THE TRANSMISSION OF DRUM SONGS IN PELLY BAY, NUNAVUT, AND THE CONTRIBUTIONS OF COMPOSERS AND SINGERS TO MUSICAL NORMS
Norma Mae Kritsch Vascotto
A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Department of Music University of Toronto
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Norma Mae Kritsch Vascotto Faculty of Music University of Toronto
ABSTRACT
Inuit drum songs are snapshots of memorable activities in composers' lives, besides having an accompaniment function in drum dances and a general role in oral history preservation. I investigated the drum song repertoire of one extended family from Pelly Bay, Nunavut, looking for a broader social role independent of textual content and public performance. I looked musicologically at how composers and singers contributed to song style. With assistance from informants, I determined the transmission paths and the perceived meaning of the transmitted information, then related the socio-cultural to the musical findings. Musicologically, the songs showed a variety of expression within compositional nonns. Interval make-up and melodic contour types were largely consistent. Scale appeared to derive from tonal centre relationships established eady in the compositional process. Scale and interval complexity varied generationally, while microtonal make-up displayed compositional and performance components. ornamentation showed positional uniformity, but variety in execution. Transmitted versions, faithful to the memory and style of the composer, showed musical alterations which reflected singer style and the transmission path. Transmission patterns reflected the importance of kin and fictive kin relationships. Consanguineat ties outnumbered affinal ones, with modes of transmission related to composer gender. Women's songs moved to daughters and granddaughters. Men's songs moved through their nuclear families, and then into sons' families by way of mothers and wives. Siblings were in transmission lines, but direct sibling to sibling transmission was not maintained. Songs reinforced namesake ties, and reflected beliefs about commonality of namesake traits. Song transmission in these cases reinforced the importance of song performance in reinforcing ties, and showed the role of women in this maintenance. Teaching and learning followed paths that dealt with obligatory and avoidance demands of traditional kin relations. Teaching methods have changed over time, and much of this is attributable to the change from oral to non-oral learning styles. Opportunities for teaching and learning are reduced in Pelly Bay today, though new contexts in school and home have developed. Reinforcement of traditional kin and fictive ties continues to be an important element in transmission, though a more generalized dispersal of songs seems to be developing. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I am indebted to a number of people who helped make this work possible. My greatest debt is to the singers and informants in Pelly Bay. Besides performing for me, the singers endured my questions even when in my ignorance I was impolite, and they freely added things they thought I should know Theme Sikkuark, Maria Tuituark, Solomon Ikkujuitoq, Jose Angutingnungniq, Lucie Imrningnaq, Simon Inuqsaq, Simeona Annaqatjuaq, Martha Tunnuq, Bibienne Niuvirvuk, Victor Tungilik, Marie Anguti. (Several of the elders have since passed away, and I'm sure they are greatly missed by the community.) I also thank my main interpreters Lutgarde Angutingnungniq and Yanina Mannusiniq for their advice and patience, and Cedric for his help in one of the recording sessions. 1 thank Kathy Anaituk for being my able guide through the Kugaaruk school library, and the other teachers who helped me. Nick Sikkuark and Guido Tigvareark added to my store of community information, while Mary- Madeleine Nirlungayak kindly allowed me to stay in her home. Sidonie and Bartholomie Nirlungayak were very kind, as were many others in Pelly Bay who gave me tea and made me feel welcome. I thank you all, and apologize to those whose names I forgot. I also thank the Hamlet Council of Pelly Bay for allowing me to come and work, and Mr. Elwood Johnston, Senior Administrative Officer at that time, for facilitating the process. Sister Edith of the Pelly Bay mission was a kind and helpful consultant, and 1 thank her for a memorable Easter dinner at a busy time for her. The University of Toronto provided a travel grant which helped make the trip to Pelly Bay possible. 1 am grateful to Mr. Dennis Fletcher and M. Benoit Theriault at the Canadian Museum of Civilization, the former for his knowledge of the recording archives and the latter for his ability to find the even most obscure documentation. The staff at the Prince of Wales Centre in Yellowknife provided recordings and written material which were most useful. I thank my supervisor Dr. James Kippen for his comments, criticisms, and encouragement, and Dr. Beverley Diamond for her vast knowledge of Netsilik music and her willingness to share it Finally, I thank my family: Gian for telling me it was possible and giving me the real and figurative space to do it; my mother for her help, and for telling me to get on with it; and Robin, Sandy, and Kris who pitched in and made it all worth while. TABLE OF CONTENTS
ABSTRACT ii.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iv.
LlST OF ILLUSTRATIONS ix. LlST OF TABLES xi.
INTRODUCTION
I. The Study
A. Hypothesis B. Rationale C. Scope D. Aims of the Study E. Fieldwork
II. Survey of the Literature
A. Problems with interpretation B. Literature before 1900 C. Literature from 1900 to 1939 D. Literature from 1940 to 1959 E. Literature from 196G to 1979 F. Literature since 1980 G. The missing element Notes
CHAPTER 1. THE STUDY AREA
I. The Ethnographic Background A An overview of Inuit society and culture B, Pelly Bay today C. Local History D. Arviligjuarmiut and the relationship with Gjoa Haven, Taloyoak, and Repulse Bay E. Acculturation and the effects of Euro-Canadian contact
11. The Ethnomusicological Background
A. An Overview of lnuit Music B. The Music of Pelly Bay
Notes
CHAPTER 2. THE DRUM SONGS IN PELLY BAY
I. Methodology
A Sources B. Transcriptions C. Organization and composition of the collection i. Choice of songs ii. Exclusions iii. Translations D. Parameters and methods for analysis i. Mode, scale, and tonal centre ii. Melodic analysis a) Intervals, interval frequency distribution, and motivic analysis b) Microtonal pitch alterations and ornamentation iii. Formal structure of drum songs iv. Similarity analysis E. Genealogy
It. The Music
A. Aspects of musical style among composers i. Structure - song 'parts" ii. Melody a) Interval content and interval count profiles i) Numbers and kinds of intervals ii) Relationship to tonal centres ii) Mutual information analysis based on interval counts b) Melodic contour c) Mode, tonal centre, scale, and range 5. Components of musical style, and contributions by composers and singers i. "Ornamentationn ii. Microtonal pitches iii. Vocal style C. Variants and mncordances i. Contributions of singers to musical aspects of song construction a) Nipta!uqfs song b) Comparison of sets of concordances
Notes
CHAPTER 3. TRANSMISSION
I. The Family
A. Social Structure and Kin Relationships i. General considerations ii. Kin groups iii. Kin relationships iv. Fictive kin relationships B. Genealogy of the family of Alakkanuaq i. General considerations ii. Alakkanuaq iii. Genealogical charts
11. Transmission of the Drum Songs
A. Introduction 8. Composers, and the Singers of their Songs i. Consanguinity, spousal relationships, and affinity ii. Examples C. Singers, and their Relationships to Composers i. Kin ties of singers to composers ii. Singers and restricted ilagiit D. Namesakes E. Teaching and Learning i. Kin relationships in teaching and learning ii. Teaching methods and contexts iii. Important elements in drum song transmission F. Women's roles in song transmission, composition, and performance
Notes CHAPTER 4. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION
1. Introduction
II. Songs over time
A. Composers and song style 6. Singers and song style C. Memory
Ill. Transmission
A. Song transmission - Traditional and postcentralization IV. What drum songs are - Informants' views
A. Meaning of songs for composers B. Meaning of songs for singers
V. Modernization and its effects on drum songs and their transmission
A. Oral and non-oral learning styles B. Media and media exposure, acculturation and overlap C. Heritage and the Nunavut factor
VI. Conclusion
Notes
GLOSSARY
BIBLIOGRAPHY
APPENDIX 1. TRANSCRIPTIONS OF THE UNIQUE SONGS OF PELLY BAY APPENDIX 11. LIST OF SINGERS AND COMPOSERS, COMPLETE REPERTOIRE LIST, CODES, AND SUPPLEMENTAL TRANSCRIPTIONS APPENDIX Ill. SPREADSHEETS OF SONG INTERVALS USED IN CONTOUR ANALYSIS APPENDIX 1V. COMPLETE GENEALOGICAL CHARTS LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
FIGURE
Genealogy of the extended consanguineal and afinal family of Alakkanuaq
Interval composition of all songs
Interval fingerprints of the songs of Alakkanuaq and his sons and daughter (2 pages)
Interval fingerprints of songs of some of the oldest generation of composers
Interval fingerprints of the songs of Niptajuq and his family
Interval fingerprints of women composers
Relationships of intervals to tonal centres
Tree of song groupings generated by mutual information analysis
Examples of song contours (1)
Examples of song contours (2)
Examples of short-strophe style
Examples of song contours - Women composers Mode types
Musical example - Vocable "ornamentn
Musicat example - Chain of microtonal inflections in song 1 1C-BA by Tigumiak Differentiation of LT inflections in three songs by Qayaqsaaq
Path of transmission of Niptajuq's song
Group 1 - Variants of a song by Nakkanuaq Group 2 - Variants of a song by lqqivalituq
Group 3 - Variants of a song by Kungaijaijuq Group 4 - Variants of a song by Qarmatsiaq
Genealogy of the consanguineal and affinal extended family of Alakkanuaq
Composer charts
Singer charts
Photograph of drum and beater in position before drum dance class
MAP
Nunavut
Large-scale regional Inuit groupings
Regional groupings of Netsilik Inuit LIST OF TABLES
TABLE
1. Some characteristics of drum song performance in the Western and Eastern Arctic
Identification formats for songs in the collection
Ur-Versions of songs used in analysis
Selection of song groups or 'partsn
Numbers of songs having (a) ranges of total interval counts and (b) ranges of numbers in interval types
Composers and their generations
Counts, generations, and numbers of interval types in whole songs and refrains
Intervals involving the tonal centre, and their directions of movement
Groups generated by mutual information anaiysis at three levels of grouping - Percent interval composition in groups
Composer make-up of groups
Composers' songs divided by generation, gender, and kin ties in three levels of groupings generated by mutual information analysis
lncipit interval direction among songs of selected composers
Modal varieties in drum songs
Tonal centres
Frequency of scale segments
Interval between tonai centre and the note below Interval between tonal centre and the note above
Ranges of songs
Mode types derived from surrounding interval relationships
'Ornament" types
Composers and their generations - Number of songs with and without microtonal inflections in total songs
Composers and their generations - Number of songs with and without miuotonal inflections in Ur-versions
Singers and microtonal songs
A comparison of versions of both parts of Niptajuq's song
Text and verse order among concordances of part 1
Songs used for comparison of variants
Composers and their kin ties
Singers and their relationships to composers
Teachers and their kinship ties
Kin ties of singers and composers
Consanguineal ties of selected singers
Generations of singers, with reference to Alakkanuaq
Namesakes
Teacher relationships Introduction
I. The Study A. Hypothesis In traditional lnuit society, drum songs were repositories of information. Most texts gave specific information on hunting techniques and land use, while many, especially those composed by women, reiterated social mores, expunged social demons, and expressed regrets and fears. This study contends that the souo-cultural information passed on in drum songs was not limited to the text content. Song transmission reinforced kinship ties and embodied lnuit ideas of kinship and entit!ement to information. Within a fairly standardized conception of a drum song, the musical content of the songs changed over time and individual stylistic contributions of composers were modified by the vocal styles of singers. The kinds and extent of these differences among composers and singers reflect and illuminate aspects of the transmission process.
B. Rationale In traditional lnuit society, memory was the vehicle for presenring historical and musical knowledge, and oral transmission allowed this knowledge to proceed through time. History and music come together in drum songs, which are laced with descriptions of place, personal events, and social situations. The song is a powerful medium for the transmission of knowledge because it evokes for the listener an image of the composer himself while requiring of transmitted texts an ineluctable fidelity to the original. The drum song is in large part a musical medium for transmission of text, and both components need to be investigated separately. Although an in-depth analysis of text is beyond the scope of this study, I will firstly assess the music and secondly the relationship between, and relative importance of, music and text in order to illuminate the stmcture of the songs. In so doing I hope to move towards an understanding of how they are remembered and passed to others. Most often, songs were passed to members of a composer's extended family. Understanding kin relationships among singers and composers gives a perspective from which to view song transmission within the family. Conversely, knowing through what channels songs were transmitted clarifies the role of drum songs in maintaining kinship ties, and reveals some of the obligations conferred by these ties.
C. Scope Recording and study for this project was limited to the drum song, or pisiq, an emic classification for a genre with predominantly narrative and reflective textual content Occasionally singers sang fragments of other songs to illustrate various concepts, but these are not part of the primary study. The famiiy chosen for recording was the extended family of Alakkanuaq or Orpingalik, the important Netsilik shaman who figured prominently in a report by Rasmussen (1931), and whose name arose frequently in Asen Balikci's ethnographic work (1970) and in Beverley ~avanagh's' study of Netsilik music (1982). Relatives living in Pelly Bay were recorded, and examples from collections (to be described in Chapter 2) were re-examined. I expected difficulties in limiting allouable kinship ties; as an informant from Taloyoak told me, when I was contemplating this issue, "Everybody is related in Pelly Bay"? This proved to be less of a problem than I had anticipated since the repertoire essentially delimited itself within a pa~cularcircle of kin. In my own recording I was not able to record songs by relatives living in Taloyoak or Gjoa Haven, although I have used archived recordings of singers from these towns. lnuit kinship and its role in structuring lnuit society has been studied by a number of researchers, notably Guemple (1965), Damas (1963), and most recently Trott (1989). As Damas has pointed out, an accurate definition of the kinship system is essential to pin down its role and significance in lnuit society. This study is not, however, a study of lnuit kin structure, and thus a strict definition of kinship is secondary to finding the actual path of songs through various singers of the same extended family. The importance here lies in the singers' definitions of particular family relationships, their assessment of the importance of particular ties, and their own ideas about the role of namesake and kin relationships in song composition and transmission. Wherever possible, I included informants' remarks about relationships, even when they disagreed with documented genealogical information. D. Aims of the Study Cavanagh's seminal work on Netsilik music (1982) addressed issues of style, continuity, and change, with specific reference to context in traditional and modem times. She collected, catalogued, and analyzed an unusually complete repertoire of regional Inuit music from the three Netsilik communities. The availabitity of further archived recordings from Pelly Bay, and my own contemporary collection allowed this present study to explore the issues of transmission and change in more detail and on a more individual level. With its special reference to that fundamental unit of traditional and contemporary lnuit society, the extended family, it has relevance to other regions in the Arctic where such specialized repertoire and information are no longer available. This study, then, investigates the issues of drum song distribution, song transmission, and musical relatedness within an extended family of musicians from the Pelly Bay area. By relating the songs to the genealogy of the family, I document the relative importance of particular family relationships, including namesakes, to song composition and transmission. Some individual songs are traced through the family. The style and structure of the musical medium are studied in comparative terms and the relative contributions of composers and singers determined. And finally, singers are consulted for their assessment of the role of the drum song in evoking for singers and listeners a personal recollection of events and emotions.
E. Fieldwork This project is an area study comprising archival and community information. The extensive archival research was done in partly in Pelly 8ay and Yellowknife, and partly in the Canadian Museum of Civilization in Hull, Quebec, Canada. To gather information for the community component I spent a month living in Pelly Bay in the spring of 1996. The visit was approved by the senior administrative officer (SAO) and the hamlet council (a council of elders) through telephone conversations, faxes, and my submission of a work proposal. The understanding was that 1 would live somewhere in the village and conduct interviews and recording sessions with those willing to help. My intention was to arrange interpreters, informants, and translators once I had amved in Pelly Bay. In so doing I avoided any "official" choice of informants, and allowed people in the community to assess me and my work in order to decide whether or not they wanted to be part of the project. I ran the risk of having nobody to sing for me, or, alternatively, of being swamped with requests as a paying researcher (remuneration was by the session, not by the number of songs). Neither happened. The two interpreters, Lutgarde Angutingungniq and Yanina Mannusiniq, proposed singers and informants, facilitated sessions, and were my first channel of communication with people willing to help. They single-handedly made the in-situ research possible. They themselves were related to the family under study and knew whom to approach. They interpreted as they went, contributed details in the recording sessions, and 'glossedn informant comments where appropriate. Once I had started the recording process, other relatives suggested more singers, and the study expanded as needed. I also recorded a few elderly non-family members who happened to be visiting Pelly Bay and asked to be recorded. Recording sessions were held in the school, in peoples' homes, or in the house in which I was staying. The meetings were sometimes planned, sometimes serendipitous: I often had to grab equipment and run to impromptu sessions. A typical formal session consisted of an infonant singing all of hisiher songs first, and then the interpreter, informant, and myself chatting in a recorded intewiew. Though I would rather have asked questions after each song. singers were concerned about remembering text and preferred to sing everything first. Some of the immediacy of recollection may have been lcst as a result, but the leisurely pace of the intewiew probably allowed different sorts of information to emerge. I chose to conduct interviews through interpreters for several reasons. First, my rudimentary lnuktitut language skills did not allow me to camrnunimte effectively; I suspect that only a great deal more study would only have attowed me to go beyond the everyday, functional level to the realm of ideas. Secondly, I felt that interpreters were more equipped than I linguistically and culturally to draw out relevant information - they knew the interviewees. There was considerable conversation between interpreters and informants, and between myself and interpreters, in trying to clarify points as we talked. Some singers spoke English to a greater or lesser extent, and they themselves helped. Ideally, I would have had interviews literally translated, but to date that has not been possible. I relied on live recordings of interviews wtrich included lnuktitut and English translations done on the spot. Some mention should be made about the kinds of information gathered from interviews. Direct questioning is considered rude in Inuit society. I initially came armed with my standard list of questions, but soon found I gained little information from it. I learned to let the interview unfold, and to pose my questions as and when they conesponded into the topics of conversation; I leamed not to feel insulted if they were ignored as being irrelevant. I learned to tell the difference between real agreement, and acquiescence that served to avoid further questioning. The most valuable insights came when informants wanted to tell me something; this happened more frequently as we got to know one another better. Much of the time was spent in silence - a normal occurrence in conversations there, but uncomfortable for those not accustomed to it. Much is learned in Inuit society by watching and waiting, and I learned to do the same. Although my stay with the community was relatively short it was still possible to spread sessions over several days. We also met informally; visiting plays a large role in information exchange in the community, as does drinking tea. Since many of the singers were elderly, and there was a virulent influenza strain going around, we met when we could and worked around fatigue and prior commitments. Both formal and informal sessions usually involved the presence of children and babies, with other people continually coming and going. I also spent time at the school, the nursing station, and the church residence. My time in Pelly Bay extended over the Easter weekend, and a community outdoor games festival and indoor get-together were held, in addition to many sewices in the local Roman Catholic church. There was no drum dance, but a band playing rock music with keyboard and guitars was part of the festivities. There was a hockey tournament one weekend, and several players from communities such as Baker Lake stayed at the house with me. The fieldwork, then, consisted of living in the community, conducting formal and informal recording sessions, visiting and being visited, and attending community functions. Ideally, a follow-up visit would have contributed much to the study, but it was not possible. I remained in contact by telephone, fax, and e-mail, and used those means to clarify points that came up as I processed the field materials. Since then, I have sent to the community copies of most Netsilik songs archived in the Canadian Museum of Civilization. I also arranged the use, with permission, of songs by family member Fabien Oogaq in a posthumous exhibition of the singefs sculptures in Ottawa for the Nunavut celebration. II. Suwey of the Literature A. Problems with interpretation Dedicated ethnornusicological studies are few in number among the many geographic, scientific, and ethnographic expeditions mounted in the Arctic. Music is frequently described in early accounts of contact with lnuit culture, even in commercial expeditions with no particular ethnographic agenda. This reflects the fact that music has permeated much of the daily and ritual life of lnuit people, besides being the prominent component of the festive public drum dances. The gathefing of musical data quickly became a secondary focus in the larger expeditions of the early twentieth century; this was true to such an extent that in 1923 Hjalmar Thuren could confidently declare of Greenlandic music: "We are thus in the possession now of such an extensive material that we can lay claim to complete knowledge of the whole musical system of the Eskimo" (Thuren 1923: 4). The early collections of lnuit music, despite Thuren's confidence, present the modem scholar with difficulties. Most notably, early recordings are rare (recordings of actual drum dance occasions are only available from the mid-twentieth century), fragile, and subject to misinterpretation primarily because of conditions under which they were collected. For example, the ad of recording wax cylinders in a cold environment was aiways problematic at best, and many early recordings were lost due to breakage or failure of the recording apparatus. Often, songs were recorded in an enclosed space, such as a trading post or igloo, by singers performing outside the normal context. Pelinski (1981) points out that Christian Leden's recordings in the early 1900s contain singers performing while sobbing in fear of the recorder. Early recordings are precious examples of pre-contact music, but their content must be used with caution. More recent ethnornusicological collections are quite accessible, though incidental recordings are scattered in many different places. Scores of people in the Arctic -- including missionaries, hospital and government workers, trading post employees, and casual visitors - have recorded songs starting with the earliest years of the opening of the North. Only some of these recordings have been deposited into archives, and of these many are uncatalogued and their contents unknown. There is a wide range of musical abilities and training among collectors and commentators on lnuit music. Some, such as the explorer Amundsen (1908), freely admitted detesting the sound of lnuit singing even as they were describing it. Others had some musical knowledge, but relied on musicologists to transcribe and interpret material after the fact, After the 1940s, musical training was more common among collectors, with song collections becoming the focus of the research rather than the by- products. Technical accounts of lnuit music before this time range from cursory to detailed, as does the accuracy of the transcriptions made. For example, Franz Boas's description and transcription of the Well-known Greenland song* -- sung incessantly and used as a refrain for many songs by Hudson Bay lnuit (Boas 188811964) - raises the question as to whether he could tell the difference between one ajaja refrain and anothe?, or, indeed, whether there actually was such a song. Compounding these uncertainties in musical data is the issue of the degree to which the groups recorded had been acculturated. lnuit groups were contacted by Europeans at different times. Rates of population centralization varied widely, with some community and family groups gathering in whaling centres in the 1800s and even earlier, while others remained surprisingly isolated until the 1970s. Another variable is the health of the particular group being studied, and the degree to which it was intact. The Caribou lnuit in particular faced starvation regularly, and it has been postulated that their "simplef culture was in reality one impoverished by reduced numbers and hardship. Epidemics in the Arctic are documented as early as the nineteenth century; these caused the complete replacement of populations in certain areas - for example, the Mackenzie Delta and Southampton Island - and consequent changes in cultural practices. And, of course, missionary activity was ongoing, changing the focus of musical activity at best, and completely outlawing traditional forms at worst. The effect, then, is that the general literature on music in the Arctic is very difficult to interpret. Firstly, synchronic comparisons, except perhaps those from the earliest days of contact, are complicated by the fad that few simultaneous collections exist, and these contain many undifferentiated genres which may represent several lnuit groups. Secondly, rates of acculturation and loss of genres vary among groups. Thirdly, diachronic comparisons suffer from a lack of sequential collections, atthough the extensive early collections have proved of great value in certain later studies, especially since early collectors were careful to identify and record visiting singers from other areas. Often the bulk of the research in a given area has occurred immediately before and during the period of greatest social change: times when activity involving 'outsiders' in general was at its greatest. Stability and change are thus highly relevant topics. At the same time, however, it is nearly impossible to characterize accurately all "Inuir music of this time period in any meaningful way. Ethnomusicological literature on lnuit music may be grouped in several ways. Cavanagh (1982) chose to group work relating to the Netsilik by contact period, an approach which works well in dealing with individual lnuit groups. Lutz (1978), on the other hand, divided her material on the Baffin region into pre- and post-1970 work. For the present discussion, one that deals with a large geographical area, I have grouped the research chronologically into five unequal periods. Studies from each period not only have time of collection in common but they also are often philosophically similar, reflecting contemporary trends in research in cultural anthropology, and specifically in ethnographic approach. These periods are: before 1900; 1900-39; 1940-59; 1960-79; and 1980 to the present.
B. Literature before 1900 The earliest literature contains particularly fascinating accounts of lnuit life and of musical practices as part of the "customsn seen in these early contacts.' Descriptions of angakok (shaman) rituals abound, as do those of drum dances and even occasional ones of katajait (vocal games, or so-called throat singing) as part of games exclusive to women. The account of Sir W.E. Parry's expedition of 1821-23 (1858) was one of the first to refer to specific songs, and his transcription of Amna-pya, the 'old Greenland song" was published in an 1824 article in The Hamonicon, and later quoted by Franz Boas in his book The Centmi Eskimo (1888,1964). Charles F. Hall's (1879) memoirs from the Second Arctic Expedition of 1864-69 contain no transcriptions, but he recounted in vivid detail every lnuit ceremony he witnessed, with an especially detailed description of wornens' games.5 Fridtjof Nansen (1891) wrote a useful chapter on the Greenland drum dance. The most extensive early accounts of lnuit customs appear in the writings of Franz Boas (1888) on the Central Eskimo. He held the anthropological stance that each culture was a unique result of its own particular history, and thus was not describable in terms of general theories or evolutionary explanations. This led him to collect a multitude of artifacts and make numerous observations which have been used subsequently by ethnographers to help contextualize musical practices. Boas also transcribed and wrote text translations of a number of songs from the western coast of Hudson Bay. Especially notable for reconstructing the history of original peoples, he provided a glimpse through the observations of George Comer, a whaler, into the habits and customs of the now-extinct stone-implement Sadlermiut of Southampton Island. What these and other early accounts have in common, besides a paucity of hard musical data (the exception being Pany's and Boas's sparse transcriptions) is that they describe musical practices before extensive contact with Europeans. A very few predate the decimation of populations by European diseases, and truly depict life in pre-contact communities; but most are ad hoe obsenrations based on associations with small groups of Inuit encountered and employed in the course of travel for other purposes. The work of Franz Boas stands out because of its level of detail and its emphasis on comparisons of myths and legends from several different areas; however, its musical material IE ?JO diffuse to be useful as a basis for any sort of generalization about musical practices, even for a single group. It was the work of the nsxt wave of researchers that began to lay the ethnomusicological foundation for much of what was to follow.
