The Power of 'The Street'
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Ideology, Social Basis, Prospects REPORT 2018
European Centre for Democracy Development Center for Monitoring and Comparative Analysis of Intercultural Communications CONTEMPORARY FAR-RIGHTS Right radicalism in Europe: ideology, social basis, prospects REPORT 2018 Athens-London-Berlin-Paris-Moscow-Krakow-Budapest-Kiev-Amsterdam-Roma 1 Editor in Chief and Project Head: Dr. Valery Engel, Chairman of the Expert Council of the European Centre for Tolerance, principal of the Center for Monitoring and Comparative Analysis of Intercultural Communications Authors: Dr. Valery Engel (general analytics), Dr. Jean-Yves Camus (France), Dr. Anna Castriota (Italy), Dr. Ildikó Barna (Hungary), Bulcsú Hunyadi (Hungary), Dr. Vanja Ljujic (Netherlands), Tika Pranvera (Greece), Katarzyna du Val (Poland), Dr. Semen Charny (Russia), Dr. Dmitry Stratievsky (Germany), Ruslan Bortnik (Ukraine), Dr. Alex Carter (UK) Authors thank the Chairman of the European Centre for Tolerance, Mr. Vladimir Sternfeld, for his financial support of the project CONTEMPORARY FAR-RIGHTS Right radicalism in Europe: ideology, social basis, prospects Report “Contemporary far-rights. Right-wing radicalism in Europe: ideology, social base, prospects" is the result of the work of an international team of experts from 10 European countries. The report answers the question of what is the social basis of European right- wing radicalism and what are the objective prerequisites and possible directions for its development. In addition, the authors answer the question of what stays behind the ideology of modern radicalism, what the sources of funding for right-wing radical organizations are, and who their leaders are. Significant part of information is introduced for the first time. © European Center for Democracy Development, 2018 © Center for Monitoring and Comparative Analysis of Intercultural Communications, 2018 © Institute for Ethnic Policy and Inter-Ethnic Relations Studies, 2018 2 Introduction Radicalism is a commitment to the extreme views and concepts of the social order associated with the possibility of its radical transformation. -
Between Denial and "Comparative Trivialization": Holocaust Negationism in Post-Communist East Central Europe
Between Denial and "Comparative Trivialization": Holocaust Negationism in Post-Communist East Central Europe Michael Shafir Motto: They used to pour millet on graves or poppy seeds To feed the dead who would come disguised as birds. I put this book here for you, who once lived So that you should visit us no more Czeslaw Milosz Introduction* Holocaust denial in post-Communist East Central Europe is a fact. And, like most facts, its shades are many. Sometimes, denial comes in explicit forms – visible and universally-aggressive. At other times, however, it is implicit rather than explicit, particularistic rather than universal, defensive rather than aggressive. And between these two poles, the spectrum is large enough to allow for a large variety of forms, some of which may escape the eye of all but the most versatile connoisseurs of country-specific history, culture, or immediate political environment. In other words, Holocaust denial in the region ranges from sheer emulation of negationism elsewhere in the world to regional-specific forms of collective defense of national "historic memory" and to merely banal, indeed sometime cynical, attempts at the utilitarian exploitation of an immediate political context.1 The paradox of Holocaust negation in East Central Europe is that, alas, this is neither "good" nor "bad" for the Jews.2 But it is an important part of the * I would like to acknowledge the support of the J. and O. Winter Fund of the Graduate Center of the City University of New York for research conducted in connection with this project. I am indebted to friends and colleagues who read manuscripts of earlier versions and provided comments and corrections. -
Framing Solidarity. Feminist Patriots Opposing the Far Right in Contemporary Poland
