanna Kuusela (Tampereen yliopisto) Katariina Kyrölä (Åbo akademi) Maaria Linko (Helsingin yliopisto) Olli Löytty (Turun yliopisto) Jim McGuigan (Loughborough University, Iso-Britannia) Jussi Ojajärvi (Oulun yliopisto) Tarja Pääjoki (Jyväskylän yliopisto) Leena-Maija Rossi (Lapin yliopisto) Tuija Saresma (Jyväskylän yliopisto) Piia Varis (Universiteit Tilburg, Alankomaat) Juhana Venäläinen (Itä-Suomen yliopisto) Nykykulttuurin tutkimuskeskuksen julkaisusarja perustettiin vuonna 1986. Sarja on monitieteinen ja tieteidenvälinen. Siinä ilmestyy tutkimuksia nykykulttuurista ja kulttuuriteoriasta. Myös modernin kulttuurin vaiheisiin liittyvät kulttuuri- ja sosiaalihistorialliset tutkimukset kuuluvat kustannuslistalle. Sarjassa julkaistavat käsikirjoitukset valitaan asiantuntija-arvioiden perusteella. Julkaisusarjan kirjat ilmestyvät joko painettuina kirjoina ja myöhemmin sähköisinä rinnakkaisjulkaisuina tai suoraan verkkokirjoina. Painettuja julkaisuja voi tilata osoitteesta Jyväskylän yliopisto, Nykykulttuurin tutkimuskeskus, PL 35, 40014 Jyväskylän yliopisto. Gsm. -
Finland National Report 2018
y gathering 39 local scholars, experts, and civil society activists specialized in racism and human rights, the fourth edition of the European Islamophobia Report addresses a still timely and politically important issue. All 34 country Breports included in this book follow a unique structure that is convenient, first, for com- EUROPEAN paring country reports and, second, for selected readings on a particular topic such as politics, employment, or education with regards to Islamophobia across Europe. ISLAMOPHOBIA The present report investigates in detail the underlying dynamics that directly or indirectly support the rise of anti-Muslim racism in Europe. This extends from Islamophobic state- ments spread in national media to laws and policies that restrain the fundamental rights REPORT of European Muslim citizens. As a result, the European Islamophobia Report 2018 dis- cusses the impact of anti-Muslim discourse on human rights, multiculturalism, and the 2018 state of law in Europe. This fourth edition of our report highlights how European societies are challenged by the ENES BAYRAKLI • FARID HAFEZ (Eds) rise of violent far-right groups that do not only preach hatred of Muslims but also partici- pate in the organization of bloody terror attacks. The rise of far-right terrorist groups such as AFO (Action of Operational Forces) in France or the network Hannibal in Germany, Austria, and Switzerland confirms EUROPOL’s alarming surveys on the growing danger of right-wing terrorism. This year, SETA worked in cooperation with the Leopold Weiss Institute, an Austrian NGO based in Vienna dedicated to the research of Muslims in Europe. In addition, the Euro- pean Union has funded the European Islamophobia Report 2018 through the program EUROPEAN ISLAMOPHOBIA REPORT 2018 “Civil Society Dialogue Between EU and Turkey (CSD-V)”.