C. Literature from 1900 to 1939 Bmno Nettl (1954: 8-9) maintained that the three most important collections of lnuit songs were gathered before 1925: the Thalbitzermuren collection (1911) and the studies of Franz Boas (1898) and Diamond Jenness (1925).' 1 would add to that list Christian Leden's collections from between 1909 and 1916 (some material published in 1927), and Knud Rasmussen's collection of texts from 1921-24 (published 1932). These five collections provide concrete baseline musical data for later study. Wiiliarn Thalbitzer, a linguist, made melodic transcriptions of Polar Eskimo songs from norVrwest Greenland with heaid of a violin.' He was the first to make field recordings which have survived, those of the Angmagssalik (ca. 65 songs) in east Greenland. With the help of a musician, Hjalmar Thuren, he transcribed the Greenland songs in the laboratory. Thuren meticulously determined the site of intervals using Alexander Ellis's system of cents, and concluded that the microstructure of intervals used was a function only of singer preference, not of any systematic conception of scale. (This finding has been disputed in later studies, though not explicitly disproven.) Thalbitzer and Thuren's writings over the next thirty years contain very detailed descriptions, transcriptions, and explanations, as well as some comparative observations. They made a point of extolling the usefulness of recordings, and maintained that transcriptions, no matter how carefully prepared, could not capture the subtlety of lnuit music. Christian Leden, a Norwegian, made some very early recordings of the Polar lnuit (31 songs) of Smith Sound (1905-1 O), western Hudson Bay (1913-16), and later in Greenland. His publications spanned the years from 1911 to 1954, and included detailed descriptions of musical and shamanistic practices, with detailed transcriptions and analyses, especially from east Greenland. His book Uber Kiwatins Eisfelder (1927) resembles more a diary of his stay among the western Hudson Bay lnuit than an ethnornusicological study, although it does contain discussion of their music and a few transcriptions. His recordings have been used in some of the most recent research by Michael Hauser, and thus they are an invaluable source of primary material, despite the audible discomfort of the singers -- as pointed out by Pelinski - and the variable quality of Leden's wax cylinder recordings. One of the most famous Canadian collections of lnuit music is that of Diamond Jenness, an anthropologist of the southern party (1913-16) of the Canadian Arctic Expedition. He recorded 137 songs of the Copper lnuit at Bernard Harbour, near Dolphin and Union Straits. Of these, I07 are dance songs, mostly fmm local Inuit, but there are also songs from visiting Alaska, Mackenzie Delta, and Hudson Bay singers. Helen Roberts analyzed and transcribed these, and transcriptions and analyses were published jointly (Roberts and Jenness 1925). The volume, unique among Arctic musical studies of the time in terms of the thoroughness of the musical analysis presented, contains songs notated in great detail and analyzed as to form, metre, phrase composition, tonality, and text, with a tabular analysis for each song. No information, except translation, was taken directly from lnuit informants, however, and the technical descriptions offered often give the impression of remoteness from the actual music: e.g. a scalar classification containing 'songs with some peculiar tones in common but which are not alike nor do they give that impression'. Tapes of the original songs are still available at the Canadian Museum of Civilization in Hull, Quebec. There is some interesting speculation in Jenness's writing about how songs were modified, the role of 'dance associates' (song-cousins) in changing song words, and how listeners' understanding of local history and customs related to their appreciation of songs. On this last point, one thing especially relevant to this study is the obsewation that often the words of the songs themselves were unintelligible to the listeners: thus, the short pre-performance speech the singer made explained and contextualized the song. If the audience did not know the singer and the circumstances of the composition of the song -- for example, if they were from a different community -- the song was meaningless. In such a case, Jenness stated, the tune was still important.' Jenness's collection has been used as source material for a number of Canadian compositions based on texts andfor melodies of lnuit songs, and it contains valuable ethnomusicological information on this region of the Arctic. The last of the major ethnological projects of the early 20th century was the Fifth Thule Expedition of 1921-24, sponsored by the Danish government. Two ethnographers, Kaj Birket-Smith and Knud Rasmussen, based a number of publications in the late 1920s and early 1930s on material collected on this trip. Birket-Smith's emphasis was on anthropological origins and cultural practices of the Caribou Inuit, including an especially useful study of the lnuit drum and analogous instruments elsewhere among peoples of North America and northern Asia. His bibliography on drum studies (1929) is especially comprehensive. Aside from the physical description of instruments, however, his musical information is mostly contextual. Knud Rasmussen's research is ethnomusicologically more useful, especially for the present study, although unfortunately he made no sound recordings of the Copper, lglulik, Caribou, and Netsilik lnuit with whom he visited. Rasmussen was born in Greenland, his mother part-Eskimo, and he was fluent in Inuktitut. This allowed him to quickly communicate with whatever group he was visiting, and the information he gained from interviews with informants is insightful and thorough. His most valuable contribution is a set of texts of drum songs, used and cited by others for their poetic qualities as well as for the their very clear translations. They have been used by ethnomusicologists to illustrate the conservative nature of texts or portions of songs, as well as to show early origins of some later drum songs (See, for example, Cavanagh, t 982). The remainder of this era in arctic ethnornusicology saw one significant book and several important collections. In 1936, Helen ti. Roberts, drawing from other research, published her book Musid Amas in Aboriginal Nodh America, Although it was an extensively-researched comparative study, she omitted discussion about the use of the frame drum, stating that it was simply too widely used in many aboriginal musics for her to deal with. In doing so, she left out the most common instrument used in traditional lnuit music.' In 1937, Eric Holtved recorded 126 songs (106 of which were drum songs) interspersed with songs and stones of the Polar Inuit Jean Gabus recorded, collected articles, and made documentary films in 1938-39 in the Maguse River area (Caribou Inuit) for the Swiss Museum of Neuchatei and Basel. Both these collections would be used in later publications by the collectors themselves, and by other researchers.
D. Literature from 1940 to 1959 In the 1940s and A950s, the Arctic was opened up to more extensive government and law-enforcement activity; sovereignty was reaffirmed in various ways, and the DEW (Distant Early Warning) radar line established as part of the association between the Canadian and American military. There is not, however, a large body of ethnomusicological - or even ethnographical - research from this period, despite a significant increase in qablunaat-Inuit contact. Research focussed more on the sociology of the Inuit in response to the interests of white institutions. The studies that were done on lnuit musical life involved new ways of looking at the repertoire and an increased interest in a comparative approach. Zygmunt Estfeicher used Jean Gabus's recordings of Caribou lnuit from the Maguse River area west of Hudson Bay as the basis for articles in 1947 and 1948 on polyrhythm in the drum dance, and the parallel 'polyphony" occasionally heard in songs of this area. His approach was technical and comparative, with an emphasis on the evolution and development of styles and a minimum of contextual information. He also developed transcription techniques while working on Gabus's recordings, which he later applied to non-Inuit music. FurVler articles by Estreicher in the 1950s provided the first really comprehensive comparisons of music of various lnuit groups, with an overview of previous and contemporary research on all Inuit music including references to Siberian and other North American aboriginal music. At approximately the same time, other ethnomt sicologists had begun gathering primary musical data. Several were collecting from Alaska and the Mackenrie Delta - Lorraine Donoghue Koranda (195044, 42 songs), Margaret Lantis (1346-47), mostly descriptions of ceremonies), and Helge lngstad Groven (1949-50, 200 songs from the Nunamiut Inuit). From this last collection, Eivind Groven compiled his 1956 collection of transcriptions and analyses, Eskimo Melodier fta Alaska, a Norwegian publication. Laura Boulton recorded songs from Alaska and Hudson Bay in 1942 and 1946, and in 1954 released the first-ever commercial recording of lnuit music as an offshoot from that corpus, with extensive accompanying notes. Jean Malaurie recorded a number of traditional songs from the Polar lnuit at ~hule'~,and wrote about their song traditions in his 1955 publication, Les demiers rois de Thuld. Some of this material was later incorporated into a film of the same name (1970). In 1954, Claude Desgoffe did extensive recordings of more than 45 songs in a tuberculosis hospital in Quebec: songs largely from Bafh and lglulik regions. At that time tuberculosis was so rampant in the North that a large proportion of the lnuit population spent time in hospitals in the South. In 1954, Bntno Nettl published a comprehensive comparison called North Amen'can lndian Musical Styles. While using some material from Roberts's earlier book, he investigated primary material in the form of recordings and transcriptions in the archives of Indiana University in order to produce a volume comparing the various musics largely on their technical characteristics. Since he based the lnuit content on recordings of only northern Alaskan, Copper, Caribou, and Greenland groups, he placed the Eskimo into the Salish and Northwest Coast Indian musical area, a classification which, certainly for the Eastern Arctic, would not hold up to today's scrutiny. Otherwise, it is a valuable comparison of a diverse group of styles.
E, Literature from 1960 to 1979 The next period, the 1960s and 1970s, was the time of greatest social change for the lnuit of the eastern Arctic. It marks the wholesale transplantation of southern government institutions into the Arctic fegions and the resulting centralization of lnuit society. The tendency in government circles was to allocate financial resources in su& a way as to make the transition as painless as possible for all concerned, and probably secondarily to reflect the 'new" social awareness of the time. The wish to recurd a disappearing oral tradition spurred research institutions and museums to finance many types of ethnographic studies, including ethnornusicological ones. At the same time, there was a new cultural self-awareness emerging among the lnuit themselves, and a desire to incorporate elements of their own wlture into the educational and governmental institutions supposedly being established to serve them. The huge federally sponsored Inuit Land Use and Occupancy Project (1976) is one example of the scope of government projects and publications common at this time. Scholarly studies on linguistics, lnuit kinship, and social stnrcture were carried out by anthmpologists such as Lee Guemple, David Damas, and Jean Briggs respectively." The effect on the field of ethnomusicology of the opening up of the Arctic was to attract researchers firstly to collect primary material and fill gaps in knowledge concerning specific genres and lnuit groups, and secondly to conduct studies in the fashionable field of acculturation. Ethnomusicological studies of this period vary in scope and erhphasis, but most may be classified into one of these two types, with some degree of overlap. My discussion has so far focused mainly on ethnomusicology in the eastern Arctic; yet a great deal of research in Alaskan lnuit music was completed during this period, and should be mentioned briefly. Lonaine Koranda recorded music in Alaska at various times between 1950 and 1964, and published reports in the 1960s that mostly dealt with the songs themselves, with little contextual content. Her 1972 recording entitled Alaskan Eskimo Songs and Stories contains 42 songs from across Alaska, and a thirty-two page booklet explaining them. This recording, plus one by Mirium Stryker from St. Lawrence Island (1966) were the first commercial Alaskan recordings of indigenous music. Doreen Binnington, using recordings from Point Bamw, wrote a dissertation in 1973 on developing an interdisciplinary elementary school curriculum in the social sciences, and basing it on ethnomusicological principles (unpublished). She also did some work on music of the Coppennine region, using Jenness's recordings. Thomas F, Johnston attempted to fill some of the gaps in knowledge of Alaskan music with his many and varied studies from 1970 to A976. Working from the University of Alaska at Fairbanks, he tackled such diverse subjects as Alaskan Eskimo and Indian dance, Siberian music, the physiological and psychological effects of dancing and audience participation in drum dance performances, and the sthnographic background of music in various communities. His book Eskimo Music by Region: a comparative cicumpolar study (1976) purports to be a comparative overview of pan-Arctic music, although it is largely a survey of Alaskan music. It divides the circumpolar region into musical areas and subareas, but apart from the Alaskan examples each area's music is either very broadly characterized or is discussed in terns of some very narrow aspect. There is little middle ground. It is, however, an attempt to campare glJ polar musical regions, and does contain a good deal of contextual information, despite what it lacks in technical musical content. Michael Hauser was actively researching lnuit music in Greenland during this period, often collaborating with Jette Bang, a filmmaker, on films of drumdancing (six films for the Encyclopaedia Cinematographica: 1967, 1976) among various lnuit groups. His written and recorded publications at this time were largely concerned with the drum song in northwestern Greenland, the mule district of the Polar Inuit. His analyses are intricate and complete, and he devised a complex type of formal analysis that allows for comparisons of the drum songs of many regions. He was instrumental in establishing in the 1970s an exchange and duplication programme between the Danish Folklore Archives in Copenhagen, Ottawa's Museum of Man (as it was then called), and the Universite de Montreal. This allowed him to expand the scope of his comparisons. One of his significant achievements during this period was to trace members of families whose relatives had been part of the migration in the 1880s from Baffin Island to the Thule region. He was able to correlate characteristics in song forms in the latter area with song styles of the southeast Baffin region. In searching for distinctive formal characteristics with which to differentiate these two areas from others, he transcribed and analyzed the staggering number of 363 dntrn songs, supplemented with 1084 additional songs from collections taken from virtually every region of the eastern Arctic, Alaska and the Mackenzie Delta. The results of this study, published in English as Fonnal Structure in Polar Eskimo Drumsongs (1977: 33-53) and a two-part paper called lnuit Songs from Southwest Bafh Island in Cmss-Cultural Context (1W8a: 55-83, 1978b: 71-105) divide drum songs into formal types and offer some regional characterization. They also give some idea of the enormity of the drum song repertoire. Other investigators were working at the same time on several genres, although some of their results were not published formally until the early 1980s. Beverley Cavanagh (Diamond) was doing research among the Netsilik lnuit of Gjoa Haven, Pelly Bay and Spence Bay (Taloyoak) in 1972, 1975, and 1978. She published a very useful annotated bibliography of lnuit music in 1972, and a comparative study of text structure of songs of Netsilik. Caribou, Iglulik, and Copper Eskimos (1973). Her major work on music of the Netsilik Eskimo appeared later. Jean-Jacques Nattier (1979, 1988) wrote a study of the lgloolik drum dance, with additional material on the genre in general. Cavanagh's paper on Netsilik women's throat games (1976) was one of several appearing at that time on that particular genre. At the Universite de Montr6al, the Groupe de Recherches en Semiologie Musicale also was studying the Baffin lstand and Northern Quebec versions of this, the katajaq genre. Claude Chatton, Nicole Beaudry, Denise Harvey, Jean-Jacques Nattier, and Ramon Pelinski were members of this group, the first two producing papers in 1978 on the structure of the games. These papers are noteworthy because they treated the games as sonic phenomena rather than songs-with-melodies, and in doing so "cracked the code' of how they were put together. They also took the first steps towards actually transcn'bing and comparing this music in a useful way. Their studies lack contextual and historical information, however, and fail to draw on the fascinating accounts by early writers on this genre; they also do not detail comparable genres among such peoples as the Japanese Ainu and some Siberian groups. Other songs were recorded in this twenty-year period as part of studies or collections by officials or clerics working in the Arctic. Many of these were neither transcribed nor used in publications, although some became raw data for other researches such as Michael Hauser. Guy-Mary Rousseliere OMI", a well-known missionary and archeologist, recorded at least I00 songs from such communities as Pond Inlet, Pelly Bay, and the lgloolik area, and laid some of the historical groundwork for Hausets migration study on Thule. David Darnas in the Coppermine area, Lome Smith in Arctic Bay, Beverley Cavanagh, and Ramon Pelinski in Anriat were doing field recordings in the 1970s. Pelinski (1979) published a set of transcriptions with two traditional Inuit singers, Donald Suiuk and Lucy Amarook, as co-authors, the first published Inuit-qablunaaq collaboration I saw in the literature. This collection contains transcriptions of 47 songs, of which 34 are drum songs with texts in syllabic^'^. My own search through the catalogue drawers at the Canadian Museum of Civilization revealed dozens of cards listing recorded collections from this time, many of them by teachers, priests, visitors, and researchers on other errands. Some tapes have not been heard since their recording, their contents listed as 'songs, contents unknown" or 'miscellaneous songs and stories". Maija Lutz published a version of her dissertation in 1978, The Effects of Acculturation on Eskimo Music of Cumberland Peninsula. Despite its title and declared purpose to investigate all types of music in the region, there is very little music in it. She does give a thorough overview of lnuit music literature and the history of the area, but otherwise limits herself to listing musical occasions in the community of Pangnirtung. The results of acculturation are very much in evidence in Pangnirtung - hymn-singing, 'square' dancest4, teen dances - but she does not come to any significant conclusions in her work as to how and why these genres exist, and how the social makeup of the community maintained these particular examples. Her study does, though, underline a common thread in many studies since 1970: lnuit traditional music appears to be a separately constructed, expressed, and maintained phenomenon, quite apart from the popular and religious fons used in daily life. The hamlet of Pangnirtung, admittedly, is a poor example to use for traditional music, since missionaries so thoroughly eliminated its practice; still, her few examples show little influence, either in style or spirit, of traditional music on other forms, and none in the opposite direction.
F. Literature since 1980 Literature in lnuit ethnornusicology since 1980 is not easily characterized. Researchers have continued to collect and publish primary material on the music of specific groups and genres, and most studies contain something about acculturation. Increasingly, however, there is an emphasis on the role of music in culture -- in ethnornusicology in general, and lnuit music in particular -- and a quest for methodologies that may more neatly delineate this role, or at least help make sense of the music under study. The early 1980s saw the publication of results from several of the collec!ions mentioned earlier. Ramon Pelinski used Rankin inlet and Arviat material in a five- faceted study entitled La Musique des lnuit du Caribou: Cinq Perspectives M6thodologiques (1981). Each of the five chapters presents a particular research perspective using the same repertoire, and the book is worth considering in some detail because of that. The book is conceptually inventive, although the results of the approaches do not always prove to be satisfactory. The first is a study of acculturation in traditional genres, the ajaja (drum dance) in particular, and an overview of all musics in the community. One odd fact is that he had a drum brought into Rankin Inlet from Arviat, since there was none; that creates doubts about condusions he drew about the use of the drum, and also about the health of the drum song tradition at Rankin. His treatment of the music is much more thorough than was Lutz's (1979), and his diagram placing the genres on a diachronic and synchronic axis is most useful, as is some of his materiat on composition, ownership, and what the songs really say about the composer. The second chapter re-examines the issue of "polyphony', previously mentioned by Estreicher, which here is a rendering (accidental or otherwise) of songs in parallel frfths and octaves; he examines the issue in terms of emic and etic views of the same phenomenon. In the third chapter, he uses a similar ernidetic comparison (Chenoweth 1972; Nattiez 1975) on songs common to his own and Leden's collections. This is particularly interesting because he points out the discrepancy between what he heard as different intervals, and what singers considered to be the same interval. He had the unusual opportunity of comparing variants by one woman who had sung in both versions of one song, 63 years apart! The last two chapters are attempts to use the computer as an analytical tool. In the first case, he used a cluster analysis based on pitch intervals to generate a dendrogram showing the relative similarity of the songs". He also attempted to analyze melodic contour on grounds which I believe are of questionable validity: segmenting by actual time on the recording (which often misses peaks and valleys) rather than by pitch. His final chapter gives what Pelinski calls a generative grammar for dwn songs. Pelinski's book has been castigated by some, and praised by others: Thomas F. Johnston, who reviewed it in 1984, decried the lack of "original thought and intellectual insight" in the five perspectives (Johnston 1984: 338). Johnston was especially distrustful of the use of statistics and the computer. Except for the odd system of segmentation used in Pelinski's analysis, the study seems to be a fairly straightforward application of a widely used technique popular in other fields at the time. It would probably be received more generously today. The true value of the book, however, one which I feel justifies its more extensive review here, is in the variety of questions Pelinski was asking, and his flexibility in choosing radically different techniques for investigating eacfi one. In 1982, Beverley Cavanagh published her study of stability and change in the music of the Netsilik Inuit. She too used several ideological approaches: studying the entire soundscape in Memam's (1964) terms of sound, concept, and behaviour; using singers' own perceptions as a major source of information; comparing her findings with those of Asen Balikci (1958-60); examining stability and change in the drum song genre with reference to theoretical models of Blacking (1977) and Nettl (1978). Included is a volume of transcriptions of the repertoire with separate diagrams of pitch classification and melodic contour notation developed by Mieczyslaw Kolinski (1961). The songs are meticulously transcribed and analyzed, and sources carefully documented. The resulting study is a unified and all-encompassing view of traditional Netsilik music. Maija Lutz' Musical Tmditions of the Labrador Coast Inuit was published in 1982, and a number of shorter monographs appeared throughout the 1980s. Jean- Jacques Nattiez (1983), writing on the kafalj'ait, took the next logical steps of classifying and comparing styles from various areas, speculating on the processes of composition, and looking at the genre as a symbolic forrn. In discussing this last point, he gives the semiotic pitfalls of viewing the katajaq forrn as an expression of the lnuk concept (or non-concept) of time. Michael Hauser produced a number of articles on Greenlandic music, including one on traditional and acculturated music (1986). Paula Conlon wrote a student paper on a single drum song and its variants in northern 8affin Island (1986), while Nicole Beaudry wrote about the Yupik drum dance in Alaska (1988-89). Most recently, two major publications have appeared. Michael Hauser (ca. 1992, no date in book) collated the vast amounts of information he found about Greenlandic music into one volume, Traditional Gmenlandic Music. This book uses his own system for describing forrn to analyze in detail 55 songs from the five musical regions of Greenland. The descriptions parallel an accompanying compact disk containing the songs, recorded between the years 1905 and 1987. The book is exhaustive in its historical, technical, and cultural content, although its organization is at times difficult to follow. It is tmly valuable for the comprehensiveness of its reference section, which includes lists of all recordings, films, and publications even remotely relevant to Greenlandic music. Patricia Dewar has written a thesis (unpublished) on the drum dance from the point of view of a dance ethnographer. It is a very large work, which contains much valuable material on the history of the drum dance, and the dance itself as a past and current performance event. Although lacking in technical musicological information - she does not analyze the songs at all - her study does deal briefly with rhythm and formal structure. Her analysis of movement in the drum dance is extensive. From her vantage point, the drum dance is much more a functional event with socio-cultural significance than a musical forrn of expression. Hers is one of the few examples in the recent ettrnomusicological literature on Inuit music where the event becomes of greater significance than its music. Her approach is reminiscent of that of FeId (1981), in that the flow of the dance is the conceptual parallel to the Kaluli idea of music in Papua New Guinea; but Dewar gave little significance to the details of the music Itself. Paula Conlon's thesis on the drum dance in the Arctic Bay region of Baffin Island contains transcriptions of over 300 drum songs. She used a paradigmatic analysis to compare them, treating each song as a succession of units; in comparing these, as did Jean-Jaques Nattiez, she concluded her thesis with a model of a ?ypicaln drum song from the area. Her very large sample of songs, plus the unusual comparative approach, make interesting reading, although contextual information is lacking. Finally, in 1999 Nattiez published a paper on the katajaq and its analogues among the Chukchi of Siberia and the Ainu in Japan. He speculated on the connections among them in form and intent. In semiotic terms, he focused especially on the similarity of the 'signifief in the light of the disparity among the meanings signified by the three analogous vocal game genres. A number of compact discs of lnuit music have been released since 1990. Noteworthy among these is a Berlin Museum recording of music collected from the lgloolik region, organized and annotated by Jean-Jacques Nattiez. The accompanying booklet gives a short history of lgloolik music, as well as a paradigmatic analysis of some of the songs. A number of live concert recordings also have been released, from northern Quebec (Nunavik Concert), the Mackenzie Delta, and other areas; these generally contain an assortment of music, country and western, folk, accordion jig music, throat singing, and traditional drum songs and story songs.
G. The missing element The literature on lnuit music, then, began with two main lines of enquiry: 1) the gathering of basic ethnological material on lnuit culture, including brief descriptions of the roles that the various kinds of music played in that culture, and 2) the collection of baseline technical musical material along with texts and contextual information Were possible. Although the lines seemed more diffuse by around 1950, there were still identifiable 'ethnological* and 'musicologicalb streams. The ethnologicaVethnographic stream dealt more with society than with music, and culminated in the acculturation studies of the 1970s, the classification of areas by musical 'customs" and general aspects of forms, and recent views of performance as the critical element in musical life. The technical stream, on the other hand, concerned itself with methodologies and specific genres, while demonstrating an increasing awareness of the concept of music -in culture with several in-depth, ethnomusiwlogically and musicologically valid studies of the music of specific lnuit groups. There is an element missing in he literature", though it is tantalizingly mentioned in many studies, and forms the unstated rationale for a number of them. This element is the immediate, personal basis on which music is communicated - the channels along which such information flows, and how it is sorted and accepted as valid. Not only is that element important in a society usually described as having an entirely oral tradition, it is absolutely critical in one where the society itself has undergone - and is currently undergoing -- such wholesale reorganization that the personal bases of exchange, as opposed to the institutional, are the only relatively stable ones. The fact, as will be seen in my work, that the drum song is one example of a unit preserved relatively intact, strengthens the notion that lnuit traditional music is something other than a reflection of some nebulous idea of past 'culture". lnuit music in general, and the drum song in particular, has value in and of itself; it is transmitted for its own sake as well as for its part in an indigenous histoty that may bear only scant relation to historical events chronicled elsewhere. Now Beverley Diamond. 'Attima Hadlan', personal mmmunication, August, 1995 'This possibility was raised by Beverley Diamond (1995, personal communication) 4 These were by no means 'firstmcontacts. Europeans had been visiting the area since the 13th century Viking settlements were established, while whaling and exploration had proceeded since the 16th century and earlier. The first known missionary, Hans Egede, settled in west Greenland in 1721, learning the language and publishing a book about the inhabitants in 1741.
Hall (1879) also mentions the Well-known Greenland chorus* Amna-jai-ja, and song X726 in the Roberts & Jenness volume appears to be very similar. It can be questioned whether this was indeed a popular refrain, perhaps one that may be found elsewhere, since both the older authors say it was sung incessantly, especially by the women. Eastern Arctic drum song forms rely heavily on a verselrefrain stwdure, as will be seen later. On the other hand, as Beverley Diamond (1995, pers. comm.) pointed out. this may be an artifact of the explorers' lack of familiarity with lnuit song motifs.
ater rial in the preceding paragraph and much of this section was detailed in Lutz (1978: 4-30). although much of it is available elsewhere, and I have added further to it.
7 Robert Stein, as a member of Peary's North Greenland Expedition Of 1899-1900, collected 38 transcriptions from the same region, along with descriptions of an 'archaic" shaman language used in poetry and ritual music. In 1902, Christian Kruuse made 25 phonographic cylinders of the Ammassalik Inuit; these are lost, according to Michael Hauser (1992: 71).
Donald Suluk, a traditional musician from A~iatstates, in an article in lnuMitut magazine (1971: 29): 'In the Inuit way of listening to songs, you don't really listen to the tune but to what is being said. When I was young, I didn't pay any attention to what was being said .... Later, the tune became unimportant to me as I began to listen to the words and think about them.'
There were two other uncommon instruments. The Jaw's or Jew's Harp was one. The other, the tsutiq, or Eskimo fiddle, was found only in the eastern Arctic in the late 1800s and early 1900s. It had from one to three strings, of twisted sinew or twine, a sounding box usually of wood. and a bridge of ivory, bane, or wood. The bow was made of baleen (older accounts called it Wale-fin', which was the whalers' name for the baleen of the bowhead whale), and the bowstrings of gut. It was played across the lap. Specimens exist from several places in 8aff1n Island and northern Quebec, but the origins of the instrument are obscure. Speculation is that it was an imitation of whalers' violins. or a version of an Icelandic instrument. Other instruments, such as a bull-roarer and bun, appear to have been childrens' toys. (lnuktitut magazine, 1983). ------lo Twenty-two of these, all drum songs. wen released in a commercial recurding in 1988 entitled Chants et tambours Inuit de Thuld au DBhit de Bering.
" This mention of anthmpological literature is not meant in any way to be mmprehensive, but rather to give an idea of what subject areas were being studied. l2 The letten OM1 refer to the Oblates of Mary Immaculate, a missionafy order founded by the Blessed Charles-Joseph-Eugene de Mazenod in Aix-en-Province, France, and recognized by Pope Leo XI1 in t 826. The order staffs a number of missions in northern dioceses of the Roman Catholic Church, one of which is the northern Keewatin diocese of Churchill-Hudson Bay.
'' Pelinski used this material as the basis of his 1981 publication. His method of locating the songs was ingenious: he arranged for songs from Christian Leden's 1914 colledion from Churchill played over the radio in Anriat, and asked anybody who knew the songs to contad him. forty-one of the 47 songs in the book are also in Leden's recordings.
14 Actually hybrids of old whalers' dances and square dances, worthy of a study in itself. l5 This he does with the help of an information scientist. Louis Logrippo, and a computer programmer and statistician Bemard Stepien (1986 joint paper on the methodology).