Open Cultural Studies 2019; 3: 469-484 Research Article Jennifer Ramme* Framing Solidarity. Feminist Patriots Opposing the Far Right in Contemporary Poland https://doi.org/10.1515/culture-2019-0040 Received October 30, 2018; accepted May 30, 2019 Abstract: Due to the attempts to restrict the abortion law in Poland in 2016, we could observe a new broad- based feminist movement emerge. This successful movement became known worldwide through the Black Protests and the massive Polish Women’s Strike that took place in October 2016. While this new movement is impressive in its scope and can be described as one of the most successful opposition movements to the ethno-nationalist right wing and fundamentalist Catholicism, it also deploys a patriotic rhetoric and makes use of national symbols and categories of belonging. Feminism and nationalism in Poland are usually described as in opposition, although that relationship is much more complex and changing. Over decades, a general shift towards right-wing nationalism in Poland has occurred, which, in various ways, has also affected feminist actors and (counter)discourses. It seems that patriotism is used to combat nationalism, which has proved to be a successful strategy. Taking the example of feminist mobilizations and movements in Poland, this paper discusses the (im)possible link between patriotism, nationalism and feminism in order to ask what it means for feminist politics and female solidarity when belonging is framed in different ways. Keywords: framing belonging; social movements; ethno-nationalism; embodied nationalism; public discourse A surprising response to extreme nationalism and religious fundamentalism in Poland appeared in the mass mobilization against a legislative initiative introducing a total ban on abortion in 2016, which culminated in a massive Women’s Strike in October the same year. -
Hate Beyond Borders: the Internationalization of White Supremacy
Hate Beyond Borders: The Internationalization of White Supremacy Sections 1 Executive Summary 7 Conferences and Events 2 Introduction 8 Connections to Far-Right Political Parties 3 Summary of Country-Specific Ties Between 9 Additional White Supremacist Interaction European and American White Supremacists 10 Conclusion 4 European Influencers 11 Policy Recommendations 5 American Influencers 12 Footnotes 6 Canadian Influencers 13 Partner and Donor Recognition EXECUTIVE SUMMARY We are witnessing the internationalization of the white supremacist movement. Over the past decade, we have seen surging violence in the United States, Europe and beyond motivated by elements of white supremacy from Anders Breivik in Norway to Brenton Tarrant in New Zealand to Patrick Crusius in El Paso, Texas. These killers influence and inspire one another. European and American adherents are learning from each other, supporting each other and reaching new audiences. They feel empowered and emboldened because they perceive that they are influencing the political climate and reaching disaffected whites. 1 / 75 Global access to white supremacist ideology, and its easy dissemination across borders via various social media platforms, means many of the ideas promoted by the white supremacist movement — curtailing of non-white immigration, attacks on globalization and the accompanying conspiracies about elitist globalists — are increasingly part of mainstream political and social rhetoric. Exposing and understanding the connections among white supremacists and the paths by which they spread their hate are the first steps toward countering them. This report lays that groundwork, but continued vigilance and urgent action are necessary. Political leaders, law enforcement, social media companies, and educators have important roles to play and responsibilities to uphold. -
Miscellanea Anthropologica Et Sociologica
MISCELLANEA ANTHROPOLOGICA ET SOCIOLOGICA MISCELLANEA ANTHROPOLOGICA ET SOCIOLOGICA (MAeS) 17 (1) 25 LAT PO KOMUNIZMIE W EUROPIE: ZJAWISKA, PROBLEMY I TEORETYCZNE WYJAŚNIENIA 25 YEARS AFTER THE COMMUNISM IN EUROPE: PHENOMENA, PROBLEMS AND TEORETICAL EXPLANATIONS KWARTALNIK GDAŃSK 2016 WYDAWNICTWO UNIWERSYTETU GDAŃSKIEGO Zespół redakcyjny dr Anna M. Kłonkowska (redaktor naczelna); dr Marcin Szulc (redaktor prowadzący); dr Magdalena Gajewska (redaktor tematyczna); dr Krzysztof Ulanowski; dr Antje Bednarek; dr hab. Anna Chęćka-Gotkowicz, prof. UG; dr Agnieszka Maj; dr Krzysztof Stachura; dr Maciej Brosz (redaktor statystyczny); Maria Kosznik; Amanda Kennedy, Cheryl Llewellyn (redaktorki językowe); Konrad Witek (asystent Redakcji) Kraj pochodzenia zespołu redakcyjnego: Polska; dr Antje Bednarek-Gilland: Niemcy; Cheryl Llewellyn, Amanda Kennedy: USA Rada naukowa prof. Ireneusz Krzemiński; prof. Ruth Holliday; prof. Brenda Weber; dr Nigel Dower; prof. Michael S. Kimmel; prof. Nicoletta Diasio; dr hab. Anna Wieczorkiewicz, prof. UW; prof. Cezary Obracht-Prondzyński; prof. Debra Gimlin; dr Mary Holmes; dr Meredith Jones; dr Jarosław Maniaczyk; dr Wojciech Zieliński Redaktor tomu Arkadiusz Peisert Redaktor Wydawnictwa Maria Kosznik Skład i łamanie Michał Janczewski Publikacja sfinansowana z funduszu działalności statutowej Instytutu Filozofii, Socjologii i Dziennikarstwa oraz Wydziału Nauk Społecznych Uniwersytetu Gdańskiego © Copyright by Uniwersytet Gdański Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Gdańskiego e-ISSN 2354-0389 Pierwotną wersją pisma jest wersja -