'?he studies of both Cavanagh and Hauser do contain extremely useful material of this sort, but used as means to different ends. Chapter 1. The Studv Area
I. The Ethnographic Background
A. An overview of lnuit society and culture Most of the studies done on lnuit society have been regiolnal in focus, a~nd even a cursory comparison of these reveals that lnuit society is not homogeneous across the Arctic. Regional differences abound, and explanations of their variety can be postulated in terms of factors such as differing economic bases, degree of acculturation, and proximity to other aboriginal groups. Coast-dwelling groups east of the Mackenzie Delta share a number of common characteristics, and these will to be briefly described here as reference points for later discussion. One theme that recurs in both early and modem studies is a description of lnuit society as essentially egalitarian, with a kind of shifting authority based on hunting prowess and, within limits of individual competence, increasing age. A striking feature of this structure was the separateness of the spheres of men and women. Hantzsch (1909/1977), for example, commented disparagingly on the non-interference of men in the women's areas of labour. Along with other commentators he attributed this to the necessity for complete reliance of each partner on the work of the other to ensure the survivat of the family. However, decisions in common areas - betrothawmamage, justice, food sharing, and enforcement of taboos - appear to have been male-directed, with a degree of input from women that varied according to community. A reevaluation is currently undeway of the relative importance of the roles of aboriginal men and women as described in early accounts of contacts, since these accounts were made from a notoriously fwd nineteenth-century European perspective.' Some modem lnuit women have described their current status as being more influential, while others have expressed dissatisfaction with today's roles where sewing and child-rearing responsibilities have shfted away from them (Tmtt 1989). Historically, the concept of ownership reflected, to a degree, the lnuit non- hierarchical view of society. A few implements were "owned' - a woman's qulif (lamp) and ulu (knife) belonged to her, much as a man's hunting implements did to him. Larger items such as a qayaq could be shared, though these belonged to an individual or household. Food was shared, often in a prescribed way, among kin of various degrees, and beyond kin during periods of starvation. Spouse exchange was frequent, for social and ritual reasons, though often with an ambivalence of feelings by any or all parties involved. Also, adoption was widely practised, again among the members of kin groups. Ownership of land was a somewhat different concept: individuals belonged Q the land, not the other way round as one might expect. Hunting rights belonged to everyone. Residents, however, had an advantage because they 'knew" the land and were likely to be more successful hunters than were strangers; moreover, they were likely to share that information only with kin, or with strangers who had shown they were not to be feared. Thus, knowledge about the land was really a commodity, passed on to specific people in various ways - stories, direct teaching, and, as will be shown later, drum songs - while the land itself was freely shared. Social networks were largely kin-based, with various types of kin-like associations established through song partnerships, adoption, marriage, and spouse exchange. The make-up of kin groups, household and extended, varied from region to region, as did the details of place of cohabitation after marriage, sharing practices, and the relative importance of various extended kin relationships. However, associations based on kin relationships were extremely important in ail geographical areas, and formed the basis of virtually all relationships. Since hunting was the source of practically everything necessary to sustain life in precontact times, life revolved around the hunt. Social structures served to maximize hunting productivity and ensured the efficient use of its products. Religious practices had a dual function: to appease spirits and thus ensure the success of the hunt; and to unify the community into the stable, functioning group necessary for survival in a harsh arctrc environment. Details of Inuit precontact religious practices vary according to region, but some generalizations can be made. A dominant deity, a goddess of the sea variously called Sedna and Nuliajuk was responsible for the sea mammals on which all people depended for sustenance and the materials of life. Several lesser deities -- the sun, moon, and the weather - controlled the daily life of humans, while a host of other spirits, good and bad, affected humans during their lives. It was possible to harness and channel in various ways the powers of some of these spirits in order to do ham to individuals; this was the source of some friction in communities. It was also possible to protect oneself from them by wearing amulets: these were collected by (or given to) individuals from birth on, and were an important source of power. Aside from these greater and lesser spirits, all animals were believed to have souis, and care had to be taken in treating these souls properly after the animals' death. Individual humans themselves had several souls. The most commonly held number of these was two: the actual soul, which left the body after death, and the name soul which went to the next individual given the name of the deceased. One function of the shaman was to keep all of these spirits in good humour by finding and removing sources of irritation which were causing their displeasure. Problems were usually traced to breached taboos, and disclosure of the breach was generally enough to remedy the situation. The other - and most spectacular - job of the shaman was periodically to make spirit flights to the home of Sedna and thus ensure good hunting for the community. The shaman would go into a trance, leave his body amid sounds and mumurings of spirits surrounding the igloo, and return, exhausted, with the news that Sedna's favour on the hunt had been obtained. Drum dancing and magical incantations were accompaniments to these occasions, which were often part of a midwinter festival up to several days in length. The amval of Europeans and Euro-North Americans, of course, drastically changed the face of lnuit society and culture. First and foremost, it altered the overall non-hierarchical structure of lnuit society by favouring individuals useful to European explorers and traders, and later to government workers. Working in industries such as whaling and trapping disrupted the lnuit annual nomadic cycle and changed their traditional hunting patterns. At the same time, the make-up of gmups - the '-miuf ("people oQ3 gmups associated with particular areas - changed drastically as these formerly nomadic people moved to trading centres and later to centralized communities. Kin groups changed in composition as relatives were drawn to different communities. Furthermore, the availability of wage labour, trade, and government assistance programmes diminished the importance of hunting as an economic priority. And finally, Christian missionaries erased virtually all visible signs of shamanism and replaced it with Christian institutions, albeit modified by lnuit practitioners to fulfil needs previously handled by shamanic practices. The foregoing is necessarily brief, and is designed only as an overview to pre- contact eastern coastal Inuit society. Netsilik society and culture had its own specific characteristics, which will be described later. Some of the regional changes resulting from EumNorth American contact will be illustrated in iater discussions of people and institutions in the Pelly Bay area. Map 1
Nunavut 8. Pelly Bay today The hamlet of Pelly ~af(68" 32' N, 89' 48' W) is a coastal community on the west coast of the Simpson Peninsula, which juts out from the east side of the larger Boothia Peninsula (Map 1). Overlooking the bay of the same name, it was built near a traditional gathering place of the Arviligjuarrniut, the people who frequented a site called Arviligjuaq on a small hit1 near the mouth of the Kugaardjuk River. The terrain of the town itself is low-lying limestone rock and gravel, with an elevation of 15 metres at the airstrip, flanked by high, rugged hills and outcroppings just outside the town. The area is extremely isolated. Most goods are brought in by air, supplemented by occasional barge access (not a regular sealift) during the summer open water season. First Air is the only airline operating a regular service, although charters are frequent. Television and radio are brought through the Anik satellite, and there is an intra- and inter-community telephone service. Most recently, Internet access has been established as a supplement to the existing fax service - a large proportion of community business in the north is done by fax. The climate is harsh, with July's high and low temperatures averaging 10.S°C and 3.4"C respectively, and January's -30.1°C and -36.2OC. Precipitation is sparse, 19.2 cm the annual average, with 10.5 crn of that as rain, and 87.4 cm as snow. High winds and blizzards are frequent, and snow is continually redistributed during the cold season. Accordingly, fuel consumption by the 60-odd houses, vehicles. and utilities is high? Because of the high latitude, there is no sunlight for approximately a month of the year in December, balanced by twenty-four hours of sunlight each day in June. Game is plentiful, with ringed and bearded seal, Arctic char, lake trout, caribou, fox, and polar bear caught regularly, though currently none are processed on a commercial basis. In the past, a small store, engine repair shop, fish processing plant, and an arts and crafts outlet operated as small businesses. At present the only commercial enterprises are the towwned Koomiut Ca-operative, the hotel, and a small tourist outfitter. Pelly Bay attained hamlet status is 1973 and its current population is approximately 496.' There is a large. well-equipped school built in 1986, with eight teachers and a number of support staff, and a nearby municipal building housing hamlet offices, meeting rooms. and a community gymnasium. There is also a large arena to house the very popular hockey teams and tournaments. The hotel and the Koomiut Co-operative store are adjacent to each other in the centre of the town, and a number of utility buildings and warehouses holding equipment and offices are scattered throughout the community. A large nursing station employs up to three staff nurses, and a recently established RCMP office is staffed with one permanent officer. The Roman Catholic church is a large, central building identifiable by a statue of the Virgin at its front door, and the mission residence is near the site of the old mission church at the mouth of the Kugaardjuk River. Municipal buildings housing power facilities and heavy equipment lie along the road to the airport, and 2.4 km along this road is the pumping station on the river from which Pelly 8ay draws its drinking water. This road stretches a number of miles farther, to the abandoned site of the old DEW tine station. Residents are housed mostly in compact govemment housing concentrated in the centre of town. Over time, new houses have been constructed, and these tend to be better insulated and larger overall, with some two-storey houses present. The village has expanded outward in the last few years, with new housing extending along the beachfront and toward the airstrip. Dwellings have indoor plumbing, with water trucked to each house several times a week and sewage pumped every few days. Snow clearing of the gravel roads is done daily throughout much of the year, and more often during periods of poor weather. During the summer, many residents move out of town to tents in areas that were formerly temporary hunting settlements, and some of these tents are visible in the distance. Most people own snowmobiles and all-terrain vehicles. The only other motorized vehicles are township trucks and heavy equipment, and a few Suburban-type vehicles belonging to the RCMP and Koomiut Co-operative. Dog teams are very much in evidence and are used extensively for travel out of town; a common sight is a mixed caravan of snowmobiles and dog teams, all pulling komatiks on their way out across the frozen bay. An elected mayor and hamlet council that meets regularly governs the town. Much of the day-@day management falls to the Senior Administrative Officer (SAO), a very influential administrator hired by the town; in addition to general administrative duties, hekhe often acts as a liaison between the town and other levels of government. Various territorial government representatives, either townspeople or employees brought in from other communities, handle govemment operations, while local people staff the offices. Pelly Bay has been a 'dry'@community since a 1979 referendum, with no liquor sold or allowed anywhere. At least 95% of the communtty is Inuit, 5% being white or, rarely, Dene. All adults speak lnuktitut fluently, and many adults past middle age speak only Inuktitut. Although the children generally are not fluent in lnuktitut and speak English to one another, Inuktitut is being taught at the school along with Netsilik history and culture. English, however, is the language in which the children are otherwise educated, and the teachers are not bilingual.
C. Local History The Netsilik area escaped much of the early European contact experienced by other communities because of its unsuitability for whaling. Exploration of this area occurred mainly as a by-product of the search for a navigable Northwest Passage, and the search for the remains of the John Franklin expedition. The first verifiable European contact with the Netsilik occurred with the anival of John Ross who wintered in the area from 1829 to 1833, followed by George Back who reached the area overland from the south in 1834. Members of the ill-fated Franklin expedition were stranded and eventually perished in the area of King William Island in 1847-48. John Rae, a physician, came in an expedition in 1854. Although all of these men documented meetings with the Netsilik in their journals, their descriptions are ethnographically incomplete. Roald Amundsen spent the winters from 1903 to 1905 with the Netsilik at Gjoa Haven, and wrote detailed observations of their customs as they existed before extensive contact with whites. Knud Rasrnussen also did a detailed ethnographic study in 1923 (Rasmussen 1931), one of several he carried out in the Arctic. The people encountered by all these travelers, however, were members of small omid groups from various locales on King William Island, Boothia and Adelaide Peninsulas, and the mainland. Pelly Bay, as a community, did not exist except as a prime location for communal weir fishing at certain times of the year. The establishment of a Hudson Bay Company trading post in Gjoa Haven in the mid-1920s meant the availability to the Netsilik of high-power rifles, ammunition, and steel traps, and resultant changes in seasonal activities in surrounding areas. Although the post started the process of centralization on King William Island and attracted people of other local -mi& groups, it left settlement in the more remote areas relatively unaffected. Centralization in Pelly Bay itself began with the arrival of Father Pierre Henry OM1 (1904-1979), on June 1, 1935. Travelling overland for 37 days from Chesterfield Inlet to Pelly Bay, his intention was to convert the lnuit to Roman Catholicism and establish a mission at the site of this traditional gathering place. He laid the first stone of his church-cum-dwelling almost immediately (Plate I),and spent much of his life living and working among the Netsilik converting those whom he met in his extensive travels, and living in the same manner as his parishioners. Father Henry (called Kajualuk, or 'red beard", by the Inuit) remained at Pelly Bay until 1945, and continued working among various Netsilik groups for 26 years; his biography makes compelling and illuminating reading (Choque 1985). The impact of the mission on the future direction of the Pelly Bay community cannot be overestimated. As a religious, not an economic or government institution, the mission settlement avoided some of the economic and socio-cultural pitfalls that shaped other Arctic communities, while the gentle yet single-minded guidance from the Roman Catholic church affected the growth of the community in unique ways. The resulting features of acculturation in Pelly Bay will be discussed further in the next section. In 1938, Father Franz Van de Velde OM1 came as an assistant to Father Henry, and he remained until 1965. Besides directing the religious affairs in the town, he wrote extensively about lnuit life and culture, canying out several archeological projects and publishing their results. During Van de Velde's tenure, the seasonally variable accumulation of tents and snow houses around the mission gave way to a permanent community. Between 1955 and 1957, the DEW Line was built, and in Pelly Bay, as in other communities, its construction meant an influx of heavy equipment, military personnel, and, most important, the construction of a permanent airstrip. It marked a period of heavy government investment, and the avowed aim of 'rnainstreaming" remote communities in terms of wages, education, and southern-style amenities. For a town as isolated as Pelly Bay the impad was enormous. No longer were goods only brought overland from Repulse Bay. Regular flights became possible, and with them government personnel and services, facilitated by the newly established Canadian Department of Northern Affairs. The 1960s saw the greatest expansion and influx of government money. A federal day school was built in 1963, allowing children to be educated in Pelly Bay rather than in the mission or at the residential school at Chesterfield Inlet. From 1963 to 1965, the whole area was essentially a constnrction camp (Balikci 1983: 10-20) as government housing was built. Balikci states that within two years there were no igloos consistently seen in the vicinity. A nursing station followed, along with warehouses, a community hall, general store, and eventually a church-sponsored (and supervised) Co- op, Inuit-owned and managed. The 1970s and 1980s brought further material expansion, and more political autonomy on the municipal level, as well as participation in the territorial government (John Ningark, former MLA in Yellowknife, is a resident of Pelly Bay). Peiiy Bay has continued to be a Roman Catholic community, and, although it no longer has a priest except for special services, several local catechists conduct services with the help of the resident nun. The overriding political issue of the 1990s in Pelly Bay, as elsewhere in the Arctic, has been the establishment of the Territory of Nunavut in 1999. To that end, contact among eastern Arctic communities has increased, and training programmes through Arctic College (lqaluit) have been expanded into local communities. Pelly Bay does not yet have a learning centre associated with the college, although Taloyoak, Gjoa Haven, and Repulse Bay are accessible for Pelly Bay students. Over a period of sixty yean, then, Pelly Bay has been transformed from a seasonal fishing site for a nomadic group of Inuit, to a modem, well-equipped small town. The changes in the way of life for its residents have obviously been enormous.
D. Arviligjuarmiut and the relationship with Gjoa Haven, Taloyoak, and Repulse Bay
Collectively, the people known as Netsilik inhabit the mainland coast and islands, an area of nearly 9,000 square miles, from Victoria Strait in the west to Committee Bay in the east, and from Bellot Strait in the north to the mainland of northern Canada (Map 2). This designation includes regional -miut groups as located in their home areas on Map 2: the Arviligjarrniut, Netsilingmiut, Anrertomiut, Qegertarmiut, Ilivilermiut, Kungmiut, Ukjuhngmiut, and Utkuhikhalingmiut The A~iligjuarmiutof Pelly Bay were historically a band of people who spent a significant portion of their yearly migration cycle at Arviligjuaq, in the Pelly Bay area. At certain times of the year, however, many Netsilik groups gathered together for seasonal hunting in larger units, specifically the winter practice of breathing-hole sealing as described below. The annual cycle of assembly and dissolution of the larger group allowed intermarriage and exchange partnerships of various sorts, and, significantly, exchange of drum songs during the winter drum dances. Map 2 Lame-scale re~ionalInuit groupings (From Kallmann et al. 1992: 934) Map 3 Reqional qroupin~sof Netsilik Inuit (From Rasmussen 1931)
Survey map of lhe various group-nnmes within ltle Netsilingmiut area. "X" mnrhs the places where there arc ancient hause ruins. 1) Kangerdluk. 2) Eta. 3) Qbqn. I) Eqt~lutlgti~iu~.5) Kongerlugssunq. 6) Qingmcrtbq. 7) Nnparutdik. 8) Paghg- Trk. 9) Qbrngoq. 10) Qissulik. 11) Sarfaq. An extended family, then, could contain members from several different bands, especially from adjacent areas. The frequency of visits between nearby bands allowed dose ties to remain between relatives.' When centralization occurred, the regional centres became fewer and larger, and those of Taloyoak, Gjoa Haven, and Pelly Bay essentially concentrated the most commonly interacting Netsilik groups of the coastal area. Many people living now in the three towns are related, and drum songs are common to kin in all three places. A more permanent partitioning of families for economic reasons was ongoing during the first half of the century. Families migrated to Repulse Bay and Chesterfield Inlet where trading posts had been established, effectively breaking up kin groups and shrinking the size of the remaining Netsilik groups. As a result, marriage more often meant finding a mate in an unfamiliar area either among non-relatives or distant kin; it also meant the establishment of kin ties in distant areas (Balikci 1970: 168). Repulse Bay was already part of a traditional trading route, but the presence of new trading posts extended these routes further down the Hudson Bay coast. The yearly nomadic cycle for the Netsilik was divided into discrete periods governed by the availability of prey. Hunting practices varied accordingly, and the composition of community groups was defined by personnel demands of the hunting activities. Broadly, a division was made between sea mammal hunting in winter and spring, and fishing and land animal hunting in summer and fall; this dichotomy between sea and land was reflected in many aspects of Netsilik culture. Sealing was a paRicutarly profitable form of hunting, often plentiful even when other foods were scarce. Seals were caught in mid-winter at their breathing holes under the snow on the ice of bays and inlets. As this sort of hunting required long hours of waiting at the many holes each seat kept open in the ice, it was labour-intensive, requiring the collaboration of up to 100 people camped in igloo settlements nearby. Netsilik life was most sedentary in this dark and cold season, while people spent time sealing and living off caches set up earlier in the year. Hence, this was the time that the large drum dances were held and community celebrations and shamanic seances most common. Sealing techniques later in the winter were of two main types. During open- ice breathing-hole sealing in May, all cornmunlty members stood at breathing holes and frightened or pushed seals until they surfaced. In latespring floeedge hunting, hunters would stalk seals by imitating their movements and creeping up to animals basking in the sun. In the summer, the winter camps broke up, and smaller groups of fifteen to twenty individuals went caribou hunting and fishing, gathered eggs and hunted birds and small mammals, and picked berries. Caribou were caught by a number of methods. They could be individually stalked or ambushed by hunters in kayaks. More often, herds were driven into certain lakes or narrows, onto the thin ice of lakes in early summer, or between ever-narrowing rows of inukshuks' until they were tapped and killed. Fishing was probably the most important source of fooda. Though available at most times of the year, they were rarely caught in midwinter when other food was plentiful. Summer fishing was done at caribou hunting time, but the largest catch of fish was in early August when the eagerly anticipated weir fishing in the rivers took place. This fonn of fishing is especially good at the Kugaardjuk River in Pelly Bay. Stone dams (saputiif) were built to force fish into smaller areas, where they were speared by groups of people wielding leisten: special spears that trapped the fish as they were pierced. Vast numbers of fish were caught at this time, and dried for food. Occasional musk oxen and polar bear were caught during the year, the latter usually in spring or at the end of their hibernation period. The fun of these two animals were used for specific purposes, though caribou hides were those most often used for clothing, blankets, and tents.
E. Acculturation and the effects of Euro-Canadian contact Acculturation among the Arviligjuarmiut has proceeded somewhat differently than that in other areas of the eastern Arctic. Indeed, it appears that more of the traditional values and lifeways have been retained or simply adapted to changed conditions. The Roman Catholic mission has certainly contributed to this, as has the lack of a strong external economic influence such as the Hudson Bay Company. The school has, of course, been a strong force for change. The political organization in the town in the 1960s and 1970s reflected some of the leadership organization that existed in pre-contact times, and some of this survives today in an attenuated form. The process of Christianization in the Arctic, for the Roman Catholic Church, was as much a substitution or rethinking of traditional religious observance as it was a conversion. Robert Lechat OMI, in an article in Eskimo, the publication of the Churchill diocese, drew a number of parallels between Christianity and traditional lnuit beliefs (Lechat 1974: 14-21}. Confession, he said, was readily accepted as another way of owning up to breaches of taboo; Christian 'mysteries' were quite acceptable to a society which dealt with the supernatural on a daily basis, and which already had a concept of soul. The shaman was a priest and a doctor, as was the parish priest in the early days. The material effects of Roman Catholicism were viewed as another form of amulets - though priests insisted that they were not - and the cross was seen as a miraculous and powerful symbol. So although priests disallowed shamanism (the shaman was often the priest's chief challenge in a struggle for spiritual and temporal power) and would not allow amulets into the church, the underpinnings of indigenous religious beliefs remained. There is some evidence that, especially in the early days, Christianity was simply another parallel category of belief. Father Henry was a strongly orthodox priest, but lived otherwise completely as an lnukg. In other communities, the Protestant rector, often Anglican, lived a more "southern" life, generally in a family group. Moreover, those with economic and political power -- the store manager and government representative - those with political and economic power, were also often Protestant, and thus the white religion was associated with the highly desirable qualities of status and wealth. Add to that the Protestant ideals of rebirth and the forsaking of evil ways through conversion, and the result was a wholesale public replacement of lnuit religious practices, including the dnrm dance, by Protestantism. In Pelly Bay on the other hand, the festive drum dances were allowed. They were held after the regular church service in the same igloo as the Christmas mass, but were limited to being secular community celebrations. Although Father HenrylKajualuk and later Father Van de Velde deplored the belief in amulets and disallowed them in the chapel, their jurisdiction did not extend minutely into private life. Some aspects of traditional beliefs have survived alongside deeply-felt Christian ones. Today Pelly Bay lnuit are practising Catholics and regular churchgoers. This untty has avoided some of the stresses that have arisen in other amrnunities where several religions are represented (Igloolik, for example, where residential areas are segregated by religion). Though there is no residential priest, the nun cames out religious duties and the church is staffed with trained local catechists and officials. The church is crowded for mass, with respectable turnouts even for the many services and rituals of Holy Week (personal observation, 1996). Economic changes have been at least as disruptive and all-encompassing as religious ones. Starting in the 1920s the availability of modem hunting implements drastically changed the seasonal round of activities for all Netsilik, including the Alviligjuarmiut (Balikci 1983: 10-20).'~Hunting became more productive and less time- consuming. Balikci (1997, personal communication) commented that there were few dogs in 1960, but there are now large teams that are fed with the surpluses of fish and meat. Snowmobiles are the most common means of transport, with four-wheelers used during the short summer. Some residents, many of them women, hold jobs in the community while men work either part-time or full-time and continue to hunt and fish to support their families. Southern food, though available, is very expensive and is usually supplemented by (and in some families secondary to) country food. The govemment is the largest employer in the community, with whites holding many of the educational, medical, and supervisory positions; lnuit locals form the support staff. This is changing rapidly as more lnuit acquire education and skills, and particularly as the criteria for hiring are being revised to suit the needs and talents of the lnuit community. Nevertheless, the Pelly Bay economy has developed in its own unique way. Out of range of the depradations of whalers, it was also one of the few communities where the Northwest Company (later the Hudson Bay Company! never acquired an economic foothold. Consequently, it never gained much of a fur-trapping economy, nor did it develop as a supplier of much-needed food for a budding qablunaaq settlement. Its economy has been essentially based on food it supplied for itself, supplemented by a large influx of govemment money. The Koomiut Co-op, as an Inuit-owned local business, has recycled both resources and money within Pelly Bay rather than siphoning them off from the community. The heavy dependency on govemment mofley is a real problem, especially in light of the recent establishment of the Nunavut territory, which may be less capable of providing it; but until now that dependency has allowed Pelly Bay to remain both prosperous and independent of outside investment. The establishment of an English-language school profoundly altered family relationships in Pelly Bay. Children became comfortable speaking English, and less able to communicate in Inuktitut, while adults remained predominantly lnuktitut speakers. As in many aboriginal communities rhis created a temporary gulf between patents and children, only partially bridged by traditional methods of teaching within family groups. The subculture thus created among children and young adults became mote 'south"-oriented; the Co-op responded by carrying goods demanded by younger people, and the significance of traditional culture diminished among these age groups. On the other hand, the lack of prolonged and easy contact of Pelly Bay with the south, as well as the strength of traditional hunting practices, has fostered a more comfortable balance between the old and the new and avoided many problems common in other aboriginal communities. The language gulf has narrowed as adults who were children at the time of centralization have had families of their own. Adults who now run the hamlet are products of the local educational system, residential schools, and Arctic College, but they have maintained or reestablished contact with the traditions and values of their parents. Though many primarily speak Inuktitut, these adults are often completely bilingual and are the role models for children. The establishment of lnuktitut and traditional studies as subjects in the school makes the elders' knowledge relevant, while parents have the dual and often stressful role of maintaining traditional culture while being involved in the thoroughly modem world of the hamlet. In traditional times, skilful hunters, shaman practitioners, and the oldest male hunter of a kin group were the most influential members of their communities. These categories of influence often overlapped in practice. It is not surprising, given the rigorous conditions of the area, that good hunters were indispensible to whites entering Arctic regions and that they, along with the shamans, were often the first contacts among Inuit residents. In Pelly Bay, once centralization was underway, positions of authority were held by people whose respected status had been established in pre contact times; several of Alakkanuaq's direct descendants have held prominent positions in the hamlet. Even today, in Pelly Bay as in other Arctic communities, a council of elders1' is consulted and its approval required in any decision concerning the community as a whole. The Ethnomusicological Background A. An Overview of Inuit Music Some descriptions of music in the early contact period are available, but only as observed by explorers and reseamfters busy recording other aspects of lnuit life. Absent is a real sense of how music fitted into ritual life, though its role in daily life is perhaps better known. Missionary efforts to erase all traces of shamanism had as one of its many casualties the musical practices that accompanied it. When the context for shamanistic music was eliminated, the songs either disappeared or were transferred to other contexts, the original purposes pointedly forgotten by musical practitioners. Some things are known about music and lnuit religion. The pisiq or drum song was a universal genre in all Inuit-inhabited areas, and it appears to have had many overlapping sacred and "secular" functions (though this rubric perhaps encompassed some differences in form). Witnesses to shamanic seances reported drum songs and drum dances as trance-inducing mechanisms and a necessary preamble to #e spirit flight of the shaman. Healing ceremonies such as headlifting often, though not always, contained dnrm songs or charm songs. Both types of magic songs were the powerful weapons of shamans, and some were even accessible to ordinary people - these were such songs as weather incantations and songs to bring game, especially whales." The interchangeability of pisiit (drum songs) with the shorter magic songs is not known, nor is the relegation of particular songs to secular or sacred spheres certain. It is known that songs were associated with mourning in certain groups of lnuit (Boas 1888f1964: 206). Chants or songs around a grave allowed the soul to escape and the survivors to be at peace. But again, what form these songs took, and the universality of the practice is unknown. Other investigators have noted a taboo actainst singing and dancing - this suggests drum songs -- for several days after a death in order to prevent the floating soul from being tempted to rejoin the living and consequently wreak damage on the mourners (Dewar 1990: 193). Charm songs certainly were sung by mothers to children, by hunters to animals, and by shamans for innumerable purposes, but once again tbeir specific ritual significance is unknown. Large festivals always included singing, and there was a religious as well as an entertainment component to these occasions. Such festivals ranged from the formal, costumed feasts in the western Arctic; to the midwinter d~rndances/sitances held in the qaggiq in the eastern Arctic; and to the costumed, soot-faced or masked pantomimes held in Baffin Island and Greenland. The all-pervasiveness of the spirit world in the earthly affairs of Inuit makes a description of a 'seculaf world of music almost an arbitrary distinction. Even the presence of a formal division of the 'sacred" and 'seculaf spheres is not known for sure, neither is the division of song genres into the two types. I will attempt such discrimination here as a basis for later description, but with no daim that the spheres are, in reality, separate. Drum songs, with and without drumming, were certainly used as entertainment, even in the same ceremonial contexts as heir ritual use. They were also used as part of song contests involving serious and not-so-serious judicial disputes between men in which each would attempt to lampoon in song the physical attributes, behaviour, or hunting prowess of the other. These contests could be followed by actual physical combat, whether between feuding campmates or a local person facing a stranger. Such contests were enormously popular and inherently memorable, being reported across the Arctic. Anthropologists have cited them as mechanisms for channeling aggression and defusing disputes, though in fact they often heightened both and sometimes caused tragic results. Finally, drum songs were sung as part of community or camp get- togethers, the wholly or partly "seculaf drum dances. These could be occasions for feasts during the dark part of the winter, celebrations of the anival of visitors or the completion of a successful hunt, the day of the return of the sun, or perhaps a boy's first successful hunt. The songs were also an indispensable element in pre- centralization festivities culminating in spouse exchanges - occasions often with a spiritual component. Drum songs had many other dimensions: they were private entertainments, for family use, or individual use by a hunter out on the land; they were comfort-songs for lonely or troubled individuals, and work-songs, sung by women as they worked together; and they were sung for children, or sung by children as part of their play. A broad division may be drawn between musical practices in the western Arctic and those in the east, especially with regard to drum songs. The pivotal point is the area around Coppermine on the north coast of the Northwest Territories of Canada, where song types characteristic of both areas have been recorded (Jenness 1925; Diamond 1995, personal communication; Binnington 1973). Greenland, although possessing certain distinctive musical characteristics of its own, can be considered a subdivision of the eastern Arctic. Researchers such as Thomas F. Johnston have further divided these broad areas into subareas: Siberia; various sections of Alaska; the Mackenzie Delta for the west; the Caribou area in the east (Keewatin territory inland and the coast of Hudson Bay); the northeast coast of the mainland and the northern archipelago; northern Quebec; Greenland. A description of differences among the many eastern and western subareas is beyond the scope of this discussion, but I would argue that a comparison between the large areas of west and east is important in any work involving the drum song genre. Generally, society in the western Arctic was more stratified, perhaps because of the communal nature of whale-hunting and the necessity for ownership of boats and equipment for the specialized, large-scale hunt. A more reliable food supply resulted in larger, more permanent settlements. A general difference between the western and eastern areas is the increased involvement of women in all aspects of drum singing in the east, even in traditional times. Musically, parts of Alaska are similar to the western coast of Canada, so much so hat Nett1 (1954) included them as part of his western mast musical area. Sedentary communities allowed the holding of yearly festivals -- the Messenger Feast, for example - involving ritualized visiting among groups. Songs for these were choreographed for groups of dancers, rehearsed, and performed. The drum song types used for these were quite different from those in the east, and a given dnrm song is therefore immediately recognizable as a western or eastern Arctic song. Some of these differences are summarized in Table 1, below Table 1 Some characteristics of drum sona pe~ormancein the Western and Eastern Arctic
-Attribute Western Arctic Eastern Arctic Frame drum Small Greenland smallest.
Beater Long, flexible stick Short, thick beater (thinner in 1Greenland) Playing position Frame and membrane hit Frame alone struck, from fmm below, except from below above in St. Lawrence I.
Performers Seated, singing dnrmmers Single, standing (usually 4 or more), separate drummerldancer, dancers performing in front of accompanied by chorus of drummertsingers singers. Drummer shouted, sang bits of song.
I Malelfemale roles Men only Women singers; men danced, and drummed, though women could do all. Composition Men only Women could compose I I I Dnrm song Stmdure 2-part. Vocables first and Variable composition, usually I melody repeated with words verserefrain form, with verse and heightened drumming. section construction variable Two general types, (sayuun among songs. Great variation and atlutupiat ) differentiated in length and construction by fixed or extemporized among subgroups motions of dancers
L Dance movements Imitated story told in song, Drummer moved in urcle usually related to hunting; while half-rotating drum and more vigorous in second striking frame" on alternating texted sedion halves of dnrm
For a time, the drum dance disappeared altogether in eastern areas such as Labrador and Baffin where it was explicitly banned by missionaries. In areas where it was permitted as a secular activity, it survived first as a familiar activity for dislocated groups of temporary migrants to trading and whaling areas, and later as a nostalgic reminder, especially for elders, of life as it was before centralization. Where permitted, all major festivals or celebrations had a drum dance occasion as a climax. More recently, the genre has become a source of pride for lnuit groups. Dance groups have been formed in the western Arctic, while in the east individual performers are known for their drumming/dancing capabilities. The drum songs themselves, however, maintained a longevity in most areas far out of proportion to their use in actual drum dance occasions. The reasons for this are a testimonial to their importance as part of the very fabric of lnuit life and thought, and are a key part of this dissertation. Short song genres, on the other hand, were more overtly directed towards entertainment Juggling and game songs were simple, repetitive, often non-lexical songs accompanying juggling, string-figure creation, or childrens' movement games. It should be mentioned that even these had a spiritual content. String games were thought by many groups to be serious business; too much playing of them or playing at the wrong time or place could entangle the sun and prevent its return, or at the very least be unheaithy for the player. Lullabies and the aforementioned charm songs for children were simple in form and repetitive, and were used for calming children, packing a baby, or teasing a child. Some of them also accomplished the deadly serious task of weaving a set of spiritual attributes around the child which, along with physical amulets, would protect and help hidher grow up safely to be a competent and functioning member of society. Vocal games or katajait, also called throat-singing, appear to have been mostly an entertainment of a quasi-competitive nature, done usually by two women singing interlocking two- and three-syllable morphemes while facing one another." Hall (1879) described it as part of an almost ecstatic series of entertainments by and for women carried out to speed the retum of men away hunting. Comparable types of songs have been described nearly everywhere except in Alaska and Greenland, notably Siberia and among the Ainu in northern Japan. The form seems most developed in northern Quebec, around the coast of Hudson Bay, and in southwest Baffin Island. A final genre, songs associated with stories, can be divided into two types: songs with a narrative content in themselves, and short songs set within spoken or semi-sung narratives. The former were long songs, sometimes containing drum-song- like ajaa refrains, while the latter were mimetic or playful songs, perhaps sung from the point of view of an animal or imitating a movement or sound mentioned in a narrative. In post-contact times the removal of overt ritual contexts either destroyed musical activity or diverted it into secular contexts. As non-aboriginal musical forms were brought in, traditional music either disappeared or encapsulated itself as a set of traditional genres rather han absorbing external influences. Only recently have traditional sounds been intentionally incorporated into popular music, but the traditional songs themselves have not been popularized. Conversely, some kinds of Euro-Canadian music in lnuit society became "traditionalized" in a sense. The jigs and reels of the whalers became the music of Inuit mumiqtuq, a set of stepdance movements done by individuals or couples in a group. Ubiquitous across the Arctic, it was branded "Eskimo Dancing". There is a large repertoire of these songs played on the accordion, fiddle, and harmonica, and the genre has only recently given way to other forms of popular music and dance. The repertoire of hymn tunes, too, can be considered a truly adopted form of music. These songs are sung frequently as part of the private repertoire of individuals, besides being used in church. A few have been incorporated as skeletal melodies into katajait, After the 1950s, country and folk music became popular in most areas, and the focus of the frequent community and youth dances shifted gradually from mumiqtuq to country, and finally to pop and rock, often performed live by local and imported musical groups in the communities. Of course, the whole complement of recordings by southern rock stars and bands is available. In addition, a number of lnuit and aboriginal performers from the north's and especially from Greenland, have become recording artists, and they are greatly admired by lnuit youth and young adults across the Arctic.
B. The Music of Pelly Bay The Netsilik lnuit have been well-known in the central Arctic at least since the 1960s for the strength of their drum-song tradition and the skill of their singers and dnrmmers. Recalling a drum dance competition in lgloolik from many years before, informants related to Nattiez (1 979: 8) how the usually-victorious Pelly Bay competitors lost this particular contest because a shorter-handled drum was used, one which could not be braced by the wrist as the dancer wielded it Even in the most recent Arctic Games in the western Arctic, Pelly Bay singers and dancers have been considered formidable competitors. There is no documentary evidence that this was the case in pre- and early contact times, although there was certainly a vigorous musical life there as reported by early explorers. In pre-contact and early contact times, the musical life of the community reflected the congregation and dispersal of groups during the seasonal round of subsistence activities. The largest of the community drum dances were mid-winter festivals, held during the darkest period when the Netsilik lived in one place for up to a month at a time. Public drum dances for other occasions were held whenever camps contained enough people to provide an audience and several dancers and singers. There were only a few of the large Netsilik-style frame drums in the community, and these were used for the foregoing types of performances. Summer family groupings fostered individual composition, singing of songs in the tent (qamq or tupiq'q, or exchanging songs and stories with visitors. Members of the larger autumn transitional groups (October - December) heard one anothers' songs at smaller songfests and gatherings for communal meals in the evenings. At all times, family and extended family music making occurred in igloos or tent dwellings. Here the songs were of all types. Drum songs were most often sung in these small-group, family, or private contexts without dnrm accompaniment. Most relevant to this study is the dnrm dance, held in the ceremonial igloo or qaggiq. Most early visitors to the Netsilik area, Amundsen and Rasmussen among them, described such occasions in detail". Held generally when the camp grew to its winter size, it was a festive occasion and the long-awaited chance for men to introduce new drum songs and perform old ones, demonstrate their prowess and endurance at drum-dancing, and for the community to mark some occasion. Such an occasion could be the establishment or maintenance of a song partnership with a man from a neighbouring group, a visit by people from outside the area, or, less frequently, a dispute involving camp members. Preparation for such an event was fairly standard. The event was announced, and a large communal igloo built; alternatively, several individual family dwellings were built and joined by knocking out walls near the centre of the group and building up the central snow dome. Musical preparation depended on the purpose of the gathering. For a ceremonial drum dance involving idloriit or song-cousins, each man wou{d compose a song and teach it to his wife, who would later sing it as he danced. Alternatively, they might each use pre-composed songs at the dance. A routine drum dance celebration might contain pre-existing songs, with individual singers perhaps adding a new song to their individual repertoires. Wives of singers knew songs their husbands planned on singing, and had usually taught them to the other women of the community during day- to-day gatherings of women for sewing and socialiking. Though little is known about drum song disputes, it is generally agreed that parts or all of the derisive songs used could be extemporized at the dance itself. The drum dance was structured by the interplay among performers, and between performers and audience. Patricia Dewar (1990) described at length this interplay in recent drum dances in Eskimo Point and Igloolik, and it was previously described by Balikci (1 WO), Rasmussen (1931) and eadier by Amundsen (1908). The occasion consisted of dancers taking turns dancing while drumming on a frame drum to their own or their relatives' songs. The d~mmernormally did not sing, but uttered shouts at certain points in the song. The dancing was accompanied by the drummer's wife (or close female relative) singing the song in unison with a chorus of women, many of them dose relatives of the dancer. The composition of songs used at these occasions was a solitary activity, often done during individual and small-group hunting expeditions earlier in the year. Composing could be done anytime, especially when noteworthy or unfortunate events occurred, or when the composer was the victim of enforced idleness due to illness or bad weather. The small family group of the summer was also the focus for much in- home music making, and it was often in this environment that drum songs were composed and passed to close kin. The learning of songs by the community was facilitated by long hours spent by the women sewing caribou skins in the late fall. This was a preparatory period between hunting activities involving small and large groups, and no hunting was allowed during this critical time (Balikci 1970: 55). The many local duties of the men at this time, stocking caches and repairing equipment, allowed communal time in the evenings for group meals and songfests. From the foregoing, it can be seen that functionally there was not a strict one-tc+ one relationship between music and events during the year. Music was used to influence hunting success, but not exclusively. Music appears to have been a response to hunting conditions and shamanic needs as well as being a vehicle and accompaniment for social interaction, whether status establishment, conflict resolution, or partnership strengthening. It was also a recreational pastime with a didactic component: game songs and juggling for dexterity, stories as part of the teaching of social standards, legends, and belief systems. Hymn tunes have been of lesser importance in Pelly Bay than in other communities, mainly because of the smaller repertoire in the Roman Catholic Church as opposed to that of Protestant, notably Anglican, denominations. Those hymns that are used in church - more, in recent years - are well-loved and sung enthusiastically during church services, albeit at a very slow tempo. It is tempting, as Cavanagh mentions, to relate the very slow singing in Pelly 8ay services to the slowness and length of Netsilik drum songs, the most common type of songs sung before Eutb Canadian contact. 1 Cavanagh (1894) details same of this ongoing work.
After the November, 1999 municipal elections, the name of the community was changed to Kugsaruk. This name replaces both the hamlet name of Pelly Bay, and the lnuktitut name Aqvilikjuaq (Arviligjuaq). I will continue to refer to the community as Pefly Bay since the change occurred after my research there.
3 In 1986, for example, consumption was 1,381,000 litres of fuel oil and 361,000 litres of gasoline, all brought by air.
4 Canada Census, 1996
5 The affix '-mid means 'people of in lnuktitut. It is a multi-level designation, refening to inhabitants of a large, regional area (Aivilingmiut) or a small, localized one (Arviligjuarrniut - residents of Awiligjuaq, or Pelly Bay).
~nudRasrnussen (1923) met gmups from many different sites in his travels among the Netsilik well before centralization. and noted the frequency of blood relationships between groups.
7 These are the familiar man-shaped piles of rocks ubiquitous in the Arctic. They were more often built to mark caches and landmarks.
Balikci (1983) and other writers have mentioned that despite the meaning of Netsilik. 'People of the Seal', seal was not their major source of food, though it had significant importance for their subsistence and, indeed, their relative prosperity as compared with inland Inuit.
@ The word inuk means 'person' in Inuktitut, while inuil is the plural. The capitalized words 'lnuk' and 'Inuit" replace former designations of 'Eskimo' and *Eskimosmin common usage.
lo Much of the material in this paragraph is from Balikd's article (1883), which is really an overview of the growth and development of Pelly Bay, with special emphasis on government involvement since centralization. His book (1970) discusses both traditional customs and changes in more detail.
1I 'Eldef was a term used by people in Pelly Bay to describe older men and women. It is a term of respect, and probably locates individuals within particular generations relative to the speaker. The age at which one becomes an elder is not fixed, and I saw people in their 70s being referred to by the term, as well as much older individuals. The term is not used in Balikci's writings on the Netsilik, and I do not know when it became a common term. The designation certainly is commonly used today in many First Nations communities. l2 There is some evidence that there was a whale cult across the Arctic, with certain rhythms being used to call the animals: 'each different drumming has its own meaning. The drummer would play for a subject and the people would know the meaning. In the old days when they caught big whales by kayak, they'd drum to draw the animal -to make it easy catching.' (Pa~ta Saila of Cape Dorset, quoted in Eber 1989: 35) 'Perhaps when they were catching a whale they would do something like a drum dance. To get the whales to come to them ... l don't know exactly what kind of chanting they did. I have often asked myself what sort of chanting they used to make.' (Ibid: 37) In the study here, I heard only a few afchived examples of songs using drum accompaniment. I have no evidence of meaning in those drum mythms, nor did my informants mention such content as part of the drum song or drum dance performance.
" Dewar (1990) gives an extensive analysis of drum dancing styles from lglooiik and Arviat (Eskimo Point), using techniques of Labanalysis to categorize movement.
14 For a more extensive discussion of this fascinating genre, see Nattiez 1983, 1999; Beaudry 1978.
'' Susan Aglukark. Kashtin. Wlliam Tagoona, to name a few.
The pamaq was the dwelling for transitional weather, made of ice or snow with a skin roof. while the tupiq was the summer tent made completely of skins.
17 Cavanagh (1982) contains a useful comparative chart detailing and categorizing descriptions found in accounts by these individuals and others. Chapter 2. The Drum Sonns in Pellv Bay
I. Methodology
A. Sources This study uses two basic types of information, musical and ethnographic. Musical materials consist both of sound recordings and transcriptions. Ethnographic information consists of recordings of interviews with informants, text from archival sources, and published and unpublished accounts of community and family life. During my fieldwork (described on pages 3-5 of the Introduction) in March and April of 1996 1 used DAT equipment to record drum songs performed by singers in the comrnunlty of Pelly Bay, Northwest Territories (now Nunavut). I visited the Prince of Wales Museum in Yellowknife during that same trip and dubbed a number of reel-to-reel tapes of drum dance celebrations, mostly from the 1960s. Over the next two years, I copied the remainder of my songs from reel-to-reel and cassette archival recordings in the Canadian Museum of Civilization in Hull, Quebec. These last were from collections by Christian Leden (191 8), Asen Balikti (1958-60), Guy Marie-Rousseliere OM1 (1960- 61), and Beverley Cavanagh (1972, 1976, 1978). Nabuhim Kishigami kindly provided a videotape of songs performed in Pelly Bay. Staff members of Kugaardjuq School in Pelly Bay (Lutgarde Angutingnungniq, lnukititut teacher; and Kathy Anaituk, librarian) arranged a re-recording of a video of a darn dance (ca. 1994) held in Taloyoak, Nunavut These individuals also arranged drum songldance classes, and guided me through the school collection of tapes and written materials. Most of my singers spoke only lnuktitut I conducted song recordings and interviews with the assistance of interpreters who translated singer commentaries as we went along, and interpreted the question and answer session that followed. Since direct questioning is considered impolite in Inuit society, I relied to a large extent on the insight of the interpreters and the willingness of informants to volunteer information once they knew my areas of interest. This approach seemed to work well. Especially gratifying to me was the fact that we seemed to have a common sense of the importance of what we were doing: trying to preserve the songs as objects while at the same time trying to articulate what is was that singers thought was significant about them. Catalogues and tapes in the Canadian Museum of Civilization contained useful annotations and amments. Field notes and interview tapes by Beverley Diamond (Cavanagh) were especially helpful, and in many cases corroborated details provided by my own informants. Sister Edith of the Roman Catholic mission in Pelty Bay allowed me to use in my charts several genealogical entries in the parish journal (Liber Animum) by Fr. Van de Velde, OMI. Singer~informantsand other individuals in the community provided countless genealogid details, clarified names and relationships, and verified one anothets memories of places and people. Several published and unpublished sources provided additional data. Asen Balikci's book on the Netsilik Eskimo (1970) and the biography of Fr. Henry, OM1 (Choque 1985), were rich sources of general cultural information as well as details about particular people. Unpublished notes of several Arctic researchers and government employees, also archived in the CMC, provided additional amplification in such areas as kinship and social groupings.
6. Transcriptions 1 had access to published and unpublished transcriptions by Beverley Diamond (Cavanagh) and Christian Leden (1914), respectively. After retranscribing a number of the former I found that our renderings were virtually identical, and subsequently I used both versions interchangeably; her transcriptions of unique songs are used with permission in Appendix II. I used Leden's transcriptions (one is reproduced in Appendix I) to verify portions of his recordings, which were often of poor quality since the tapes were copies of the original wax cylinders. Preparing consistent transcriptions of drum songs was a challenge. A list of symbols and conventions can be found in the transcription section of this dissertation. Since the music is nowmetric' and varies widely in tempo, I had to rely on a relative sense of pulse for note values, and I elected to transcribe the basic pulse using quarter notes. The songs contain many microtonal pitch levels, some of which appear to be intentional while others are simply individual tuning variations. I transcribed all as I heard them, but freely transposed songs to a common area of the scale. Except as noted, I transcribed the first two verses of all songs. The first verse is often slightly different from subsequent ones, and so I tried to include it whenever possible. in a few cases, where the first verse was incomplete, inaccurate or missing, I transcribed subsequent verses. Where necessary for comparison of variants, I transcribed all verses in ail versions.
C. Organization and composition of the collection
i. Choice of songs There are 207 songs in the collection, of which 109 are unique. The song numbers give information about the source, and their format differs according to the numbering of the source material. The following formats appear in the total collection:
Table 2 Identification formats for songs in the colleciion
Number Explanation of fonnat
5-2 My recordings, singer 5, song 2
3b8BA44 BaIikci tape 44; dubbing tape 3, 'b" side 8m song
2b2C107 Cavanagh tape 107; dubbing tape 2, 'b' side 2"6 song,
13a3C13a Cavanagh tape 13 side 'a'; dubbing tape 13. 'a' side 3' song
15b4CSB1 Cavanagh recording #1 from Spence Bay; dubbing tape 15, 'b' side 4m song
64C Cavanagh (1 982) published collection, number 64
243M Marie-Rousseli&e collection, number 243 in numbering of the Canadian Museum of Civilization
105L Lederr collection, number 105 in CMC numbering
Since 1 was using the collection in several different kinds of analysis, in each case I chose an appropriate segment of the repertoire. This sorting was facilitated by ades I inserted in the Access database for each type of analysis. Appendix Ill lists song information and codes for the total collection. For comparative musical analysis within the repertoire, I designated 109 'Ur- versions' of the songs. I chose these by testing each song in the collection according to the following ordered criteria until one condition was met: 1) Songs without concordances 2) Songs sung by the composer 3) Songs taught by the composer to the singer 4) Oldest version of song or sung by the dosest relative of the composer or most complete version In many cases, I had to look carefully both at the song and the family before invoking one of the choices in number 4. Table 3 lists the Ur-versions in the collection. Unless specified otherwise, these camprised the set used for musical analysis. For the analysis of relationships and the musical analysis of variants, different segments of the repertoire were used. Further details about choice of repertoire segment and song parameters are given in the diswssion of each analysis. Ur-versions of sonas used in analysis
Composer Sinaer Collector My ID
Alalbunuaq Armpfturq, Mane Cawnagh
Ahidmnuaq Qamabhq, Helene Ballkd
Alabnuaq Qarmatsiaq, Helene Bdikci
Alakkanurq Qarmatsiaq. Hekns BJW
Alrldanurq Qansttirq. Helene 8dW
AIalbunuaq QarmrtJlq, Helene Cavanagh
Alaldcanuaq Qarmatsiaq. Helene Cavanagh
Alafdaanuaq Qannatsaq, Helene Mary-Roussetihre
AlaManuaq Tunnuq, Mar(ha Vllcotto
Alahnuaq Tunnuq, Martha Vaudto
Alakkanuaq. Ovidi Alaldcanuaq. Ovidi Balilrtl
Anaqsijap Qimgnuq, Jacob C~~nagh
Angutingnuognlq, Jmcph Awtmgnmgnlq, Jwph Balikcl
Aqutingnungnq, Joseph Angutingnungn~q.Joseph Bdllc#. Cavanagh
Angutlngnungniq, Joseph Angvbngmngruq, Joscph Bdki. Cavanagh
Angutngnunqnq, Jaseph Angutingnungrwq, Jwph vascotto
AnguWnungnlq, Jmph Angutingnungniq, Joseph and Cavanaqh Amqrtjuaq, Simsonr
Angutingnungnq, Jarph Angvtmgmmgnlq, J-ph Ci~nagh
Aquijuk 0-q. Fabian Cavanagh
Aquijuk Oogaq, Fakan Cavanagh
Amrpttuaq, Marla Amrprhraq, Marie Cavanagh
Amrpituaq, Marie Amrpldmq. Mna w-Rouueridra
Armnilik Oogaq, Faken Cavlnagh
Amutlnuaq. Lionel f~q.M8rth8 Cavrnagh
Page 1 of S Com~oser Sinaer Collector MY ID
Tunnuq. Martha
Amutjrk. Wnk
Ikkrjultoq, Solomon
Oogaq. Fabitn
Inuqsaq, Simon
ANmlik. Lo*
~mim~~k,Lwa
Amimlk. Louts
Annaqatjuaq. Slrneona
Annaqrtjuaq. Sirneona
Annaqatjuaq, Sirneona
Ikhjuitoq. Sdomon
Oogaq. Faken
Qarrnatwaq, Helene
Qarmatrirq, Helene
Qarmatwaq, Helene
Qirngnuq. Jamb
Sqguk. Luctan
Slgguk, Luclen
Amaqatjuaq. Simaonr
Oogaq. Fabian
Tunnug. Manha
Anuptmq. Mark
Ikkrpntoq, Sdomon
~Wmalop
aepngwq
WrPmgBJW
Page 2 of 5 Comooser Singer Collector Mv ID
-ingab4 Bdikci
~~vhJaiaq BaIW
Wmal6q Bdikd
Krapin04oq Muy-Rouuentre
Oogaq, Fabien Cannagh
Immingnaq, Lucia Vdo
~~erRlnpmgniq,J-ph. and Cavanagh Annaqatjuaq. Simeona
Amut/ak. Melanie Cavanagh
Arnutjak. Melanie Ca~~gh
I~~~~aq~~q,Befnard Cavanagh
Oogaq. Fabian Balikd, Cavanagh
Tunnuq, Martha Cavanagh
Tunnuq, Martha vascolto
Tunnuq, Martha Cavanag h Tunnuq, Martha v-0
Tunnuq, Martha vlscono
Amaprturq. Mane Mary-Rorw~lidre
Oogaq, Fabitn Cavanagh
Anguti. Mane vtrcmo
Amapituaq, Made Mly-Rortsrelidre
Amapltu8q. Marie Mary-Rortrralidre
Amrp#urq. Marta Muy-Rousseliire
Illultoq, Mom Maq-Rousw(idre
Illultoq, Monica Mary-Rousselibe
Illultoq, Monica ~-RouBWUlra
IltuRoq. Monica Muy-Rourrrldre
Illuloq. Monicl Muy-RouuaYdre
Page 3 of 5 Composer Singer Collector MY ID
Oogrq, Fa#en Ougaq, Fabian 5C-8A oogw, FI~ Oqpq. Frbien 2bl ClO7
Phkk AUornek tt8t
Pklak Ampitusq, Marie 75C
Phbk Amaptuaq. Marie 233M
Pklak Arnapttuaq, Mane P2M
Pudluq Ikkujuitoq. Solomon 82
Pukjarup 9amtsiaq, Helene 3b2C111
QamWaq, Helene Qannatdaq, Helene 3b3BA44
Qarmahq, Helene Qarmatsiaq. Helene Sa2BA45
Qapqsaaq, limalhy Immlngnaq, Uie 2-2
Quyrqsaaq, Timdhy Qayaqsaaq. Timothy 1Oa98A6S
Qryaqsaaq, Timdhy Qayaqsaaq, Timothy 91 C
Qayaquaq, Timolhy Qapqsaaq, Tmothy 87C
Qayaquaq, Timothy Qaylqsaaq, Timothy g0C
Qayaqsaaq, Timathy Qapqsraq. Timothy and 89C Immngnaq, Luc~e
Ciayaqraq, Ttrnothy Qayaqsaq, Timothy Baliku. Cavanagh 4c-BA
Qlnsgnuq, Jacob Qmgnuq, Jacob Bd ki SMBA45
Qlmgnuq, Jacob Qlmgnuq. Jacob BalW 3b48A44
Slgguk. Lucian Sigguk. LucMn Carnnagh ta3C102
Talenqtoq Margurnte Bdikcl 7136446
T aleriqtoq Talenqoq Leden 1OSL
Taleriqtoq Tungilik, Vaor v8udto 91
Tigumirk 00glk. Fabian Balikci. Cavanagh 11CBA
Tunnoq. Martha Tmuq, Martha CIvrnagh 1b2C105
U#ore#ukuk Qirngnuq, Jacob Cavanagh 3blClll
U#unurq Amapttuaq, Mane Mq-Rousaelt&re 244
Page 4 of 5 Composer Sinner Collector My ID
Ublunuq QamEsiaq. Helane Mary-RoursaBdre 240M
UnbKmn QmaWaq, Hdene BdW 4bZBA44
Unknown Qkngnq, Jacob Bllikd lrlBA44
Wnwq Angutingnungnuq, J-ph V.+cotto 63
Page 5 of 5 I used two different segments of the whole collection (the set of 207 songs) for charting each singer's repertoire, and for determining who knew the songs of individual composers. For each singer I used all hisher songs which refiected different singerlwmposer ties. For each composer I induded all those individuals who sang or taught the songs of that given composer. In this second case, concordances were induded only if sung by singers having a different relationship to the composer, or sung by diffemnt singers of the same relationship. These codes too are included in the complete list of Appendix Ill.
ii. Exclusions Not all recorded songs from PeIiy Bay were used in the collection. Some songs were fragmentary, or sung or composed by individuals 1 could not identify at the time of dubbing. Two elderly singers from other communities were visiting kinfolk in Pelly Bay at the time and wished to be recorded; I did so in order to leave the community a record of these songs, but me songs of the visitors are not used in any analyses. Songs were excluded from musical analysis if they were not composed by members of the extended family of Alakkanuaq. They could still, however, be used as examples of non-kin relationships in a singets repertoire, or of unrelated individuals who sang a given composer's songs. On the other hand, a few of the songs were from Taloyoak or Gjoa Haven. These were retained if singers andlor composers were members of the extended family of Alakkanuaq.
iii. Translations Translations for some of the songs in this study are in Cavanagh (1982).