Pedlars of Hate: the Violent Impact of the European Far Right
Pedlars of hate: the violent impact of the European far Right Liz Fekete Published by the Institute of Race Relations 2-6 Leeke Street London WC1X 9HS Tel: +44 (0) 20 7837 0041 Fax: +44 (0) 20 7278 0623 Web: www.irr.org.uk Email: [email protected] ©Institute of Race Relations 2012 ISBN 978-0-85001-071-9 Acknowledgements We would like to acknowledge the support of the Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust and the Open Society Foundations in the researching, production and dissemination of this report. Many of the articles cited in this document have been translated into English by over twenty volunteers who assist the IRR’s European Research Programme. We would especially like to thank Sibille Merz and Dagmar Schatz (who translate from German into English), Joanna Tegnerowicz (who translates from Polish into English) and Kate Harre, Frances Webber and Norberto Laguía Casaus (who translate from Spanish into English). A particular debt is due to Frank Kopperschläger and Andrei Stavila for their generosity in allowing us to use their photographs. In compiling this report the websites of the Internet Centre Against Racism in Europe (www.icare.to) and Romea (www.romea.cz) proved invaluable. Liz Fekete is Executive Director of the Institute of Race Relations and head of its European research programme. Cover photo by Frank Kopperschläger is of the ‘Silence Against Silence’ memorial rally in Berlin on 26 November 2011 to commemorate the victims of the National Socialist Underground. (In Germany, white roses symbolise the resistance movement to the Nazi -
Right-Wing Extremism in Poland
INTERNATIONAL POLICY ANALYSIS Right-Wing Extremism in Poland RAFAL PANKOWSKI October 2012 n While the Polish extreme right does not have its own representation on the level of a parliamentary political party, the mainstream populist conservative party, Law and Justice (PiS) absorbed a big portion of the radical nationalist ideology and cadres during the last years. The far-right impact on mainstream politics could be recently observed in Warsaw, when in September 2012 a mass street demonstration was organized jointly by the PiS, Solidarity trade union and the far-right Radio Maryja movement. n The extreme right places decidedly more emphasis on symbolic and identity politics than on economic and social policy. Although issues such as unemployment provide an important context to extreme-right activities, cultural factors remain decisive for right-wing groups. n The majority of the Polish extreme-right groups subscribes to a Catholic fundamen- talist ideology combined with a strongly radical ethnic version of nationalism in- cluding antisemitism. Their ideology is accompanied by a very traditionalist view on family and gender roles and concerning foreign policy marked by an opposition to the EU. RAFAL PANKOWSKI | RIGHT-WING EXTREMISM IN POLAND Contents 1. Introductory Remarks ...................................................3 2. Main Extreme-Right Groups Today ........................................3 3. Orientations, Narratives and Influence of Polish Right-Wing Extremism .........6 4. Countermeasures .......................................................9 -
Nazi Party from Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia
Create account Log in Article Talk Read View source View history Nazi Party From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia This article is about the German Nazi Party that existed from 1920–1945. For the ideology, see Nazism. For other Nazi Parties, see Nazi Navigation Party (disambiguation). Main page The National Socialist German Workers' Party (German: Contents National Socialist German Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei (help·info), abbreviated NSDAP), commonly known Featured content Workers' Party in English as the Nazi Party, was a political party in Germany between 1920 and 1945. Its Current events Nationalsozialistische Deutsche predecessor, the German Workers' Party (DAP), existed from 1919 to 1920. The term Nazi is Random article Arbeiterpartei German and stems from Nationalsozialist,[6] due to the pronunciation of Latin -tion- as -tsion- in Donate to Wikipedia German (rather than -shon- as it is in English), with German Z being pronounced as 'ts'. Interaction Help About Wikipedia Community portal Recent changes Leader Karl Harrer Contact page 1919–1920 Anton Drexler 1920–1921 Toolbox Adolf Hitler What links here 1921–1945 Related changes Martin Bormann 1945 Upload file Special pages Founded 1920 Permanent link Dissolved 1945 Page information Preceded by German Workers' Party (DAP) Data item Succeeded by None (banned) Cite this page Ideologies continued with neo-Nazism Print/export Headquarters Munich, Germany[1] Newspaper Völkischer Beobachter Create a book Youth wing Hitler Youth Download as PDF Paramilitary Sturmabteilung -
Poland 2020 International Religious Freedom Report
POLAND 2020 INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM REPORT Executive Summary The constitution provides for freedom of religion. It states religion is a personal choice, and all churches and religious organizations have equal rights. A concordat with the Holy See defines relations with the Roman Catholic Church. Statutes and agreements determine relations between the government and 14 other religious groups. The law prohibits public speech offensive to religious sentiment. In July, the government moved to invalidate the registration of the Reformed Catholic Church for recognizing same-sex marriage after registering the group earlier in the year. Municipal authorities in the town of Jaslo proceeded with construction of a road running through what the Rabbinical Commission for Cemeteries identified as a Jewish cemetery and, after uncovering several graves, exhumed the bodies and reburied them in another cemetery over the opposition of the commission. The government decided 22 religious communal-property restitution cases out of 2,938 outstanding cases, compared with 151 cases decided in 2019. During the national presidential campaign, President Andrzej Duda and governing Law and Justice Party (PiS) Chairman Jaroslaw Kaczynski, as well as opposition politicians, expressed opposition to restitution for Jewish heirless property claims arising from the Holocaust era. Government-controlled media used anti-Semitic rhetoric during the presidential campaign in the spring and summer. Some opposition parliamentarians made anti-Semitic comments during the year. Senior government officials participated in Holocaust remembrance events. The government investigated 370 religiously motivated incidents in 2019 (the most recent data available), compared with 429 in the previous year. There were 182 anti-Semitic, 112 anti-Muslim, and 76 anti-Catholic incidents. -
Keywords Abstract: Contemporary National Movement in Poland
Keywords Nation, nationalism, national movement, National Movement, National Democracy, All- Polish Youth, National-Radical Camp, national right, development, organization Abstract: Contemporary national movement in Poland The intention of the author and the aim of the dissertation were especially: description of structures and program assumptions of the contemporary national movement, a critical analysis of the activities of renascent national movement, clarify some facts and motives of the National Movement members and the forecast of development trends of the contemporary nationalistic organization. At the outset, it has been hypothesized that the emergence and development of the contemporary National Movement in Poland has led: fascination by the axiology and ideology of pre-war nationalists and the negative assessment of current policies in the country. It was also assumed that the reason for the creation of the National Movement's own concept of “modern nationalism” and implementation of the “radical change” leading to it, was strong cut off from most of national political formations created after 1989. In addition, the author tried to answer the key question: what is the significance for the Polish nationalists by the implementation of their postulate – “radical change” in the construction of the “modern nationalism” concept? Dissertation has been divided into five chapters sequentially talking about: the theoretical issue of nation and nationalism which are necessary in the analysis of political science, the essence of Polish nationalism, Polish “national right-wing” created after 1989, the evolution of the contemporary National Movement being built on the pillars of All-Polish Youth, the National-Radical Camp and axiological layer of National Movement which demonstrates ideological and programmatic development of organization. -