D. Parameters and methods for analysis The trend in modem ethnomusicological analysis is to concentrate on sociological parameters often to the exclusion of musicological ones. Few would nowadays revert to the methods of ethnomusicological pioneers such as Hombostel or Kolinski whose statistical and comparative methods might justly be thought weak in or devoid of contextual sensitivity. Yet many of those methods allowed for one thing that is frequently lacking in the discipline these days, and that is the detailed examination and discussion of the constituent elements of the musical sound itself, inchding discussions with the informants themselves. I have opted to pursue such methods, and am using them as one tool for objective analysis. In their purest form, they allow a non-lnuk to comparatively treat certain aspects of lnuit music without making assumptions based on an outsidets understanding -- they allow the musical sound to speak. The ethnornusicoiogical value comes in the acceptance or rejection, explanation, and augmentation of the findings through contextual information and discussions with informants. Most importantly, the analytical results are treated in this study only as one part of the overall examination of lnuit drum songs that will of necessity also include socioa~lturallevels of analysis.
i. Mode, scale, end tonal centre The three parameters of mode, scale, and tonal centre were most crucial for song classification. I used Mieczyslaw Kolinski's method of cfassifying songs modally according to the number of tints, and to the section of a hypothetical scale occupied by these tints (Kolinski 1961: 1-24). 1 then added further parameters to the classification. Kolinski's classification system for mode worked well for the anhematonic pentatonic songs which made up the bulk of the repertoire, and proved to be a good starting point for comparison. In a number of cases, sometimes between concordances, a single note outside this scale would move the classification into a completely different mode. The discussion later in this chapter illustrates some of the limitations of this system and postulates the reasons for some of the difficulties in this repertoire. Although scale is evident from the modal classification, the row of notes from lowest to highest in a song allows direct comparison among transposed songs. This was especially useful when the tonal centre was compared at the same time, since it highlighted simple extensions of the scale within modes. The distance from the lowest to the highest note of the ordered scale also provided the range, and this was used without any further mathematical manipulation. The choice of tonal centre was somewhat problematic in theory, though generally unambiguous in practice. In some cases, a secondary tonal centre was also chosen. The relationship of chant notes, those awing most of the lexical text, to the tonal centre was noted. ii. Melodic analysis
a) Intervals, intenral frequency distribution, and motivic analysis I believe that in this repertoire the observation of intervals is the most useful way to determine and compare melodic movement. In an oral repertoire the letter name of a note has no emic significance, but the relationship of one note to another is crucial. Interval size was measured in semitones: the top and bottom notes also counted in the description of an interval so that a major third, for example, was coded as '5'. (It should be noted that intervals are thus larger by one than those derived from the standard interval notation of 20' century analysis; this allowed the unison to be an integer.) I did not differentiate between interval occurrence within and between phrases, since the latter intervals were a small proportion of the total. Direction was coded as '+" and '-', and movement to and from the tonal centre as Y and "tt" respectively; I also coded involvement with microtonal alterations as 'M". I use intervals in two types of analysis: interval frequency distribution, and motivic analysis of several kinds. Graphing frequencies of the various sizes of intervals gives a kind of profile or fingerprint for each song. The relationship to the tonal centre further refines the interval count. Though these counts have little to do with the actual linear sound of the melody, they do directly reflect common 'sounds" in the melody, and can be compared directly or in terms of outliers (odd or infrequent intervals). Motivic analysis involved finding reaming groups of intervals. Song-specific motifs are quite evident in these songs, and f could search the remaining songs for similar ones. This kind of approach was also useful in determining the direction of melodic movement at the beginnings and ends of songs, and at the start of refrains. It also revealed the most common intervals around tonal centres. Information about intenrals and intenrallic relationships was used to characterize the repertoire in general. Such information also distinguished trends in compositional style as related to composer identity, gender, and kin ties.
b) Microtonal pitch alterations and ornamentation Non-standard pitches were classifmd in transcriptions only as higher or lower than a written pitch, but no attempt was made to quantify the alteration. In certain analyses, microtonal intenrals were treated separately in searches for overall consistency of use, and their motivic use in certain songs. Vocal ornaments wre notated in transcriptions in terms of position and kinds, and whether they were pitched or unpitched. This information was then used in a number of comparisons later in the chapter.
iil. Fonnal structure of dmm songs There are four aspects of classification for dmrn songs, each operating on a different tevel. First, informants spoke of songs that had several 'parts" to them, meaning that several musically differentiated songs were sung together. Secondly, in describing the text of the songs, singers whom I recorded usually spoke again in terms of "partsn,in this case sections having different stories or textual topics. Thirdly, there is the musical and textual division of text and refrain within songs. And finally, there is the segmentation of the 'lines" within songs. Cavanagh (1982: 90-106) compared in detail several versions of songs as well as all the stanzas within one song in her discussion of the extent and limits of variability. Her assessment stands, and that work need not be duplicated here. Some mention of these last two issues will be made in the discussion of variants, Section C, below. The 'parts" issue is most relevant here, since quite a few songs were described as consisting of several parts, or were sung togemer. In sorting out this issue, I first investigated the musical relationships among song 'parts" that were actually identifiable songs. For this, I used the whole arsenal of musical characteristics described earlier in this chapter. I then used selected cases in translation as a basis for speculation on exactly what a text 'part* meant, and why it was treated separately by singers.
iv. Similarity analysis Cluster analysis is a set of methods which group cases (here, songs) that are somehow alike. A set of variables is chosen on which to base the similarity, in this case the frequency of ocarrrence of particular intenrals in songs. There are a number of ways of determining similarity - presence and absence, squared distance (the Euclidean distance of Pelinski's (1981) analysis), nearest neighbour, farthest neighbour, among others. The clusters are then displayed graphically in a way and to a degree of refinement appropriate to the cases, pernaps with further clustering where differences are minimal. Clustering methods are useful in twlo ways: I)as an exploratory vehicle to find similarities and differences otherwise difficult to recognize; and 2) as a practical way to handle a large number of variables in a large repertoire. These methods can be effective tools, but the results need to be interpreted carefully. As an example of an exploratory use of clustering, I used a method called mutual information analysis to compare interval makeup within the repertoire2. Mutual information analysis uses weighted information from a number of variables - in this case, different sizes and directions of intervals - and picks out groups of songs that are most similar to one another in the frequency of occurrence of the intervals. Appendix IV lists the groups and the intervals in each group. I might have used the "identtty" of the main separator -- i.e. which interval type contributes most to what grouping - as a point of discussion, but in this case it is not relevant This is because in practical terms there is no explanation why a descending perfect fourth, for example, is used by particular composers3. The groupings themselves, however, are important because they reflect melodic similarities, and they allow me to look elsewhere for non-musical fadots that might account for these. Mutual information analysis is an agglomerative method. Its calculations are based on "Iw,an information statistic calculated by comparing pairs of samples in terms of some variables: in this case, songs are compared in terms of frequency of interval occurrence. The value of "I" is zero in individual songs, but when two songs are compared using a particular equation (Poole 1975:352), 'Iwis a positive number that is lower the more similar the interval counts are. The method compares every possible pair of songs in these terms, and picks out the pair with the lowest "I" value. It then repeats the pair comparison using the 2-song group it just formed and calcutates the 'I" value for that group as combined with every other song or pair of songs, again to find the lowest 'I" value. This process is carried on until all the songs are accounted for. A graphical cluster tree can be generated by the "I" value. The height is a measure of that value, and so the tree shows in a larger sense which groups of songs are similar and dissimilar, since at the lowest level the differences are very slight. The higher up on the diagram the division is, the greater the differences among the groups. The method was used in this study only as another way of comparing interval content. In theory, it could have been used on different levels - e.g. it could have been run on groups it had already distinguished on the basis of intervals, to further subdivide them according to the same or other variables. It could also have been used with many different numerical parameten at the same time (see Endnote 2, p.134)), to give a broader basis for the song groupings. E. Genealogy The genealogy used in this study is a composite of individuals directly and indirectly related to Alakkanuaq. The drum songs themselves largely defined the network through the names of the singers, composers, and teachers of those songs. Constructing the genealogy in Brother's Keeper (Version 5.2) consisted mostly of patching together kinship data from informants, song identifiers, and outside sources. The most valuable sources of genealogical data for this study were the informants themselves. They had an uncanny memory of relationships for even the most distant relatives. Singers remembered from whom they had learned the songs and to whom they had taught them. In the few cases of conflicts between the memories of informants, further conversations or verification by others usually clarified the relationships. Documented genealogical infomation, besides the aforementioned Liber Animum, was from varied and unlikely sources. Passages in books, artrdes in Eskimo magazine, and notes in archival material contributed names and identified missing kin ties. Rasmussen's accrrunt of the Fifth Thule expedition contains valuable lists of names and kin links among people whom he met; these were especially valuable in chartrng composers who had lived for a time in Taloyoak and Gjoa Haven. The genealogy makes no claim to be complete. Birth and death dates were unrecorded before centralization, and high death rates and subsequent remarriages further complicated relationships. Adoptions and name changes were common in the past and are frequent today. Post-centralization partial use of Christian names simply added another layer of complexity and uncertainty. The genealogical charts (Figure 1) are included here4, and also in Chapter 3 for quick reference An expanded version including more recent relatives is included in Appendix V. Figure I Genealogical charts of the extended consanauineal and affinal family of Alakkanuaq Figure I , continued Genealoqical charts of the extended consanauineal and affinal family of
Lllw rn. Kaadjuk Figure I , continued Genealocrical charts of the extended consancruineal and affinal family of
+adlarik rErmalik lqqivalituq1 EItf:Lak rL~apoaardjuk aqiuvik, Joseph b. I882 d. 1944 Pialak +hbvik r~~--;y lik Aupiluktaq rAwongaitsiark L~ireksak Krilunerk -Amapituaq, Marie b. 1902 d. 1974 L~loojark -Kutsiutikku, Paul b. 191 1 r-LKra bvik +aaslu Kutsiutikku! LSirkomanerk ,-(see generation number 4) Knlunerk t(see generation number 4) k-Issaqadaijuq, Marie b. 1882 d. 1948 rS~l~q~tPanatoq L~utkranaatsiark rUblonasuksuk L~lanarsuk (Kukiaut?) -Qimgnuq, Jacob L~ororjertoq
+vlanilag/lnutjaq b. 191 0 -Anguti, Marie
Qapqmq, Ti-TumWrk. Ma- m.22z.7_+I [m. Atkmnok. Charln
ImluRoq, - Fa--, Fa--, Enc II. The Music
A typical drum sang in this repertoire is strophic with refrain. There are characteristic glissandi at the beginning of the lines, and a more pronounced one at the start of the song. There are common melodic gestures in Netsilik drum songs, as well as microtonal content in some areas of particular songs. There is an open, projected vocal style and slow pace of delivery common in these songs. Texts are long, and refrains contain vocables, often 'ai-jam,with repeated lexicai words sum as "uvanga".
A. Aspects of musical style among composers The musical characteristics investigated in this section can be seen both as unifying and divisive in terms of the repertoire. Some aspects define overall Netsilik dmm song style while others are specific to composers or singers and thus define individual style. At least for this section, however, all can be considered the composers' contribution, and as such they are affected little by the process of transmission. Discussion of the same parameters with resped to singers' contributions to style will be reserved for the next section (Chapter 2.!1,8, p. log), and an overall discussion will be presented in Chapter 4.
i. Structure - song "partsw Two levels of structure will be considered in this section. I will examine two types of 'partsn which were articulated by informants, only one of which is musically evident. Other structural considerations will be presented in section C,below. Singers in my study consistently associated particular songs with one another. Archived collections did not atways include all songs in a group, though often singers would mention another song that was sung with a song that was recorded at a particular session. Table 4 details musical characteristics of some discrete songs which informants said were habitually sung together. Conmrdanc8s of whole groups are omitted in this table, but the results are similar when those are included. Table 4 Selection of song arouw or upartsn
-Mode -Scale -T.C. -Name Penta-A CGDAE egAcd A 5 Y 0s Penta-A CG-A€ sg Ac A 3 Yes Penta-0 CGDAE cDega 0 6 Yes Penta-0 C-DAE acDe D 3 Penta-0 CGDAE acOeg 0 2
Penta-A CGDAE egAcd A 8 Yes Hexa-E CGDAEB bcdEga E 7
Penta-A CGDAE egAcd A 2 No Pentad CGDAEE eg Acde A 4 Yes
Hepta-C FCGDAEB gaCdefg C 8 Y as Hem-G CGDAEBC cdeGabc G 7 Yes
Penta-A CGDAEE A 7 Yes Penta-A CGDAE A 2 No
In many cases the modes were identical within song groups; in fact, if the modes are classified according to intervals around the tonal centre, as in the model postulated in section II.A.iKc, below, the scales and tonal centres are all identical witbin groups. The major difference within groups of songs normally sung together, then, is the degree of extension of the scale above and below common tonal centres, the range values. Songs taken together are common in other ways as well, in chant notes and sometimes, though not ahys, in the presence or absence of microtones. One twa-part song in particular, 1-la and I-lb, showed neatly complete consistency in microtonal inflection in the parts. The above 'partsw differentiation is clear-cut. However, informants repeatedly spoke of 'partsw of melodically-identical songs. Here, 'parts' were sections of text which were different in character or subject from one another, yet all part of the same song. Informants considered them units, and always maintained the same term -- e.g. *second part" - for them. I initially dismissed this differentiation as simply a way of referring to different parts of the text However, a co-performance session with a singer-informant and an interpreter caused me to rethink the issue. In this case, interpreter and singer were working together, the singer dictating words as the interpreter wrote them down, the singer danfying as needed. This was obviously a continuation of what had occurred at some earlier session: 'I guess she'll start." "He remembers the time when he was hungry. This guy remembers the time when he was hungry, just telling ..." [Dictating and then interpreter and singer sing together. More clarification and dictating.] The second part is like, he remembers when his neighbours came for fwd and he was like, he fed his neighbours" [Dictating again.) That's the same verse." [More dictating.) "This part, the second part, I don't know if you should put it in there [Le. in the researcher's notes] They used to joke, people around him ... [etc.] I guess he felt it so he'd be sad hearing lots of people talk about that, I guess he put that down himself." "I think it's finished, you can shut your tape recorder off [laughing].. . [etc.]" [Singing together, interpreter attempting ornaments and 'following" notes, perfect synchronization at line endings] "I think I could write that part myself without her help ..." prites] "The second part of the song, the first, the second part of this we're talking about, I've got it written dawn at home, the second part, L know most of it... .[etclU "The last part of it is, his Dad was telling a story - while he was dragging his dog to go polar bear hunting.. .[etc.]"
It appears that the parts are viewed as separable units, though ideally performed as a complete song. Here the informant hints at that view with her mention of the second part of the song written down at home, separately from the other sections of the song. This issue came up several times when singers intentionally left "parts* out, then reinstated them in later renditions after waming me about their off-oolour content or simply remembering them more dearly or deciding to include them. Descriptions of the narrative amtent of such units in concordances were consistent among informants . Such larger narrative units, then, may be commonplace in the repertoire, and musically different 'partsn may be only an extension of this concept The maximum number of verses for any single song in this study was twelve, probably for memory reasons. Adding narrative sections with different music allowed narrative extension without oveftaxing memory, and it also allowed sections to be added at a later time. This makes even more sense when it is paired with the oft-expressed idea that the drum song -is the text, not the music, with the implied subordination of music to text. Evidence of the value of musical unity, however, is evident in the modal, mimtonal, and chant similarities within compound songs.
ii. Melody Melodic movement can be measured in a number of ways. Interval content measures the richness of melodic material, while melodic contour, range and scale define overall direction and breadth of movement. The analysis of motifs, while related to interval content, is probably the most subjective of the analyttcal methods used here. Motifs can be used as indicators of a composer's style as well as being studied for their articulative functions in individual songs.
a) Interval content and interval count profiles
() Numbers and kinds of intervals My first task was to choose which musical units were best suited to interval analysis. In drum songs, text portions are generally sung on one or a few notes separated by articulating figures (Cavanagh 1982 called these chant groups), or on alternating notes. This raised the question of whether interval counts would be confounded by repetitions due to text accommodation. To minimize this, I analyzed only the first verse of songs since they usually cany the least text of all the verses. There is a disadvantage to considering only first verses, since they often are slightly simpler in construction than subsequent verses, and may contain somewhat fewer notes at the beginning (Cavanagh 1982). 1 felt that this disadvantage was minimized by the exclusive use of first verses in #e analysis. Moreover, later verses can vary musically because of text, memory, and structural considerations, and thee was no evidence that second verses were more directly comparable to one another than first. Since I had originally thought that the refrain might actually be an interval analogue of the whole song, I compared counts of kinds of intervals among songs and reftains, In only 13% of cases did whole songs have the same intervakkind count as the refrain alone. In most cases (78%), interval-kind counts were greater in the total song by 3 or less. And in 9% of songs the interval-kind aunt was substantially greater (by more than 3) in whole songs as compared with refrains. These numbers suggest that refrains and verses are similar in interval content partly due to motivic similarities, but that text- bearing portions have melodic additions. As a further test, I compared overall interval counts based on the entire first verses (including refrains) with those of refrains alone (carrying only vocables) since refrains often roughly approximate the musical structure of the verses. The counts were very dose in percentage composition, and so, except as noted, interval frequency counts reported here are based only on data from the whole first verses including refrains. Using the whole verse plus refrain ensures that all the possible intervals from the songs are included in the calculations. The interval counts and percentages were viewed first in terms of the whole Ur- repertoire, and then compared among composers and within the body of songs by individual composers. Graphing the frequencies of occurrences of intervals for each composer provided visual profiles - fingerprints of the songs - which clanfied comparisons. Finally, the interval data was refined by adding the factors of direction to and from the tonal centre. figure 2 shows the number and percent of intervals from -11 to +11 in the total repertoire. The number value of the interval is calculated by counting the bottom and top note, and moving by sernitone between them. The interval +3, then, is an ascending major second. Figure 2
lnthnral Composition of All Songs
Descending intervals outnumbered ascending in this repertoire, 69% descending to 41 YO ascending. Songs were most likely to ascend in larger leaps, and descend in a number of smaller intervals. The largest number ascending were the +3 and +4, the counterparts of the much more common 4 and 4. This parallel probably reflects in a minor way the influence of oscillation of text between notes; chant sections are generally note repetitions, or oscillations of +3/-3 or +4/-4. Even taking into account text treatment, there was a preponderance of descending -3 and 4intervals. A further comparison of kinds of intervals reinforcad the directional observations. Directional representation was nearly equal, with 8 ascending and 7 descending. There were more kinds of larger ascending intervals than descending, especially when the rare occasion of a descending -2 (m2)was taken out of the list. Only two single occurrences of descents larger than -6 occurred, while there were 5 cases of ascending +11 (representing 4 different composers), and 1 case of +lo. There were no tritones (+I- 7) in the repertoire, and very few semitones; this reflects the predominant anhematonic pentatonic scale structure. Figure 3 shows some representative intewaf "fingerprintsw. Figure 3 Interval finaer~rintsof the sonas of Alakkanuaa and his sons and daughter
Alakkanuaq
0.
Kajaituq Figure 3, continued Intewal fingerprints of the songs of Alakkanuaa's and his sons and daughter (Diagrams of Qarmatsiaq and Niptajuq are in Figs. 6 and 5, respectively)
lqqivalituq
Kiasingnuq Figure 4 Interval finnemrints of sonas of some of the oldest generation of composers
Niaqunuaq Figure 5 Interval finrrerprints of the sonqs of Ni~taiucrand his family
Niptajuq Joseph Angutingnungniq
Y. ------.- *
Lionel Amudnuaq Martha Tunnuq Interval finrrerprints of women comwsers
Made Arnapituaq
Ublunuaq The diagrams illustrate some of the findings of the interval counts. First, the repertoire was very consistent in its pattern of interval distribution and the dominance of particular intervals. Composers themselves seemed to be most consistent in their make- up of descending intervals within their individual song repertoires. The use of the interval -5 (descending major third) and +5 were restricted, and within certain famiiies (Niptajuq's) the -5 was not used at all. Composers of the oldest generation tended to have fewer of the larger, ascending intenrals; here Niaqunuaq is an exception, but it may be speculated that this may be because of his larger repertoire as a shaman. Women's songs were not easily characterized except perhaps by a simpler interval make-up, but even that depended on the singer. I viewed the total intenrat count in particular songs as a measure of the degree of melodic movement in songs, and the number of different intervals in each song as a measure of complexity. Table 5 shows total interval counts broken down by composer, and also gives the numbers of different intenrals. For this analysis I used only composers who had two or more songs represented in the collection. The Roman numerals under the composers' names indicate the relative generation, 'I" being the oldest represented in the collection. Table 5
Numbers of songs havina (a) ranges of total interval counts jb) ranges of numbers of interval types
1-1 Number - WuWul Niaqunuaq Alahnuaq Plalak Ublunuaq KrWinOaloq of lntsnrals (a) [I) (1) (11) (It) Qt) [ll) 10-19 1 1 3 1 1 3 20 - 29 1 3 4 2 1 5 30-39 1 2 1 1 40-49 1 I I Number of different
Tatal Number Niptapq Iqq~valituq Krrngaijaquq Oimgnuq - Qarmatslaq Amapihraq
of intervals (a) (Ill) (111) (111) (Ill) ,. (Ill] (111) 10-19 5 6 1 20 29 6 4 2 2 - 1 I 1 30 - 39 1 4
Number of dlffefant InWvala (b) I 4-5 1 5 2 1 1 1 6-7 4 7 2 I1 1 1 8 - 9 1 1 I 10-11 1
Tdrl Number Tllenqtoq AWYW -wl Qapqsaaq Anqutlngnung Arnutmuaq Maqpatuq , of ~ntrmk(a) (Ill) (111) (IN tlV) nq (IV) (1V) (lv) 10-19 1 1 3 1 1 ( 20 - 29 1 1 3 4 1 2 30 39 1 1 1 1 - 4
' Number of
dHferant L intervals (b) I I 4-5 1 1 2 1 6 - 7 2 2 1 5 3 2 - 2 8-9 / 2 1 Most songs appeared to be in the range of 20 to 29 intervals, regardless of the generation of he composer. Nearly all composers composed songs in that range. Counts of 10-19 were second in occurrence, most notably in the songs of early composers. Individuals vaned considerably in the length of the complexity of their songs, e.g. Niptajuq with all five of his songs being short and simple, and Aquijuq with two songs at opposite exttemes of range. Single songs not present in this chart included a few very complex songs - e.g. Tigumiak's song with 56 intervals -- and a few as short as 13 intervals in total. Most songs had six or seven interval types in total. This was again completely consistent in generations I and II, and also in generation Ill. It appeared, however, that the earliest composers (I and 11) tended to use more kinds of intervals in general, while later ones used fewer kinds. And again, except for the composers Niptajuq and Qayaqsaaq, the more songs an individual composed the more variable was his use of both numbers and kinds of intervals. This suggests a general overall conformity in interval content, with leeway in the cases of individual, prolific composers. To test the generational division, I averaged the totals of types of intervals for each generation. For this measure, I used all composers, even those who had only composed one song. This allowed me to have a larger sample and a fifth generation. (The overlap of generations led me to use only cumposers whose generation I could pin down exactly, so the totals are less than my total number of Ur-versions. In addition, generation I may include several generations since accuracy is slightly more suspect prior to generation 11). Table 6 shows the composers belonging to each generation, while Table 7 shows the averages and counts. Table 6 Composers and their generations
Table 7
Counts, generations, and numbets of interval types in whole sonas and -refrains
1 Generat~onl I Generalon I1 1 Generatcon 111 i Generation IV 1 Ganerat~onV Tdal number of I 1 1 1 29 I 38 1 22 11 wngs I Avenge numbef 6.6 6.5 6.3 6.5 7 of unque intervals Awrage numbar 4.8 5.0 4.4 4.0 of unque 4.4 mntafvals. refram 1i
There was no significant difference in averages for entire songs over the generations, except perhaps that the songs of generation Ill were slightly simpler in interval make-up. When the refrain was considered alone, there was a slight decrease in numbers of kinds of interval types over time. The single song in generation V is too small a sample on which to base a generalization. Finally, I compared the average total numbers and kinds of intervals between male and female composers. For this I used all wmposen from the Ur-list, 101 songs by males and 8 by females. The difference was slight but significant in the total averages, the measure of length and complexity, with an overall total average of 23.9 for male and 21.3 for female composers. The numbers of different kinds of intervals was 6.4 for male composers and 5.9 for females. All these differences are small, however, and may simply reflect uncertainty due to the sample size of the study.
ii) Relationship to tonal centres In my interval counts, I coded intervals for overall direction and for direction with respect to the tonal centre of the songs. For example, +4t and 4trepresented m3 intervals moving toward the tonal centre from below and above, respectively. The intervals +4tt and 4tt, then, respectively showed intervals ascending and descending -from the tonal centre. Refining interval counts to include these produced Figure 7 and Table 8, below. Figure 7
. -- -. - Relationships of Intervals to Tonal
400 1 ------
350 ,------, ------] 1 I 300 ------
250 -- - - - I
-- . - I 200 - - -7 150 " I I 100 .-
-- 50 .. INot invoking TC
0 TCMARD Tonal .Centre oAWY FROM Tonal Table 8
Intervals involvinq the tonal centre, and their directions of movement
-1 1 0 0 0 -1 0 1 0 0 -9 0 0 0 -8 1 0 0 -7 0 0 0 -6 19 33 29 -5 22 2 8 -4 243 235 79 -3 144 302 403 -2 4 0 0 -1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 3 45 199 117 4 80 32 1 54 5 83 13 6 6 64 89 62 7 0 0 0 8 66 4 11 9 26 0 4 10 1 0 0 11 5 0 0 Grand Total Totals 804 909 873 2586 Woftotal 31.1 35.2 33.8 100
The most striking feature is that intervals involving the tonal centre outnumbered non-TC intervals by a factor of more than 2 to 1. This underscores the importance of he tonal centre in these songs as more than a starting- or ending-point for a mode. The tonal centre was a constant reference point for melodic motion, not just a point of repose for the melody. The preponderance of TC intervals was more marked in descending intervals than in ascending ones. This seems to have been due to a combination of two facton: fewer large descending intervals, and the generally diminished importance of the tonal centre in larger intervals. Tonal centre relationships were less important in intewals greater than +/-6 (p4). In these the non-TC intervals markedly outnumbered those involving the tonal centre. This may refled the fad that the tonal centre is often near the middle of the range of the scale used in particular songs, and so a large leap to or from the tonal centre might be less likely to fd into the overall range of the songs. Intervals of 4 and 5 (m/M 3) showed this trend as well; in this case I think the reason is to be found in the configuration of the pentatonic scale most often used in these songs, as will be discussed later.
iii) Mutual information analysis based on Interval counts The mutual information analysis generated three levels of grouping of songs according to interval content. These are reproduced below, with the representative intenral content of each, and the composers in each group (Tables 9 and 10).
Table 9 Groups aenerated bv mutual information analysis at 3 levels of arou~incl- Percent intenral corn~ositionin aroups
GRP1 GRPZ GRPS GRP4 GRPS GRPG GRP7 GRP8 GRPS GRPIO GRP11
GRPf-2 0 0 4 03616 0 822 0 7 0 6 0 0 GRP3-4 0 0 0 033 27 0 8f4 f7 0 0 0 0 GRPS 0 0 3 0303f 0 6 Of0 6 3 0 f GRH-7 002426238f8663OOO GRP8-9 0 0 f 6 020 6 4 7 4 0 0 0 GRPfOIff 0 0 7 7843 020 7 7 8 6 0 0 0 Table 10 Composer make-up of arouns
1Oa1 Ba64 lqqivalituq Pialak 12GBA Kungaijaijuq Niaqunuaq Father (Amutjaq's) Alakkanuaq Niaqunuaq Krepingajoq 107 Oogaq Niptajuq Napuajuq Alakkanuaq Marie's uncle Alakkanuaq Unknown Ublunuaq Iqqivalituq lqqivalituq
-GRP3 -GRP4 71C lqqivalituq 5-2 lnutjaq 3B3BA44 Qarrnatsiaq 76C Amapiluaq 8-2 Pudluq 54C lqqivalituq 1-lb Alakkanuaq 4GBA Q ayaqsaaq 244M UbIunuaq
-GRPS lblClO5 Amutinuaq lqqivalituq 3-3 Niaqunuaq lsiqaq 10aQBA65 Qayaqsaaq lssaqadaijuq 6-1 Angutingnungniq Kajaituq 6a17BA45 Krepingajoq Kungaijaijuq 62C Kungaijaijuq lqqivalituq 1aSC102 Amutinuaq Iqqivalituq I 4bC2BA78 Inerltunakssa Unknown 8b5BA54 Angutingnungniq 9 1 Taleriqtoq -GRP7 -GRP8 lqqivalituq 70C lqqivalituq Angutingnungniq 69C Kungaijaijuq Maqwtuq 10allBA67 lqqivalituq Niptajuq 3b2BA44 Atakkanuaq Alakkanuaq 3WBA44 Qimgnuq Kutsiutikku 1 4a2C112 lqqivalituq Kutsiutikku I Sb9BA45 Alakkanuaq Taleriqtoq 2-2 Qay aqsaaq Pukjarup 207M Niptajuq 206M Niptajuq 8C-BA Angutingnungniq 1b2C105 Tunnuq
-GRP9 GRPIO
4-6 lqqivalituq 87C Qayaqsaaq Bb8BA46 Krepingajoq 90C Qayaqsaaq la3C102 Sigguk 11 C-BA Tigumiak 6ai 8BA45 Krepingajoq 1-26 Maqpatuq 5a28A45 Qamatsiaq 66C Kungaijaijuq 3blC111 Ubloreasuksuk 91 C Qayaqsaaq SC-BA Oogaq 94C Aquijuq 3a2C108 Angutingnungniq 2b2C107 Aminilik 239M Ala kkanuaq 2,s Krepingajoq 7a3BA46 Ta leriqtoq 1-2C Maqpatuq 3b2C111 PUkja~p 7cBA Angutingnungniq 2b3C107 Krepingajoq 233M Pialak 10a2BA64 Alakkanuaq 8-4 lqqivalituq
Sa 1BA45 0. Alakkanuaq 93C Aquijuq 118L Pialak 237M Amapituaq 208M Niptajuq 6bl BA46 Krepingajoq 5b8BA45 Qimgnuq 10aSBA64 Iqqivalituq 203M Krepingajoq 234Mb Niaqunuaq 89C Qayaqsaaq 8-5 Ikpanaq 8-1 Kiasingnuq 6b3BA46 Krepingajoq 7SC Pialak 4 4 lqqivalituq The following tree diagram represents this schematically, and shows non-musical factors which appear to be important in separating the groups. These factors were found by counting the occurrences of factors such as generation (I,II,III,IV,V, according to the chart given in Chapter 3) gender (F), nuclear family of Alakkanuaq (NFA), nuclear family of Niptajuq (NFN) or lqqivalituq (NFI), consanguineai kin of Alakkanuaq (GA), and siblings of Alakkanuaq (A), lqqivalituq (I), and Tunnuq (T). The siblings represent three generations of Alakkanuaq's family. Table 11 after the tree diagram contains the collated information on these factors for the eleven groups (1 to 1I), also divided into the higher- level groups (A to D) and (I to Ill) which appear in the tree diagram. Figure 8 Tree of sana amupinas aenerated by mutual information analysis
j Most recent I cumposcm
Few Gen. l Alakkanuaq's children
Most Gen.1
Women compan Table 11 Composers' sonas divided by aeneration, gender, and kin ties in three levels of gtou~inasgenerated by mutual information analysis
- - - NFA NFI Sib Sib Sib A I T - 1 1 0 1 0 7 2 2 2 0
4 1 120 1 1 0 1
0 0 0 0 2
3 2 0 2 0 3 1 121
5 1 122 5 3 2 2 1
0 0 0 1 1 -4 -2 13-0
The tree diagram shows that group I (A, made up of low level groups 1 and 2) is fundamentally different in interval content from the other groups - group I and A are the same group because the group remains distinct at both levels. I found no obvious reason to account for this, though the group does show a fairly even mix of songs by the earliest three generations of composers. This highest level (groups I, 11, and Ill) does show a break between new and old songs. Group lli has virtually no songs of the earliest generation (I), and only group 11 at the lowest level even contains one song of that generation. The other two groups (I and 11) have significant numbers, contributed by lower levels A, C, and 0. The two groups with the oldest songs differ in composition, however. In group I, generation I1 (Alakkanuaq's) predominates; this split happens first at the very lowest level, with group 1 having more generation 1 songs, group 2 having generation 11. Highest level group I1 is a mix of generations including a significant number of old songs (generation I) and newer songs (generation Ill) composed by people outside Alakkanuaq's immediate family. Generation Ill (the generation after Alakkanuaq) predominates in both groups I! and Ill at the highest level; group It, then, is largely made up of newer songs, with the additional factor that a large proportion of the generation Ill songs were composed by Alakkanuaq's children. At least in interval composition, then, there is a difference between very old and newer songs - in a later section I will point out modal differences as well. There is also a difference bemen songs of Alakkanuaq's offspring and those of other composers of that generation. A small distinction also emerged between a certain group of songs by generation I and generation 11, as represented in song groups 1 and 2. The other significant finding here is the split at the second level (A to D) in terms of representation by female composers, The highest numbers of female composers occur (as a proportion of the totals) in lowest groups 3,4, and 8, and this is largely maintained when the groups eventually fuse to become group II. This suggesl that women's compositions tend to have similar intenral make-up; this is certainly not a generational finding, since three generations are represented in these songs. This finding is somewhat moderated by the presence of so few women's songs in my sample. The findings for the sons' nuclear families (NFN and NFI) were not significant, nor was any differentiation according to direct kin versus indirectlnon-kin (C-A factor) of Alakkanuaq. Only songs of the children of Alakkanuaq (the '1's") showed significant similarity. This happened at the highest level, with groups II and Ill both having more songs by the sons and daughters of Alakkanuaq, the latter having the most. It also held true in groups at the second level (D, E, F), and group 11 at the lowest level. This suggests quite a fundamental difference between these songs and others. It should be pointed out that this analysis was done only on interval data. and then mainly as a test for a preliminary separation. Using other kinds of numerical variables would have allowed a more broadly-based division to be made. More ethnographic information on habitation patterns and geographic origins of composers might have generated more meaningful speculation on the reasons for the groupings. Of the generational, gender, and kinship information I used to postulate explanations, the generational element is probably the most significant. Similarities between siblings do occur in ornamentation elsewhere in my analysis, but there was not a strong separation here in interval content Although I found gender differences in other areas, they were again not large. b) Melodic contour Two aspects of melodic cantour were studied for this segment First, the direction of the beginning of songs was determined by comparing the fint intervals of the Ur- versions, and then contour profiles of songs were done. I looked at both these aspects in terms of consistency among composers, and the seamd also to illustrate certain recumng shapes of melodies. Most songs - 69% of the sample - began with a descending interval, while 31% started ascending. This figure is somewhat larger than was predicted by the total interval count Most songs started on the tonal centre. There was considerable variation among mmposen, but composers were often consistent in the direction of their initial intewal within their individual repertoires of compositions. Table 12 gives some examples.
Table 12 lncipit interval direction amona songs of selected composers
' omp poser Oown Up Comments Alakkanuaq 4 6 Up mostly from TC. 7110 of 2M intervals had change
Maqpatuq 2 Niaqunuaq 2 0 Pialak 1 3 Qamatsiaq 1 1 . OnefromTC Qimgnuq 2 t\ , Taleriktoq 3 , Ublunuaq _ 1 1 Both non-TC Even with the small sample of women's songs, the proportion of ascending and descending intewals remained tfm same. me melodic contours of the repertoire showed some consistent patterns. Cavanagh (1982) spoke of an 'archetypal" drum song contour frequently found in her repertoire. It consisted of an introduction, chant section, and refrain, with highest or lowest notes often marking the transitions between the fint and second, and the second and third sections. The chant section was often static melodically, while the introduction and refrain sections contained the most melodic variety. The two songs by Oogaq (Figure 9a) strikingly illustrate this form, and there are many more examples in the collections. Interestingly, many of the dearest examples of this form were drum dispute songs such as those by lqqivalituq (Figure 10 b). These two songs were identified by singers as contest songs, and sung with great delight because of the insulting nature of the text. This type of dispute song usually camed a very long text and was composed for the drum dispute occasion. It is tempting to speculate that the threepart form may have its origins in this type of song; certainly, drum dispute songs are common in the Netsilik repertoire. Another somewhat rare type of song will be mentioned frequently in this chapter. It was short and relatively simple, sometimes with many strophes, and sung at a quick tempo. Figure 11 shows four examples, two of which are very similar. The last one shows the symmetry inherent in one melody of this type. There is great variety in song contour in the repertoire. It is difficult to generalize, but the examples in the figures give some idea about the range of possibilities. The drawing of Qimgnuq's songs (Figure IOc) is one of many examples showing the variety in a single composer's repertoire. Contours of women's songs (Figure 12) showed a mixture of the archetypal profile and a simpler style, although several women (Amapituaq, Qarmatsiaqj were obviously seasoned composers whose songs were known publicly. Prolific composers composed songs with common contour elements at times, but no overall consistency. Figures 9b, IOa, 12 (Issaqadaijuq) are examples of the song contours of the earliest composers, while Figure 9c shows that of the latest composer in the collection. The tM, songs of Kutsiutikku I also show the similarity in melody of some song 'parts" as mentioned earlier, though the three partdsongs of Maqpatuq (not iuustrated) do not show this similarity. Figure 9
Ex~~D~sof sona contours (I)
(a) Examples of two songs with ''archetypal" contour postulated in Cavanagh (1982) (b) Generation I composer, two musically distinct "paRsn of song (c) Most recent composer in study
Note changes over time Kutsiutikku I (b)
I
Note changes over time
0.Alakkanuaq (c)
Note changes over time hhh 0 WP) Distance from TC (ST) Dlstance from TC (ST) -u- b,Lrboru*o Figure I1
Examrrles of short-strophe stvle
(a) Angutingnungniq and lqqivalituq (b) Qayaqsaaq (c) Sigguk
Example (a)
Example (b) --
Not. changer over Urn,
Example (c)
- . - Distance from TC Dlstance from TC (ST+1) (ST+l ) Dishnce from TC l3B&&Oh)PO)&n (ST+1) bbikowraaor Figure 12, continued
Women comPosers
Tunnuq c) Mode, tonal centre, scale, and range It is somewhat misleading to consider these four parameters separately since they are closely interdependent in the drum song repertoire. The anhematonic pentatonic scale used in virtually all songs puts certain constraints on scale possibilities. The frequent occurrence of the tonal centre within songs forced me to mnsider an alternative view of mode and scale. Range, too, appeared sometimes to be an ad hoc extension of melody rather than a precisely set parameter intended by the composer. In this section, I will present the findings in the four areas separately, and then I shall try to arrive at some conclusions firstly as to their joint applicability to the repertoire, and secondly what they collectively say about how songs are put together. Kolinski's (1967) modal classification system was useful as a starting-point, especially on the predominant pentatonic modes. I used it mainly to differentiate modes, and I used his notation only for the tonal centre, starting and ending pitches, and range in scale diagrams. Notes from incipit glissandi were not used as part of the scale, though they often fitted into it (such ornament-like melodic figures are often unpitched and unclear, and I felt their use introduced uncertainty into determining scale structure.) Table 13 lists the scales and their counl in the 109 songs. The final column is the total number of each type, e.g. penta- or hexa-. Counts of the numbers of tints will be incorporated into later discussions on scale segment and range.
Table 13 Modal varieties in drum sonas
r Modevarieties 1 #of Songs [ % of Songs I % of Mode 1 Suttype Tetra-G 1 4 <1 Penta-A 27 25 83 Penta-C 8 7 Penta-0 47 43 Penta-E 4 4 Penta-G 5 5 Hexa-A 2 2 13 Hexa-D 4 4 Hexa- € 7 6 Hexa-G 1 4 Hepta-A 1 <1 3 I Hepta-C 1 I 4 Hepta-D 1 < 1 1 The mode surtype figures correspond closely to Cavanagh's (1982) counts for her drum song sample, 83Y0 total penta-, and 17% combined for hexahepta- surtypes. The tonal centre of each song was determined by the following factors: frequency of use, importance in melodic motion, occurrence as startinglending pitch. Atthough the use of these fadors may seem somewhat circular, there was never any doubt musically as to which note was the tonal centre. I then expressed it in terms of the standardized scale segment based on the mode. Table 14 lists the tonal centres for the 109 songs.
Table 14 Tonal centres
' Tonal Centre Count Percent A 30 28 C 9 8
It should be remembered that the "name* of the tonal centre depends on the modal class in which the song falls. A single note difference in a song may change the mode class and hence the name of the tonal centre. In practice this was not a problem in the unambiguous penta- modes, but became an issue in more complex songs if they involved intonation or memory uncertainty. When i looked at the scale segments of each song, the results drew together information from both mode and tonal centre. Table 15 gives the frequencies of eaeh scale segment. Table 15 Frequency of scale segments
A number of observations may be made regarding the placement of the tonal centre. First of all, it never occurred as the top note in the scale, and only once as the lowest note. Where there were an odd number of notes in the segment, (65 cases), the tonal centre was most often exactly centred in the segment (85%), occasionally nearer to the bottom (15%). and never had more scale tones below than above. This is partly due to the very common penta-0 segment of a-c-0-e-g, but the trend is consistent even outside that group. Where there was an even number of tones (44 cases) and symmetry was impossible, the TC still showed a tendency to be positioned closer to the bottom (61%) than the top (39%). Wtth the importance of the tonal centre, I thought it would be useful to look at the immediate tones above and below, since they are really the delimiters of the most common penta-type scales. Tables 16 and 17 summarize the findings.
Table 16 Interval between tonal centre and the note below
1 Distance 1 Number I Percent 1 Comments
Step 1 90 1 83 Skio 118 f 17 One M3. One P4. rest m3
Table 17 Interval between tonal centre and the note above
Distance of Distance of note above Number Percent of total (a) of note below TC TC each category la=no.of cases) I Step (a=92) Step 1 52 1 58 Step + ST (filled-in skip) 3 1 3 Skip 34 40 Skip (a=17)) Step 16 94 Skin 1 6
In other words, the note immediately below the tonal centre was usually a step, and in that case the note above was most likely a step as well. A subcategory was where movement above the TC was a step and a semitone, effectively a skip filled in. Segments that had a larger interval below the tonal centre nearly always moved above the TC by step (the exception here involved a larger interval below the TC, and missing scale notes above). Fig. 13, below represents this schematically: In terns of scale segment and tonal centre, there was a pronounced tendency towards symmetry. First, scales with odd numbers of notes were most common. In these odd-number scales, ~e tonal centres were most likely to be centred. And finally, the most common notes surrounding the tonal centre involved steps rather than skips. Cavanagh (1982) found similar examples of symmetry in her repertoire. Aside from that symmetry, there was a definite skew placing the tonal centre nearer the bottom of the scale segment. Predictably, the range values reflected mode types, underlying symmetries, and possibilities within modes. Range was represented in the same way as intewals, counted by semitone and including the bottom and top notes. Table 18 summarizes the counts.
Table 18 Ranges of songs
I Range I Counts of I Percent 1
The most common value was 11 (10 semitones), the range of the basic penta-D mode whose most common segment as seen earlier was a-c-Be-g. Few segments were larger than an octave, though the octave range itself was the second most frequent at 17%. The absence of the tritone range is not surprising in the light of the interval frequency findings, though theoretically it could have occurred in the hepta- mode. This approach of considering the movement immediately to and from the tonal centre may be ernically more valid than a strid classification according to mode. Range, then, becomes a song characteristic rather than a scale characteristic. I find it doubtful that composers enter into composition with a particular scale in mind. If melody is fint conceived in relation to a tonal centre - a distinct possibility considering the prevalence of intervals involving that note - the dosest intervals to and from the tonal centre are the true determinants of scale. Even in cases in this repertoire where semitone intervals existed, they never involved the tonal centre, suggesting a minimal role in scale determination. To test this approach, I used the information from Tables 16 and 17 regarding movement around the tonal centre. The following diagram summarizes the findings in another way. Figure 13
Mode Types
Step Below from TC Sklp Below from TC
I
(Ills) (Ill) i Skip above Stei Above TC [
In this classification, there are four basic modes. Table 19 identifies them and relates them to the tonal centre:
Table 19 Mode types derived from sunoundina interval relationships
Mode 1 Interval makeup Tonal centre Percent I stepTGstep 0 48 I I step-TGski p A,€ 37 Ill4 ski pTGstepstep C 11
Ill-ii . skipTGstepskip G 5
Tonal centres as found in the repertoire are differentiable in this system, though A and E are conceptually the same. Interestingly, songs in mode Ill had ranges that were larger on average than those in other modes, and the largest found in the repertoire was in this mode. Some interesting generational (See Table 6) and kin relationships emerge when the data are viewed in modal terms. Generation I contained nearly all Mode I1 songs, while the songs in generation I1 were mostly mode 1 with some mode li. Generation Ill, with the largest numbers of composers and songs, had approximately equal numbers of modes I and Ill and a significant proportion of Mode Ill. Generation IV had mostly mode I, some 11, and a few mode Ills. The fact that songs of the oldest generation are most uniform in modal composition suggests perhaps that the AIE mode (mode II) is an older form, perhaps pre-contact. It may also be a family characteristic since almost all the individuals (Iqqivalituq I, Uttinuaq, Napuajuq, and Niaqunuaq) are directly related. Following direct relationships through the other generations is inconclusive since mode I1 is one of several modes occumng later. In fact, in generation Ill mode I (0-mode) is probably the most common, with mode I1 second. The most variety in modal make-up occurred in generation Ill. This group contained the most composers and the largest number of songs. Here there was a significant proportion of Mode Ill songs as part of a repertoire (Niptajuq sang mostly mode Ill), though it was never the exclusive mode used by a composer. The modal variety may reflect the larger numbers of affinal relatives included, since this period corresponded to the time after the mission was established in Pelly Bay and more family groups were staying around the mission. Generation IV contained singers who onJ sang mode Ill songs. Amutinuaq and Taleriktoq sang two and three songs respectively, all mode Ill. Other singers such as Qayaqsaaq and Angutingnungniq sang significant numbers in mode Ill. There are traceable kin ties among mode Ill composers. Niptajuq, whose songs are outliers in both mode and range, is the father of both Angutingnungniq and Amutinuaq, both of whom sing mode Ill songs as their father did. lssaqadaijuq is the mother of Taleriktoq, and the mother-in-law of Martha Tunnuq, herself the sister of Augutingungniq and Amutinuaq and a singer of Arnutinuaq's songs. There may be a geographical component to mode, though I do not have enough data to pin it down. Arnutinuaq was adopted out to Repulse Bay and grew up there. Several individual composers with single mode Ill songs are more distant relatives of singers, and singen sometimes learned those songs in Repulse Bay, or from individuals living in that community. I do not know the background of Issaqadaijuq. It is tempting to speculate that the introdudion of mode Ill songs is due to intermamage and closer ties with Repulse Bay as centralization progressed.
B. Components of musical style, and contributions by composers and singers In this section, I will depart somewhat from the way I proceeded in the previous sections. All three of the aspects under consideration - ornamentation, microtonal alterations, and vocal style - are in some ways interlinked and overlapping. The data are not always quantifiable, nor do the findings always fit neatly into the compartments of the composets intention and the singets mediation. They are some of the most interesting results, however, and bring up important issues in song transmission which are best raised here where I can present illustrations and exceptions.
i. "Omamen tation" Cavanagh (1982: 119-121) stated that she believed ornamentation in drum songs was conceived as part of melody, and called it "melodic embellishment" to emphasize its importance in melodic make-up. I fully agree with her assessment, although in my repertoire I found somewhat more variability among singers in the use of such figureations. Cavanagh's description of embellishment types accurately describes those in my repertoire, and I will use her categories, briefiy described below, as a starting point for presenting my findings. Types and placement of such 'ornament-like figures" (recognizing them as of melody) will be viewed in terms of consistency among singers and composers,- with some explanation postulating family connections. Table 20, condensed from Cavanagh (1982: 119-121) lists the types of ornament-like figures, description, and their common placements. Concrete examples will be given as needed in later descriptions. Table 20 "Ornament" tvpes (from Cavanaah 1982: 119-1211
4 Ornament Twe Oescri~tion Placement
1 I I Glissando I Slide, often indeterminate I Incipit, occasional P4 descent pitch Appoggiaturas Variable length note repetition Within phrases as: before note change a. Repeat of previous note b. Neighbour tone articulation in note reiterations c. Double direction approach note before or afler larger intenr al Turn Several varieties of note series W~thinphrases as: a. Lower mordents on quarter note when descending M2 or rn3 b. After elongated initial note c. Wobble of upper neighbour tone on penultimate note of refrain
The incipit glissandi are a standard feature of the repertoire. Not only were they used to start songs and lines within songs, they were used to 'pick upwlines after laughter or memory intemptions. They nearly always contained an unpitched component, and generally also contained a pitched note or notes which fit into the overall tonal make-up of the song. The transcriptions show the rhythmic variablilty of these figures: their constituent notes showed a full range of values from grace-notes to full half or quarter note. Certain singers tended to lengthen these - Qarrnatsiaq for example - and there was a sibling similarity as well in the sound of the glissandi of Tunnuq and Angutingnungniq. One paRicular type of vocal figure will serve to illustrate the complexity of the relationship between their use in camposition and performance. It was a broken sound on one note, often carrying vocables 'a-hai" or %-hew,and was used mainly as part of the incipit glissand, or as part of a turn in the body of songs. It is notated in the transcriptions either with the vocables, or a combination of vocables and dashes under the notes involved. Figure 14. Vocable "ornament"
This ornament-like figure can be considered both singer-specific and composer- specific. The most frequent user, Qarmatsiaq, used it in all songs she sang, regardless of composer, her use was unique because of the high vocal inflecti-onwhich began the second syllable. They were most prominent in her own songs and in Alakkanuaq's songs. On the other hand, nearly all of Alakkanuaq's songs and their concordances contained the figure, except those sung by Tunnuq and Angutingnungniq (siblings, Alakkanuaq's grandchildren). This fact would argue for its use as part of Alakkanuaq's compositional style. Qarrnatsiaq's husband, Qirngnuq, used a similar figuration in his own version of his wife's song, and in those by his wife's brother and his birth father Ubloreasuksuk, though he used it less in his own song. Qamatsiaq's daughter, in a singing style strikingly like her mother's, used it in all songs she sang (a1 by Qamatsiaq and Alakkanuaq). In this case, then, the ornament-like figure appears to be most strongly associated with a singer, secondarily with a composer, and also appears to have strong family connections in composition and performance. This particular one appeared in other composers songs, however. The most obvious one of these is Krepingajoq, whose distinctive vocal style (described in section B.iii, p. 122, below) contained an "a-hai" so strong as to constitute a glottal push. All his songs contained it, and his daughter-in-law Lucie maintained it in a less pronounced form. Lucie sang the figuration in her husband's, Qayaqsaaq's, songs as well. Again, there is a strong association of the "ornament" with a person, in this case Krepingajoq, secondarily with his son Qayaqsaaq, as well as a less precise association with other related singers. The figuration appeared in other singers' performances as well - Amapituaq, singing Ublunuaq's song, for example, again a possible link to Alakkanuaq, Ublunuaq's husband. There seems to be no discernible generational component. And there are many singers who never used this type of figuration at all - Tunnuq, Anguti, Annaqatjuaq, lkkujuitoq to name a few - even in songs in which it might have been expected. Despite the complexity illustrated in the foregoing example, it is possible to generalize to some extent about the use of such figurations in the body of songs. The final phrase of the refrain is a common place for them to be added, and there are consistencies of use elsewhere. The final phrase of the refrain was unique in a number of ways. It was often broken by the insertion of a breath. The notes generally lengthened toward the end of the phrase, and there was usually a ritardando of the last few notes and often a deliberate slowing of the entire phrase. Cavanagh (1982) noticed a frequent vocal "wobblen in the penultimate note. Other ornament-like types were common as well, and their placement vaned within the phrase: mordents with a lower or upper neighbour, and stepwise appoggiaturas from above or below. The vocal figurations themselves varied in execution among song variants (see section C, p. 124, below), and sometimes were lengthened to become motifs in themselves. Alternatively - and this strengthens Cavanagh's (1982) statement as to the melodic fundion of such vocal figures - they introduced new notes which actually extended the scale (e.g. 84 (#36), Iqqivalituq's song performed by Ikkujuitok), rather than simply repeating previous notes. Breaking down these final-phrase 'ornaments" according to composer and singer again gave little information, though there were indications of composer intention. I found the penultimate vocal "wobble" to be clearly composer-specific in the case of Pialaq, a very early composer whose songs were sung by Amutjaq and Amapituaq, but other occurrences showed no such consistency. In another example, Alakkanuaq's songs regularly contained lower-neighbour mordents in the final refrain phrase, while Ikkujuitok's version of Ikpanaq's song (8-5, #27)) contained a string of appoggiaturas in an extended final refrain, not a normal feature of Ikkujuitok's singing, Ornament-like figures in the body of songs showed a somewhat dearer picture. Turns and passing-note groups (i.e. filling in of leaps in with various arrangements of short notes) were most strongly associated with cerbin composers, while the occurrences of appoggiaturas of all sorts appear to have been determined both by mmposer and singer. Aspects of this will be discussed in detail in the discussion of variants in section C (p. 124), below, but some generalizations can be made here. Even a cursory examination of Alakkanuaq's songs (see Appendix II) reveals a variety of tums and passing notes in places other than incipit glissandi and final refrain segments. Originally I had attributed that to the prevalence of Qarmatsiaq as singer. Closer examination revealed that even singers who rarely used figurations of this sort - Angutingungniq, for example - used them in his version of one of Alakkanuaq's songs (Song 6-2). Songs by another composer well-represented in the repertoire, Iqqivalituq, only occasionally contain tums and mordents, and they were absent even in versions by such ornate singers as Qarmatsiaq. Some of his songs did contain them, however, and they were usually maintained in some form in concordances (see section C, below). In another case, Amimllik used no turns in any of the songs he sang, his own or lqqivalituq's. However, I found a song composed by his mother's father in which Amirallik clearly sang a turn on the same syllable of the same word (pisiqsam, %is song to be [mine]")in at least two stantas? Cavanagh (1982: 120-21) commented on ?he free deletion and variation of appoggiatura figurations in mncordances. They were so ubiquitous in the repertoire that generalization according to composer is impossible. Certain singers were frequent users of these - Angutingnungniq and Tunnuq for example - and this type of figure was common in the singing of some of the most elaborate singers such as Qarmatsiaq and Anapituaq. Use of appoggiatura figurations seems to depend on the manner that particular singers move from one note to another, and can vary in multiple performances of songs by the same and different singers. A final feature will be discussed here, even though it more properly would belong in a discussion of rhythmic variation. This is the use of a triplet or compound rhythm in whole songs or portions thereof, and the free movement back and forth between that "metric feel" and a pusatile one. (See Note 1, p. 136.) Cavanagh pointed out this feature especially in songs from Balikci's collection (Cavanagh 1982: 127). These sections are notated in the transcriptions with square brackets around the sections. I deal with this feature here because it is idiosyncratic in its occurrence, and is not a regular rhythmic trait of the repertoire. This rhythmic type was used sporadically in a number of songs. Occasionally most of the song was involved, but more often the song moved freely between typical pulsatile sections and 'metricm ones, with the rhythm maintained in analogous sections of subsequent stanzas. Occasionally the initial section of the refrain was compounded, but -never the concluding portion: there was always a feeling of squareness and solidity to the dosing ai-ja. My impression was that singers were hurrying through text when they used the compound "metre". The fact that one version of a composer-singer's song contained compounding while the other did not (0. Alakkanuaq, 5alBA45, #11; 10alOBA65in Appendix 11) suggests that such rhythmic alteration is a performance peculiarity.