Ideology, Social Basis, Prospects
CENTER FOR MONITORING AND COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF INTERCULTURAL COMMUNICATIONS AT THE MOSCOW INSTITUTE OF PSYCHOANALYSIS EUROPEAN CENTRE FOR DEMOCRACY DEVELOPMENT INSTITUTE FOR ETHNIC POLICY AND INTER-ETHNIC RELATIONS STUDIES CONTEMPORARY FAR-RIGHTS Right radicalism in Europe: ideology, social basis, prospects Athens — London — Berlin — Paris — Moscow — Krakow — Budapest — Kiev — Amsterdam — Roma 2018 УДК 329.055.1(4)”654” ББК 66.64(4) C76 Editor in Chief and Project Head: Dr. Valery Engel, Chairman of the Expert Council of the European Tolerance Centre, Head of the Center for Monitoring and Comparative Analysis of Intercultural Communications Authors: Dr. Valery Engel (general analytics), Dr. Jean-Yves Camus (France), Professor Matthew Feldman (UK), Dr. William Allchorn (UK), Dr. Anna Castriota (Italy), Dr. Ildiko′ Barna (Hungary), Bulcsu′ Hunyadi (Hungary), Dr. Vanja Ljujic (Netherlands), Tika Pranvera (Greece), Katarzyna du Val (Poland), Dr. Semen Charny (Russia), Dr. Dmitry Stratievsky (Germany), Ruslan Bortnik (Ukraine), Dr. Alex Carter (UK) C76 Contemporary far-rigts. Right radicalism in Europe: ideology, so- cial basis, prospects / Center for Monitoring and Comparative Analysis of Intercultural Communications at the Moscow Institute of Psychoanalysis [и др.; ed. Valery Engel и др.]. — М.: Московский ин-т психоанализа, 2018. — 48 с. — ISBN 978-5-904347-92-5. I. Engel, Valery, ред. Report ‘Contemporary far-rights. Right-wing radicalism in Europe: ideology, social base, prospects’ is the result of the work of an international team of experts from ten European countries. The report answers the ques- tions of what the social basis of European right wing radicalism is, and what the objective prerequisites and possible directions for its development are. -
Poland Dominika Kasprowicz
National and Right-Wing Radicalism in the New Democracies: Poland Dominika Kasprowicz NATIONAL AND RIGHT-WING RADICALISM IN THE NEW DEMOCRACIES: POLAND Dominika Kasprowicz Paper for the workshop of the Friedrich Ebert Foundation on “Right-wing extremism and its impact on young democracies in the CEE- countries” 1 National and Right-Wing Radicalism in the New Democracies: Poland Dominika Kasprowicz 1. Introduction Nationalist movements in Poland in the post communist era vary within a broad spectrum. This spectrum may be characterized by a diversity of organisational forms in the last 20 years: political parties, quasi-political organisations, associations and discussion clubs gathered around magazines. In the majority of cases, these have had a disintegrated and marginal role in both social and political life. Until this point a clear and exhaustive taxonomy has not been made of the groups and political parties which belong to the spectrum of nationalist political organisations. What could be recognized as the common ideological determinants of Polish national movement are the priority of Polish national interests and Poles regarded as a sovereign nation. Another determinant is the reluctance felt towards pan-European and international organisations. Simultaneously, there are evidently elements of their programmes which differentiate the nationalist movements in Poland and stem from a number of sources. Nationalist groups and parties vary in their relation to democracy, their level of identification with Catholic ethics and (by maintaining a critical opposition) in their vision of European integration. In academic literature, the terms “right wing nationalism”, “right wing extremism” the “far right” and “ultra right” are used interchangeably and are applied to the members and sympathisers of national movements and nationalist parties as well as extreme and populist nationalists (Maj 2007; Sokół 2006; Tokarz 2002).