ii. Microtonal pitches Microtonal pitch notes are common in the Inuit drum song repertoire across the Arctic. The ideal approach would have been to treat these as scale elements, as did Hauser (1978a,b). I believed that the notational and analytrcal complexities generated by such treatment in this study outweighed the information to be gained, since the use of such notes appeared quite variable. Several researchers have attempted to discover consistencies in the use of microtones. The repertoire has defied systematization, although some basic "rules" have been postulated (Thuren 19 11 ; Olsen 4963). Cavanagh (1982: 1 f GI13) presented convincing evidence for their occurrence in certain melodic patterns in the Netsilik repertoire; these will be discussed below in the appropriate section. 1 carried out four kinds of analysis which together help to tease out the contributions of composers, singers, and melodic and motivic fadm in the occurrence of amsistent microtonal inflections in songs. I first looked at the occurrence in all songs regardless of composer or singer, and broadly characterized the types. I then determined whether patticular composers used them systematically, and if there was a generational component to this. Next, I investigated the tendency of particular singers to use microtones, and related this to the occurrences in concordances. And finally, 1 analyzed individual songs containing some of the most common inffected melodic patterns found by Cavanagh, but with the difference that I looked for consistency in their use as motivic entities rather than as recuning patterns. Of the 207 songs in the study, 103 used microtones consistently, roughly 50%. (It should be mentioned that 'consistently" in this case means only that either the notes were ahvays microtonal, always miuotonal in particular figures, or often inflected in a certain direction.) The remaining songs, 104, either had no instances at all or only occasional inflections attributable to intonation or memory lapse. Of the 103 songs that had consistent micmtonal use, 50% (51 instances) used a raised 'leading toned (LT), the note immediately below the tonal centre. Some of these also had other inflections. In the remaining 52 cases the use varied, and several types might occur in the same song. Other than leading-tone raising, the most frequent types were as follows:
1. raising or lowering of the note above the tonal centre 2. lowering of highest note 3. raising of lowest note, most consistently done when the lowest note was also the leading tone 4. raising of the second note above the TC, or the third note above 5. occasional lowering of the leading tone in a concordance, effectively simplfying the scale 6. occasional raising of the LT as well as the second note below the TC (P4 below)
Next, I made counts of microtonecontaining songs versus those without mimtones, using composers categorized by generation. These again were made using totals, regardless of concordances, and thus gave an idea of the overall repertoire as sung by singers in the collection. The results are given in Table 21. Table 21 Composen and their generations Number of sonas with (W and without (Nl microtonal inflections in total songs
Issaqadaijuq 1 Amapituaq 1 1 TaleriMoq 5 I 1 1 Aquijuq 2 1
Tunnuq Sigguk If I Angutlngnungniq 4 3 Qayaqsaaq ,.6 7 Arnutrnuaq 2 L Maqpatuq 6 14
The earliest songs had the greatest proportion of examples consistently using inflected tones. The proportion of inflected songs decreased slightly in generation It, then increased again somewhat in generations Ill and IV. The small sample of generation V contains both inflected and uninflected songs. The numbers suggest little about composers' actual songs, though they do show that both types of songs were sung from 117
1958 to the present. They also point to a significant difference between earliest and later songs. The next analysis refined the information in the previous table, removing skew caused by multiple concordances. For this I condensed concordances so that all songs were unique. Where half or more of the concordances of a given song contained consistent alterations, I called them "Y',and 'N" for the opposite case. This gave a somewhat different picture, as shown in Table 22.
Table 22 Composers and their senerations Number of sonas with (YI and without (Nl microtonal inflections in unique
1 I I ! Oogaq I 1 1 OAakkanuaq I 1 Tunnuq 11 _ Sigguk 11 -Angubngnungniq 3 3 Qayaqsaaq 4 5 Arnuhnuaq 2 1 Maqpatuq 3 11 I I In this count, the preponderance of songs wittr microtones in the early repertoire was intensified, and this effect spilled over into generation 11. Generation Ill, the group containing the most compositions, had proportionally mom uninflected songs. Both these analyses strengthen the argument presented in the earlier modal discussion t9at the earliest songs reflect a different compositional style, preserved through transmission and later performance by multiple singers. Whether this style was familial, or whether the homogenization in later generations was mused by the addition of song styles from Repulse Bay and elsewhere, is difficult to determine from my data. Certainly, there is a particular later song style in the Pelly Bay repertoire (examples are Angutingnungniq 3a2C108; Amutinuaq 1aSClO2, lbl C102; Qayaqsaaq 10a9BA65, 90C; lqqivalituq 82C, 3b8BA44, Sigguk 1a3C102). The song contours of several of these are shown in Fig. 11. This song style is very different from that of most drum songs, and one of its striking characteristics, along with faster tempo, words incorporated into a melodic line, and simpler structure, is its lack of any significant microtonal tone occurrences at all. In the third analysis, again using the total repertoire, I attempted to clarify the singer contribution to the occumence of microtonal notes. Table 23 presents singers (Women singers have the additional designation (F)) and the counts of microtonal and non-microtonal songs in their rspertoires.
Table 23 Sinclers and microtonal songs
Singer Y 1 N Singer YN I Roughly one third of the singers had approximately equal numbers of songs with and without micmtones; dearly in these cases occurrence was not a stylistic feature of the singers. Husbands and wives singing together always used common microtonal notes. A number of singers did not inflect anything - these were often earlier singers such as Allomek and Eibera from Leden's collection (1914), also Iqquqaqtuq, Oolik, Kutsiutikku, Taleriktoq and his wife Marguerite. Women tended to use microtones more often, though if they had large repertoires they were quite even in their distribution of songs with and without microtones. Helene Qarmatsiaq was unusual in that she sang 29 songs of which 18 had no microtone content whatsoever, this is significant in view of her carefully ornate vocal style, large repertoire, and acknowledged talent. When I compared this information with concordance information (I used the composers from the generations table; raw data is not presented here because of lack of space), striking consistencies emerged. Over half of the songs with multiple versions (21 of 40) had all singers performing in the same way, i.e all with microtones or all without. Of the 19 remaining multiple-song sets, very often a high proportion of a group was either one or the other. This suggests that in most cases the presence or absence of microtones was not a random event. For some composers (Kutsiutikku I, Niaqunuaq, Kungaijaijuq, Angutingnungniq, and Qayaqsaaq), infledions in aJ performances of concordances were done the same by their singers; for others (Alakkanuaq, Krepingajoq, Iqqivalituq, and Qarmatsiaq), only very few singers diverged from the norm for a parkular song. This consistency is remarkable, especially in the light of the large temporal space between performances and the variety of singers. It strongly suggests that microtonal occurrence is a feature of the compositions. Teaching and learning, too, may play a part in the transmission of these characteristics. Moreover, the data also show that the microtonal content of songs by singers who appear always either to use microtones extensively or not use them at all may simply be a reflection of the particular songs they sing, rather than being elements of singer style. Finally, I investigated the motivic use of microtonal inflections. I looked at two types which are differentiated only by frequency of infledion: 'scale patternw motifs, where microtonal notes were used consistently in areas containing particular scale degrees, and 'specificn motifs which recurred only in certain groups of notes in certain songs. Specific motifs sometimes did not involve movement to or from the TC, though most often microtones occurred within movement to or from the TC. In this section, I looked at examples of these in terms of their occurrence in the Ur-list of songs, and speculate in some cases as to their function in the songs themselves. In secti-on C, below, I discuss their durability in concordances. Both inflection types largely followed Cavanagh's "mles' for microtonal use. (These are reproduced below (Cavanagh 1982: 112) with examples.) The distinction between these and the list near the beginning of this section is that these latter are frequent motivic examples of the aforementioned types of rnicrotonal occurrences: 1. Compression of intervals toward the tonal centre 2. The double direction approach An additional rule that was operative, though only in certain songs, was the raising of the leading tone lower neighbour in the figure TC-LT-TC. In a few cases, all notes of a certain scale degree were inflected, and the inflected note could be properly viewed as part of the scale - Amapituaq's song 76C (#21) and its raising of the LT is an example of this. The following example (Figure 15) contains a chain of these microtonal figures containing similar but not identical pitches, but all involving the same scale degrees.
Figure 15 Chain of microtonal inflections in sons 11C-BA by Tinumiak Rule 1 in the extreme with differentiation of non-microtonal note at the start of each refrain. Changes according to these rules were ubiquitous in the repertoire, and in many cases inflection and non-inflection were distinctly context dependent, precisely following fiese conventions. In songs 2-2 (W),87C (#92), and 2-3 (#94) of Qayaqsaaq, there was a dear differentiation among the uses of the LT (Figure 16):
Figure 16 Differentiation of LT inflections in three sonas bv Qavaasaaq a. No microtone when leap down b. raised LT as lower neighbour of TC
This example demonstrates both the precise, context-dependent use of microtonal inflections within songs, and raises the larger issue, unresolved here, of its use as a stylistic feature in the repertoire. Most interesting to me was the possibility that microtonal notes might be intrinsic to partiadar motifs; this would further explain inconsistencies in attempts to systematize mictotone occurrences. In these cases such tones would simply be part of the repertoire of notes available to a composer, used and transmitted as song-specific motifs. Such microtonal notes might still be subject to conventions of use, but would be used as any other motifs. There is some evidence to support this view. First, in a number of cases, microtonecontaining motifs were present only in refrain segments, or only in verse sections. It is not possible in these cases to know whether they were intentionally used only as refrain or verse motifs, though generally no form of these motifs was present in the other section. In other cases, a figure was inflected at every occurrence throughout the song, and these often involved unusual leaps (e.g. 3b2C111, #86; IblC105, #25; 77C,#47). These cases strongly suggest intentional microtonal use, or at the very least a singer-specific style. In most cases, the microtone-containing motifs were maintained in subsequent verses. I was also interested in seeing whether microtone-containing figures might act mnemonically, a possibility if they occurred at structurally significant places in songs. The most frequent occurrences of such motifs were at the end of the refrain, and close to the break between verse and refrain, with approximately equal numbers in each place. A secondary area of occurrence was at the beginning of songs, though this may reflect initial pitch uncertainty in some cases. Mnemonic functions will be discussed in terms of variants in part C (p. I%),below. Finally, there were a number of cases where microtonal notes were part of a general inconsistency in pitches of certain notes, or in sizes of leaps. Where a note in a certain position in a song occurred in concordances as different pitches, there was often micfotonal inflection of the note in one version, or in certain verses (see paR C,below). In other songs, highest notes after a leap were often raised rather than lowered, and sometimes these raisings became settled into a difference of a tone in other versions or verses. Often too, microtones were most likely tuning inconsistencies in certain songs. In this study, then, microtone use in general appears to be partly random, and paRIy related to composer generation, composer identity, and singer identity. Notes are usually inflected according to particular conventions, but on a finer level the conventions are at times embodied in motifs that are specifrc to certain songs. There is probably a structural or mnemonic use in some cases, but by no means in all. Further work, including an exhaustive motivic analysis of this repertoire might clanfy the picture.
iii. Vocal style Orurn songs are usually sung in a particular vocal style and range. Vocal production is open and forceful; several singen told me that singing requires a lot of breath, strength and endurance to maintain support for the tone. The tone is quite uniform among most singers, and the exception to be discussed here was interesting because of its rarity. Register, too, is normally uniform. Women sing in a tenor range, which makes their pitch range approximately the same as that for male singers. Again, the exception will be pointed out in this section. Both these exceptions are interesting because they illustrate the balance maintained between generic style and individual interpretation. The composer Krepingajoq is represented in the collection with multiple versions of himself singing his own songs, and several performed by others. His songs were all in a high register, usually with several very high notes. His own singing style was extremely slow and strained, with some unique vocal touches - an exiended "mmmn on phrase endings, and a previouslydescribed "a-hai" vocable accompanied by a glottal push. Surprisingly, little of his unique vocal style was maintained in concordances. There were few pitched instruments in traditional Inuit music culture, except for Jeds harp and a form of violin probably from European or Euro-Canadian contact. Pitch placement depended on singer memory. Three singers who sang for me in 1996 sang three different songs in an unusually high register. The comment by one singer before he started that the song was a "highn song (song 84,no concordances, composed by Iqqivalituq) suggests that the register was a transmitted characteristic of the song. In another case (song 6-2, Alakkanuaq composer), the song was deliberately sung in a range where the male singef s voice showed obvious strain. In this case, concordances by a female singer were in the usual range. In the songs of Krepingajoq, mentioned earlier, the high register was maintained in concordances, and was obvious both in versions by Oogaq (2b3C107,Appendix 11) and lrnmingnaq (2-5, Appendix 11; 2-6, #57). Interestingly, all versions of songs by this composer were within two semitones of one another on comparable passages. Some of them were all from one recording session, but others were done over thirty years later. The maintenance of register was an interesting feature in concordances. Rarely were concordances pitched more than two or three semitones from one another. In one case, a singer started at precisely the same pitch as the person from whom she learned the song, and then lowered it because her own voice was more comfortable in a lower register. It would appear that, consciously or unconsciously, singers may learn the register of the songs along with the songs themselves. This finding is interesting in the light of recent research on the maintenance of absolute pitch values by speakers in tonal languages such as Mandarin and ~ietnamese.' C. Variants and concordances Some surprising elements of songs changed in transmission. Scale and mode are two related aspects which were occasionally changed by singers, though most often the changes involved ornamentation, microtonal intervals, text placement and division.
i. Contributions of singers to musical aspecfs of song constnrction In this section, I looked at two categories of songs with multiple concordances. First, I examined a set of versions of a song by Niptajuq which was sung by singers along both consanguineal and affinal lines. Next, I looked at a number of different sets of concordances of other songs in order to discern some general patterns of alterations in transmission. Some of the transmission material rightly belongs in the next chapter, but is included here to clarify the musical and textual findings.
a) Niptajuq's song This is a two-part song where the 'parts" are separate, though often sung immediately after one another. The comments of singets indicated that everybody in the family knew the song because it was the father, Niptajuq's, song. Tunnuq cited this song as one given to her as a namesake song for her son. Annaqatjuaq, on the other hand, stated that she sang it differently because she had learned it from the 'in-law" side of the family: There's two songs in that one, short ones.' Q. Who did she learn it from? A. 'from her mother-in-law, Monica."
Q. Who else knows that song? A. 'Her sister-in-law M.T. knows about it. But she (A.) ahvays sings it different. She learned it from her father-in-law, so she always follows her father-in-law's words instead.'
Q. So they're different? A. "Yes. It's her father-in-law's song, she learned from her in-laws so she always sings it from her in-laws' side, but her sisters-in-law always sing it a little bit different. same song but a little bit differentn
Q. Who did M.T. learn it from? A. "Probably from her parents, she was at home.'
Q. But she (A) does sing it different? A. 'Yes.' Q. In what way is it different, just in case I recorded it? A. 'Like, the first verse she sang was the first part she says the word, the one she says, that word, she always says different. She, the first part that she sings, that one right now, she forgot some of it so she never finished it, she went right on to the next"
Q. What was that part about? A. 'Like he sang about himseff, that he was a bad person or something like himself, and he's saying that he will try to sing that song, but anyways he will sing."
I was intrigued by this conversation with the daughter-in-law, since usually singers told me they always tried to sing songs exactly as the composer had intended. The consanguineous and affinal nature of the singer ties, plus the namesake element, led me to smthize it in musical and textual terms. The following diagram (Figure 17) illustrates the transmission path of the song.
Figure 17 Path of transmission of Niptajuq's song
llluitoq Niptajuq
I 5
Transcriptions of the first two verses of all the concordances discussed here can be found in Appendices I and 11. Table 24 summarizes some of the results: Table 24 A comparison of versions of both parts of Niataiucr's song
-Part -ID Sinner # vv sung -Mode M icrotones I 207M l lluitoq 10 aCde Yes 8b2BA52 llluitoq 10 (g)aCde One 83C llluitoq 10 Whole Tone No 4-3a Annaqatjuaq 7 aCde No 1-4a Tunnuq 9 aCde No 2-4a lmmingnaq 7 aCde No
It 206M llluitoq 9 aCde No 4-3b Annaqatjuaq 7 aCde No 14b Tunnuq 10 aCde No 2-4 b lrnrningnaq 8 aCde No
The mode and microtone findings are puzzling, but there is a likely scenario. Cavanagh (1982) commented on the age of the singer and possible intonation uncertainty in 83C, where the lowest note was raised a sernitone to produce a whole- tone scale (a#-C-d-e), an unusual mode in this repertoire. Other versions were all penta- C (a-C-doe). Illuitoq's earlier version of part one in 1961 (MarieRousseliere's coliection) microtonally raised the corresponding note, while Balikci's (1958) version by llluitoq did not have microtonal raising in these places. This suggests intonation uncertainty by the singer. I should qualify, however. that in other cases in the repertoire, microtonally inflected notes occurred in some singers' versions where others had actually used different notes. Certainly, llluitoq's miwotones were not maintained in versions by other singers. Melodic differences were clear in these short songs, and showed the effect of transmission patterns. In song part 1, llluitoq and Annaqatjuaq had the same way of descending through the P4 interval (see 'A' on transcriptions), while Tunnuq and lmmingnaq showed a different descent. In song part 2, Illuitoq and Annaqatjuaq did not rest on the TC at the end of the first line (see '8" on transcriptions), while Tunnuq and lrnmingnaq always descended to the TC. There was only one other type of difference and it showed no pattern of occurrence: the interchangeable use of appoggiaturas and passing notes in certain instances. As usual, the most consistent section melodically was the refrain, especially the final section. The version which differed, in both parts. was Tunnuq's: in part one. she nearly always broke off the last four notes into a new breath span, and in part two she truncated or eliminated a short refrain section that other singers induded just before the final breath span. Certain features of the refrain were maintained in all versions, for example the switch from the syllable 'a" to 'u' in mid-leap on the vocables uvanga-unai (see "C3. The melodic changes were significant since the songs generally showed remarkable consistency among versions. In addition, the time spanned by the concordances makes it surprising that homogenization had not occurred to a greater extent in new versions as compared with old. Tunnuq's, Immingnaq's, and Annaqatjuaq's songs were reaxded in 1996, and still showed differences paralleling transmission patterns, while Tunnuq's version maintained its uniqueness in the modem performances. ornamentation showed elements of consistency and individuality. No first verses in any version of Part 1 had an incipit ornament. Those of other verses were rendered somewhat differently depending on singers, but were always placed at the start of all lines. Mid-line ornaments varied in execution (see *Dmin transcriptions), but were used in precisely the same places. This further strengthens the idea that ornament placement is a feature of composer style (or at least composition convention), while execution is a more individual matter. Finally, text reflected the transmission route of the song, and in one case, the purpose. Table 25, below, gives the translation and verse order of the concordances of part 1. Illuitoq, Niptajuq's wife, sang the most complete version of the song, in performances spanning the years 1958 to 1972. Surprisingly, Tunnuq's version was very close to Illuitoq's in content though not in verse order (Tunnuq's version of part 2 actually had more verses than Illuitoq's). The completeness of Tunnuq's version may be ascribed to the fact that this song was composed for Tunnuq by Niptajuq as a namesake song for her son, his grandson (See chapter 3, I1.D). This would entail maintenance by frequent performances at public occasions, and probably a requirement to learn it accurately. Table 25
Text and verse order among concordances of part 1. ' Slightly different words "First line same, different words for rest of verse
!nu ktftut Enalish uvanga Over there -this one.. inngiqtunga l sing kanngusaqpuq iluni there is shyness within my house inukjuit because people do not come pallugama over there--this one.. . uvanga una ilisarasuariga I am trjlng to learn inngniaqtu(nga1 I will sing naluliqpaqsinnaqlugu but sometimes I forget it
1 utiriaqsmnaqqugut We have to return kaang namut because of hunger uririaqsinnaqqugut we have ta return
gangalat ~nthe month when the caribou start shedding niqisaaqutsarivakka I caught a lot of them for food ukkualu Those.. asllirngn~nngttakka I did not get any other an~rnals ukkualu Those . nqaqtuliqsmnaqpakka I recall those and tell about them
rtqaqlunlal~nga Now I will start remembering Plgllqtaaqtuq it was bouncrng up and down ttqaqlungn~aliriga I am startrng to remember
ntqa (?) The game tuqaniqtumik (?) did not run away plgliqtaaqtuq it jumped up end down. arnaunnaqtuaqpit (but) you happen to be a woman (1.e. the game was lucky because the hunter was a woman and less skilful)
itqaqluntalinga Now I mll start remembering uqquqjattut n was coming mth the wind itqaqlungntalinga I am startmg to remember
That land sikuluqaq that ice, that game.. . itqaqaksuuqanngRtunga I have nothing more to remember about them
sikuluqaq that ice, niqutinik that game.. . ~tqaqaksuuqanngntunga 1 have nothrng more to remember about them Annaqatjuaq, Illuitoq's daughter-in-law, sang a version of part 1 that was close to the same verse order as her teacher Illuitoq's version, though missing some verses. The three singers from the younger generation left out verse 2 (the verse Annaqatjuaq mentioned in the interview quotation). Initially I though that it might have been a convention that only primary singers of a song included that part, but subsequent examination of concordances of other songs do not supporl that hypothesis. This set of songs showed clearly how songs musically and textually reflected their family transmission patterns. Musically, they showed the effects of teacher identity as well as composition conventions. Textually, the picture was more complex. The wife's versions were closest to the original in order and content, Mile the daughter's namesake version was next in completeness. Immingnaq's and Annaqatjuaq's were about the same in content, but Annaqatjuaq maintained the order of the original as she had learned it from her mother-in-law.
b. Comparison of sets of concordances I chose a number of songs with multiple concordances to illustrate some general principles of variation which may be drawn from the repertoire. None of these principles are universal, but do occur frequently enough to be seen as characteristic of where variation and conservation tend to occur. The concordances, composers, and singers are summarized in fable 26, and will be designated by group in the subsequent discussion. The transcriptions are included in Appendix 11, and specific examples are included here in Figs. 18-21, below.
Table 26 Sonas used for comparison of variants
OROUPI Composer: GROUP2 Ownpowr: GROUP3 Cornpew: QROUP4 Cunpaer: ' Alakkanuaq lqqiv~uwq Kungaljaijuq .m*iq 1
Sikkuark Sigguk Turhrark 1 3b76A44 Qirngnuq 1 7-3 I 'lC I I ( 10a78A85 Qamrsts~aq I 4a3C112 Qarmatsiaq I 211 OClO6 Annaqabuaq Sikkuark i I I 1alC102 Sigguk Annaqatjuaq I 3b1BA44 Qanatslaq I The singers of the concordances in Group I (Figure 18) are mother and daughter. As pointed out eattier in the ornaments section, both were ornate singers with very similar styles of ornamentation. Placement and execution of ornaments was very similar throughout the songs, and the refrain was especially uniform melodically and in decoration. Interestingly, the verse order differed among the versions, and even between the two of Qarmatsiaq which were only a few years apart in performance. There was no difference in mode, and only the usual melodic variations of the chant portions according to text content Group 2 showed striking consistency in microtonal alteration, and this was associated with scale identity (See transcriptions and letter designations in Figure 19). Sigguk's two versions were Penta-A, while Qarmatsiaq and Amapituaq's would be classified as Hexa-E. In !he system 1 outlined earlier in the chapter, all would be mode 11, with a step below and a skip above the tonal centre. The probably identity of the modes can be seen in the microtonal alterations: Sigguk consistently raised the 'gn in the body of the songs (A on diagram), and the 'emin the refrain (6 on diagram). Amapituaq, on the other hand, lowered the T in the refrain (C in diagram), suggesting it may be conceptually identical to Sigguk's raised 'em.All singers raised the 'gn in the same places in the body of the song (see A). The refrains in the group 2 songs showed differences in segmentation among composers but consistency within the stanzas of each composer, this was somewhat unusual since refrains are generally quite uniform. The largest difterences in text segmentation were in verse two, a verse without narrative coherence which named and described places and geography. Another aspect common to all but Qannatsiaq's version was the use of the 618 feel, show in brackets on the transcriptions. This song carries a long text, and I suspect that the rhythmic alteration is part of the delivery of so many words. Group 3 was a good example of consistent placement and types of ornamentation in songs by three women singers. Both turns (D on Figure 20) and mordents (E on Figure 20) were nearly duplicated in the same places in all versions, again over a span of more than thirty years. Kungaijaijuq and his wife Amutjaq had lived for years in a different community, so this consistency was quite surprising. Group 4, songs by Qarmatsiaq (Figure 21), showed the differences which can occur among singers. Qarmatsiaq and Sikkuark sang very similar versions of the song, and were especially alike in their refrains and the placement and type of their ornaments. Qimgnuq (Qarrnatsiaq's husband) sang quite a different refrain. but one which used leaping motifs that characterized the song in the first line (F on Figure 21) and the line before the refrain. His refrains were more variable throughout his version. Though Qirngnuq used less ornamentation generally, he placed those he did use in the same location as those in other versions, just before the final breath span of the refrain (G on Figure 21 ). This song was quite unusual in its structure witf~very long melodic lines, and all versions maintained this structure. Variation in concordances, then, is difficult to systematize. Ornamentation is certainly an important part of the melodic material, and is passed along as such. Scale and mode, it seems, rarely changes substantially, and in most cases is probably associated with some microtonal inconsistency between versions. Altered figures do seem to be passed along at times, though not always. Text, as seen in the previous sedon, appears to depend on individual memory and transmission patterns. The most unchanging part of the songs appears to be the refrain, and it probably plays a large part in setting the musical identity of the songs. All the melodic, ornamental, microtonal, and modal material, however, acts together in a flexible and expandable template which allows the text to be presented to whatever extent a singer remembers. Figure 18 Group I -Variants of a sonca bv Alakkanuaq Figure 19 Group 2 - Variants of a song bv laaivalituq Figure 20 Group 3 - Variants of a song bv Kunaaiiaiiuq Figure 21 Group 4 - Variants of a sona bv Qarmatsiaq ' The drum songs are indeed pulsatile and non-metric, but I will later @. 113 ff.) be describing a 'compound metric feel' which occurs in certain areas of songs performed by some singers. This could be notated as some sort of 3/8 or W8 metre, but the organization is really a sequence of long and short notes, analogous to 'swing' in jazz notation.
See Poole 1975:35455, for a description of the method and the equation used: any modem text on statistical analysis indudes a description of clustering techniques, as do the manuals of most statistical software packages.
3 Had I used a set of different variables such as range, song length, rare interval content, and scale type, the separator might indeed have had specific relevance.
' The genealogical charts on page 166-67 and the bottom of page 168 are *descendantwcharts. Names to the right and connected by lines to an individual are offspring of that individual. Marriage is indicated by 'me and a name, directly under the spouse's name. The top four charts on page 168 are 'ancestor' charts, useful for displaying direct parents and grandparents of an individual. These were used mainly to display families affmal to singers. where only a limited number of relatives were involved in those singers' repertoires.
Song #SS in Cavanagh 1982: 154-55, not part of the repertoire of the present study.
l use the term 'leading tone' in the study to denote position below the tonal centre. with no implications as to fundion or melodic movement which it might have in the context of a major or minor mode.
' Recording of speech by speakers in these languages showed pitch consistency among trials for the same speaker. The research was done by Diana Deutsch, a music psychohgist at University of California at San Diego, who reported it at the 1999 meeting of the Acoustical Society of America, Columbus, Ohio. The work was reported in Bmwn, Katherine: 'Striking the Right Note'. New Scientisf Vol. 64, No. 2215, 4 Dec, 1989, p.3HI. Chapter 3. Transmission
I. The Family
A. Social Structure and Kin Relationships
i. Gened considerations The notion of a definable lnuit kinship system is well established in the literature of cultural anthropology. Its basic features are those used in non-aboriginal North American society: terms for members of the nuclear family are not applied to other relatives; terms for siblings and spouses of parents are distinguished by sex, while those of their children (cousins) are not. The reality is more complex, however. Kin terms vary greatly among lnuit groups, and they may be sexually differentiated at several levels.' Moreover, terms differ depending on consanguinity or affinity of ties, the sex of the speaker, and hisher order of birth2. To complicate matters further, there is often uncertainty among informants when researchers try to determine tens either hypothetically or by using specific relatives as examples3 (Tmn 1989: 8; Balikci !970: 93425). Kinship terminology is not an issue here, however, for reasons discussed in the Introduction. More important for this study are the types and social function of kin groups (including leadership), the types and levels of kin and fictive kin relations, and the fundion of kin ties at individual and group levels in the transmission of cultural knowledge. This will be discussed in the context of the Netsilik in general, with illustrations specific to the Arviligjuanniut
ii. Kin groups Descent is reckoned bilaterally in Netsilik families. At the same time, the male line is socially more visible, since wives generally moved into the husband's household. Exceptions occurred for practical reasons, and no stigma was attached to non-patrilocal mamages. Although there was no formalized requirement for residence in one or the other parental household, some period of patrilocal residence was common. When Asen Balikti (1964) questioned one informant about his ila, or relatives, the man listed over 40 individuals. The term ilagiit has been used to define this circle of relatives, differing among individuals as to personnel and kin types induded. Balikci, however, postulated the existence of an 'extended ilagiif and a 'restricted ilagiif, the former comprised of ail the recagnized personal ila, the latter a smaller, functional group of shifting size and make-up. Geert Van Steenhoven (1957) quoted an informant distinguishing between these two concepts:
"Somewhere everyone is related to everyone over here. But if you wish to know who really at a given time want to belong together, then take a look at how are (sic) tents are grouped, or, in winter, how precisely our igloos are grouped. You will learn from that.' (Steenhoven 1957: 89)
The overall group described is most likely the large assemblage in Pelly Bay itseff around the mission, from which people hunted and which formed the focus for the winter celebrations. The traditional Netsilik winter assemblage was unique in several ways. First, it was of necessity a large group, for breathing-hole sealing. It largely comprised an extended ilagiit, possibly with some unrelated or temporary inhabitants. As such, it contained several restricted ilagiit related somehow through blood and maniage, but did not contain all the ila of any one person. The extended ilagiit was an area of relative security. Even a distant relative in another camp provided temporary protection against some harm: the abduction of one's wife or becoming the victim of some malicious act of witchcraft. Establishing some kinship tie with a stranger met outside camp protected both. Strangers had a series of questions they asked one another, expanding from queries regarding immediate relatives to more remote ties, establishing one's hunting area, and sometimes determining who was the headman of the strangets home camp (Balikci 1964: 28; Trott 1989: 17). Moreover, the extended ilagiit provided a body of people from whom spouses could be chosen. The Netsilik were generally known to have been very suspicious of outsiders, to the point that mamage between first cousins was encouraged as the least risky union. The kin make-up of the restricted ilagiit was variable. It was generally along consanguinea1 lines, most commonly patrilateral, although in-law arrangements were by no means uncommon. It might contain an extended family group comprising the father with several brothers and their families, and any unmamed siblings. In the absence of a father, a joint family group of several siblings and their families might reside close together. Alternatively, a youngest, recently-married son might move into the same or an adjoining igloo or residence with the parents. A sister, even if mamed and living elsewhere, was always considered part of the restricted ilagiit. Make-up of a given residential ilagiit could change with the season as people moved in and out to visit caches, join other hunting parties, or if adoption or death occurred. There was a consistency in that members were quite closely related - analogous to our usual concept of an extended family - and that they were used to living with or near one another. largely the same people remained in the group, changing gradually as family members were born, mamed, aged, and died. This shift of personnel within the relative consistency of the ilagiit will assume more importance in the later discussion of song transmission. In terms of the preceding organizational structure the nuclear family is actually a reference unit, the all-important biological unit for reproduction, subsistence, and child- rearing. Rarely did it exist in isolation in the past except perhaps during inland caribou hunting expeditions after the advent of rifles4. Generally, it was augmented by dependent relatives and subsumed into the larger restricted ilagiit. That situation survives today in Pelly Bay, where non-resident relatives are nearly always present even in houses occupied by single nuclear families. There are anstant reciprocal visits and the widespread sharing of meals, childcare, and living space among these close relatives. There was a component of trust in the restricted ilagiit, as well as some elements of a temporary economic and political une. The rertncted ilagiit allowed members a relatively danger-free existence, where misinterpreted day-today ads would not lead to potentially fatal disputes. It involved people who knew each other well, whose actions could be predicted, and who could function eifectively in whatever hunting or domestic activities were current. It was a food-sharing group. And finally, it allowed critical decision-making without overt leadership titles and laws. Leadership of the restricted ilagiit generally fell to the eldest man, whether sibling or father. The wife of the 'headman' had the further responsibility of dividing and distributing food and skins. In practice, though, the most able made the decisions on consultation with the other men, while defemng to the eldest. Although generally the eldest son in the absence of a father, the identity of the recognized authority depended on the particulars of the issue and the relative competence of those involved in the situation. There was a respect for age and experience, and the power of the elders in the Hamlet Council of Pelly Bay persists even today. Particularly good hunters such as Alakkanuaq were often also shamans and had a prestige that extended beyond themselves as individuals; this affected the status of their immediate families in the community.
iii. Kin rela tionships Relationships with members of the extended ilagiit followed fairly consistent patterns that survive today. Same were extremely dose, while in others the mutual affection is reflected in the kinship terms used. At the other extreme was the requirement for actual avoidance behaviour, even in close living quarters. Probably the strongest kinship ties in Netsilik Inuit society were parent-child, grandparent-child, sibling, and spouse. in the first three cases, this closeness extended to adopted kin, and the last, despite frequent occasions of spouse-exchange in the past, was a bond vital to the functioning of the society.' Adoption was widely practised in the past and is very common today. It was, and still is, an informal arrangement often made before a child is born. Young girls without partners would often give their babies to parents or relatives to raise. One young mam'ed woman who helped me in my research had several children of her own,and was just in the process of deciding whether to adopt her married sister's forthcoming baby. Parents generally treated adopted children as their own, though the children themselves always knew who the birth parents were. In fact, there could be a special tie to the birth parents - one of my associates in the community particularly wanted recordings of the songs of her deceased birth mother. The adoption of young children, especially grandchildren, by elderly individuals was also common; the child would subsequently make a home for the elder when he or she manied, and would help in the care of the adoptive parent. An elderly singer visiting from Repulse Bay had brought his fourteen-year-old adopted boy with him to help him on his trip. The boy did not accompany him to the recording sessions, nor did they have the same schedule of socializing, but they left together for home. There were special ties between uncles and nephews, and aunts and nieces, especially when two or more adult brothers hunted together. This bond outlasted the co- residency period, and short or prolonged visits occurred throughout their lives. A similar but weaker bond existed when the relationship was through the mother, especially when the families lived dose together. These ties dictated friendly behaviour, even during visits between widely separated camps. An oddity of terminology, reported by Balikci (1970: 120) underscores the importance of those related through combinations of siblingship and marriage. The term akka, for fathefs brother, was extended to the fathets sistets husband, while the term anga, or mothets brother, was also used for the mothets sistets husband. Similarly, atsa meant fathets sister, father's brothefs wife, and probably mothefs brothefs wife. This, as Balikci points out, is the only case of Netsilik nomenclature within this generation where a distinction is not made according to matri- or patn'linearity. Same-sex cousins, too, had a special relationship. Their presence in the same camp and restricted ilagiit allowed them to be playmates in childhood, hunting partners as they entered adulthood, and often camp companions once they acquired wives and children. Parallel cousins called each other idloq (plural idionit) and were most likely to have the ujokingaor teasing relationship reported widely in the literature. Restraint and avoidance was characteristic in several relationships, usually (but not always) involving both sexes. The most notable of these was between father and daughter-in-law. In traditional times, the pair never spoke to one another or about one another, and avoided being in the same space together. In 1996, several women in Pelly Bay told me they were Very uncomfortable" in the presence of their fathers-in-law, and that this was from ?he old timesn. They would avoid speaking directly to them, and asked that someone else adas my interpreter in recording sessions. Balikci (1970: 123) reported the same sort of avoidance between a woman and her husband's brother, though that particular situation did not arise during my visit. The father-in-lawldaughter- in-law avoidance has particular relevance to song transmission, as we shall see later.
iv. Fictive kin relationships, naming and namesakes The term YiYictive kin" is an inclusive term for all cases where a kin relationship is created. In the Netsilik case, this may either mean the absence of any consanguineal or affinal tie, or that the tie created is different from - usually closer - than the one that does exist. In the past, such relationships were the result of song partnerships, spouse exchange relationships of various sorts, and namesake ties. Song partners, through songs and rituals, called themselves idlonit, or cousins, even if they were not related. They often, though not always, maintained a joking relationship andlor exchanged wives as well. Since they were from different camps, the partnership created a kin-like alliance serving the same fundion as having a relative in the other camp. Spouse exchange, with or without a song partnership, also constituted the basis for kiplike ties in other camps. Offspring from these unions usually became part of the mother's family, and could be acknowledged as related to the biological father and even called by a specific kin term. Such exchange partnerships usually started out on friendly terms but could develop into hostility and hatred, with voluntary exile from the community or even murder the eventual result. The final category of fictive kin, the namesake, is important in this study for more than its role as another part of the set of ila. Namesaking has ramifications in beliefs regarding personality and 'soul", sex-role determination, and especially in song composition and learning (to be detailed later). There are obligations and customs involved in maintaining and honouring the namesake relationship. Beliefs and rules on naming and namesakes differ in different Inuit groups.' In Pelly Bay, unlike some other areas, there was no requirement to give the name of a recently deceased person to the first child born after a death, although this ceminly has been done on occasion. However, as in all groups, there was such a thing as a name soul, or inoseq, in the Netsilik cosmology (Balikci 1970: 198): an important and powerful force protecting its bearer and giving himlher specific characteristics and strengths. For the Netsilik, an unnamed baby was not yet a person; female children, in the old days, were not named if infanticide was being considered. On the other hand, an unborn baby could already have 'chosen" a name: during a difficult birth; attendants would call out various names until the child emerged in answer to hisher name. Names were not differentiated as to sex, as lnuktitut names still are not, though Christian names generally cany sex-specificity. Perhaps most confusing for outsiders, especially government officials, is the practice of holding many names, some of which may be eliminated (for example, if some misfortune occurred during the use of a certain name) while others are added over the course of a lifetime. In the past, as today, the grandmother and mother have most influence in the naming of children, with both grandparents being involved in the process (Kishigami 1991: 3). In one case cited by Kishigami, only the grandmother knew all the names belonging to the child of one young couple. Naming may be influenced by a request from a relative to have the child carry hisfher name, or by feelings for a well-loved member of the community. Trott (1989), studying the Arctic Bay area of 8affin Island, showed that names were associated with geographical areas, and he could identrfy dusters of names that were common among communities which constituted a culturally similar group. Furthermore, he stated that:
'From the perspective of the individual, the name allows a unique association with the particular temtory and at the same time allows one to move to another temtory and establish legitimate relations with the people there. Thus each person has several names which become interchangeable according to the locale occupied by the person.' (Trott 1989: 177)
The possibility of a "homelandw component in naming is intriguing in light of the relationship of naming to the transmission of drum songs, as well as the geographical component of the texts of many drum songs. A name confened the personality and skills of the original bearer onto the namesake. Trott (1989) and others have detailed obligations and beliefs where names are given to several people, or are 'once-removed" where a child has been given the same name as another namesake. The resulting relationships are complex and not relevant to the present study. What is important here is the notion that a child named for a good hunter is seen to have the skills of that hunter, and these skills are considered to manifest themselves at an early age. Relatives point out traits in the child that reflect the original nameholder; the nameholder, even if still living, lives again in the child. In some ways, as suggested by Alia (1994), names confer a 'social identdy" to an individual, with the mutt that the communrty remains relatively fixed in its make-up of personalities, skills, and characteristics, even as the individuals change over generations. Names, then, confer a kind of imrnomlity to personalities contained in them.' Kin relationships also live again in the namesake or avaq. An individual will address a namesake by the kin term he would have used for the original bearer of the name. Thus, a child named for her grandfather wili be called atata, or father, by her own father. The respect and consideration due to the grandfather will to some extent be shown to the child. Finally, the fact that lnuktitut names are not distinctively masculine or feminine has led to some interesting observations and speculation on sex role determination. Saladin dBAnglure(1986) observed that there was a belief in lgloalik that all babies as fetuses were male, and could change during gestation or at birth to females. I found a somewhat similar belief in Pelly Bay, where a grandfather of the unborn child 'made the baby a boy" by giving it his name before birth. This particular exchange involved song composition and singing and will be discussed more fully later in the chapter. Even though names had no innate gender reference, naming a child after a particular sex was believed to determine the sex of the infant In Igloolik, a request or obligation to give a child several names of both sexes could necessitate the child being raised as the opposite sex until puberty. There were formal and informal obligations embodied on both sides of the namesake relationship. Netsilik namesakes meeting after a long separation engaged in aviaomsiaktuk, "trading with one's other half", or exchanging gifts of identical or equivalent implements (Balikci 1970: 138-39). Where there was an age differential, the older often gave gifts to the younger or took a special interest in himher; different groups varied in their interpretation of this practice. Common to all was the obligation to help in time of need, a practice continuing today among the Netsilik. Fictive kin relationships, then, operated in much the same way as true ones. The chief difference seems to have been that they required some sort of maintenance beyond day-to-day interaction to reinforce the ties. Song contests, an ongoing avaq relationship with the giving of grfts (or songs, as we shall see later), and spouse- exchange rituals served to accomplish these ends.
B. Genealogy of the family of Alakkanuaq
i. General considerations The genealogy given here constitutes neither an extended ilagiit nor a restricted one. Rather, it began with a collection of relatives that singers themselves considered relevant to the songs, as well as some ancestors whom particular singers wished to include for personal reasons. In order to make it useful in identifying archived recordings, it also contains composers and singers for all songs, and some individuals who appear in certain song texts. And, finally, it contains a number of younger relatives where singers wanted them included, but does not claim to include all the most recent descendants. For a number of reasons, the genealogical chart does not break down neatly into generations, although it may appear straightforward on paper. Early marriage, adoption, and subsequent rnamages caused a great deal of generational overlap. Women mamed as early as 12 or 14, which meant that they were bearing children for over 35 years. Grandchildren, then, could easily be older than the immediate offspring of the parents. Adoption of grandchildren by grandparents or elderly relatives, or by sisters or even daughters, further confounded the age groups. Second and third marriages often caused a large age discrepancy between husband and wife, with either party being considerably younger than the other. The net result of the overlap between generations is that the contemporaries with whom a person associated, especially in childhood and early adulthood, was often at odds with what one would expect in terms of kin relationships. Some of these instances will become significant in the discussion, and will be clarified accordingly. A real problem in the compilation of the genealogy was the chance of name changes as well as the distinct possibility of mis-identifying individuals sharing the same name. In practice, this difficulty arose only rarely, for once we had recognized my misunderstanding my informants immediately explained things to me. I was often confused by multiple names, but these proved no problem for my informants who simply listed all the names an individual used (except the 'unlucky" names). Local customs prevented the use of some names - a name is often dropped because of being associated with some unfortunate incident - but that did not affect the substance of the genealogy. Adoption proved more of a clerical difficulty than a real one, and such instances are noted in the chart. Where relevant, they may be listed with both birth and adoptive relatives, with an explanation as to the reason. Probably the gmatest difficulty was the spelling of the names. lnuktitut orthography lends itsetf to many Roman interpretations, and the literature abounds in multiple spellings of names, some barely recognizable. Most of the singers wrote only in syllabics, and my interpreters, though helpful in carefully pronouncing names so I could transcribe them, generally conceptualized several Roman spellings as representing the lnuktitut name - there is not yet a commonly used transcription code for syllabics. Of particular note are the spellings of the final uvular phonemes "iq" and 'aqm. There may well be subtle gradations of the final sound which I did not pick up, but I transcribed all versions as a final "qw,including ones which may be written in the literature as 'irk", "ark' or 'av. Where current usage by living individuals (for example, in the telephone book) dictates otherwise, 1 transcribed names as commonly written today. I have tried to standardize spellings, and have verified the identity of names in all cases where spellings in the literature deviated markedly from my own.' I cannot guarantee the accuracy of doubled vowels and amsonants, which may differ only slightly in pronunciation.
ii. Alakkanuaq Alakkanuaq (1868-1944) is the central figure of this genealogy, and a reference point for the study. He was both a well-known shaman and a prolific composer whose songs have survived in both Taloyoak and Pelly Bay. His stature among the Netsilik is well described in the literature, and his sons, several of whom were themselves shamans, canied on his tradition of composition and leadership in Pelly Bay. Called Orpingalik in early reports, Alakkanuaq also had the name of Kukiaq; one song in my collection is remembered as Kukiaq's song, though none of my informants identified Alakkanuaq as Orpingalik except when specifically asked. Orpingalik, already an "old man", figures prominently in Rasmussen's account of his time among the Netsilik:
'Orpingalik, a shaman in high esteem, was an interesting man, well at home in the old traditions of his tribe, not only intelligent but having a fertile wit. As a hunter he stood high, and from the respect shown him I could see that he was a big man among his people. In fact I was told later, when I amved among the Arviligjuarrniut at Pelly Bay, that he was a strong and deadly archer and the quickest kayakman of them all when the caribou herds were being pursued at the places where they crossed the lakes and riven." (Rasmussen 1931: 13)
In a later description:
'But Orpingalik was not alone a famous shaman; he was also a poet. His imagination was a luxuriant one, and he had a very sensitive mind; he was always singing when he had nothing else to do, and he called his songs 'comrades in solitude', or he would say that his songs were his breath, so necessary were they to him, to such an extent were they part and parcel of himself." (Rasmussen 4931 : ?5)
When asked by Rasmussen how many songs he had composed, he replied:
'How many songs I have I cannot tell you. I keep no count of such things. There are so many occasions in one's life when a joy or a sorrow is felt in such a way that the desire comes to sing; and so I only know that t have many songs. AH my being is song, and I sing as I draw breath." (Rasrnussen 1931: 16)
Since Rasmussen spoke the Greenlandic dialect of Inuktitut, he tended to translate conversations and song texts freely and poetically; several of them have been reproduced in publications since then. Several of the more literally translated song texts from Rasmussen's book are in the oollections represented here. Rasmussen obtained several magic songs from Orpingalik, giving him in return songs acquired from the lglulingrniut on an earlier trip. Orpingalik also sang several drum songs and songs of derision for Rasmussen, and they collaborated on the translation. Unfortunately, no recordings were made. Some other songs by lqqivalituq and Ublunuaq, Orpingalik's wife, were also translated and written down. What Rasmussen's acaxmt tells us is that songs were an important part of Netsilik life, private and public, and that Orpingalik was one of the prominent singer/composers at that time. Moreover, his wife and son were also significant composers, lqqivalituq becoming quite prolific as he grew older. Niptajuq, whose presence is mentioned in Rasmussen's account, was not noted as a composer at #at time, though he is well represented in the collection here.
iii. Genealogical charts Figure 22 reprints from Chapter 2 the abridged version of the genealogy of Alakkanuaq, lacking only the generations of relatives now in their 20s and 30s or younger. The full version is reproduced in Appendix IV. The abridged form is more useful to trace songs since the younger residents of Pelly Bay are not represented in the collection. Figure 22 Genealo~vof the consanwineal and affinai extended family of Aiakkanuaq
-Turn. hMb m. WuWdar. Paul --IwWw, s- m. Gila --JmmngMq, Lueic m. Qaylqsaaq, -Ang-niq. Joseph m. Annsqatluaq, Sheena -AmrRinuaq. Lkrnl Figure 22, continued Genealoav of the consanquineal and affinal extended familv of Alakkanuaq
m. Napoaardjuk Alakkanuaq m. Ublunuaq Kangoark IrkojuAok
~ialak m. Kaadjuk
innagaraq m. Amatkorak Umnuaq-Qernuq Figure 22, continued Genealogy of the consanquineal and affinal extended family of Alakkanuaq
+adlank vzzuark ~Ermalik aqiuvik, Joseph b. 1882 d. 1944 lqqivalituq 1 rKrabvik rL~apoaardjuk Aupiluktaq rAwongaitsiark Kn'lunerk [rc%yaL~ireksa k k L~loojark -Kutsiutikku,Ji, Paul b. 191 1 -Amapituaq, Marie b. 1902 d. 1974 ~Krabvik Kutsiutikkul rSaaslu r(see generation number 4) Sirkomanerk Krilunerk L L(see generation number 4) Issaqadaijuq, Marie b. 1882 d. 1948 Lr~rKajotark LTinarssuq L~utkranaatsiark rSuloqut Panatoq Ubloriasuksuk rL~lanarsu k (Kukiaut?) -Qimgnuq, Jacob korojertoq
+lanilag/lnutjaq b. 19 10 -Anguti, Marie 11. Transmission of the Drum Songs
A. Introduction The purpose of this section is to determine the channels along which songs flowed within the family under study. To define these, it was necessary to tabulate relationships between composers and singers, and, where known, between composers and reachers', and "teachers" and singers. This gave, for each composer, a list of kin members who sang his songs, and for each singer, a set of songs he or she sang, from which the most common kin ties were evident. This information was compared with general anthropological data about common small groupings of Netsilik kin, and any historical information available about ilagiit groupings of the people in this particular family. A corollary to the song transmission discussion is an investigation into the roles that naming and namesakes play. The final sections in the chapter are some observations - and questions - about teaching and learning, and a more general discussion of gender roles as they pertain to songs and song transmission. Standard anthropological kin abbreviations were used as follows:
Husband H Wife W Father F Mother M Sister Z Brother B Daughter D Son S
I avoided the use of terms such as grandfather, uncle, and cousin, since combinations of the basic terms were more specific - MF or FF for maternal and paternal grandfathers, for example. The few ambiguities that arose were cases where informants could not precisely define the relationships, or the reported ties conflicted among different informants. These inaccuracies generally involved a difference of one generation. In the next section, Table 27 details the kin relationships of singers to the composers whose songs constitute their repertoire, while Figure 23 contains charts of composers with their circle of singers and "teachers' of their songs. 1 considered "teachers" as singers of songs in the composer charts. even if I did not have recordings of their singing''. Information about their identities was generally sparse in archival material, although my own informants were able to provide some names.
B. Composers, and the Singers of their Songs From a total of 207 songs, 80 were selected for this analysis. Where a given singer sang several songs of a composer it was counted as one instance or relationship. Multiple recordings by a singer of the same song were reduced to one; concordances by different singers, on the other hand, were considered significant. Songs by different singers having the same relationship to a composer were not combined, but were considered as separate instances. A few songs by singers or composers with undefined kin ties to the Alakkanuaq family were eliminated. Table 27 shows the composers and songs used for this segment of the study, and the names and kin ties of those who sang their songs, while Figure 23 shows this information in diagrammatic form. The songs in question may be identical or different, the issue here being only the identities of the singers. Kin relationships, derived with the composer as ego, are indicated in the table by the codes described above, with the addition of the prefix "G' for consanguineal, and "A-' for affinai ties (This latter designation made analysis simpler). Three categories have no C- or A- designation: 'U" indicates an unknown person or relationship, "Omdesignates the composer as singer of hisher own song,while a husband or wife is designated simply as H or W. In Figure 23, people are symbolized by triangles (male) or circles (fernate), and are shaded if the individuals were involved in song transmission (unshaded shapes are present to clanfy kin ties). Each chart in the set has the relevant composer as the title, and shows the relationships of those who know hidher songs. Equal signs (=) denote mamage, while solid connecting lines show relationships and lines of descent. Dotted amws indicate cases where direct transmission is known, and the letter (T) beside the name means that the individual was named as a "teacher of the song even if he or she is not present as a singer in the collections.
Mv ID Composer Sinqer SIC Rel'p TIC Rel'n Teacher CIS Rel'p TIS Rel'r, TuHuark, Marla C-FBSOD A-FBSD or Annaqaljuaq, Stmeona C-MFFBS C-MFBD u C-FBSSW AMBW
C-FFBS C-FFBS
Arnutjak, Melanle W H
Angutl, Marie A-SW Tunnuq, Marlha A-HF A-HM
Tunnuq, Martha AeDSW A-HMF
Angull, Msrle A-BSW 0,A-BW MaqpatuqMartha and Tunnuq, A-HFB A-HFB, A-HM
Tunnuq, Martha A-BW A-HB
Amapltuaq. Marts C-ZD7 C-MB7
Oogaq, FaMen C-S Sa C-FaF
Angutl, Marle A-BSSDSW A-HMFFFB
Arnapltuaq, Marle C-BSD C-FFB
IAuRoq, Monlca W H
AnnaqalJuaq, Slmsona C-60, A-SW W lllui(oq,Monka C-FB, A-HF C-FBW, A-HM
Tunnuq, Marlha C-F C-F
Page 4 of 8 Mv ID Composer Sinaer S/C Rel'p TIC Rel'p Teacher CIS Rel'o TIS Rel'~ Immlngnaq, Lucle C-0 0 Nlptsjuq, mWlikely C-F C-F
Oogaq, FaMcn Oognq, FaMen 0 0
Plelak Arnutjak A-BSW A-HFB A-HFBW
Plalak Alomek U U
Plalak Amapiluaq, Marla C-0 C-F
tkkujunoq, Sdomon c-ess (7) C-FFB (7Falher's uncle)
Pukjaiup Qarmatdaq. Helene U U
Skkuark, Thercse C-0 0 Qarmatslaq, Helene C-M C-M
Qannaldaq, Helene Qkngnuq, Jacob H
Oarmatslaq, Helene Qarrnatdaq, Helene 0
Immlngnaq. Lule W 0 Qaysqsaaq, Tlmdhy
Qayagsaaq. Tlmdhy 0
Qhngnuq, Jacob 0
Slgguk, Luclcn 0
Taleriatoo W
Page 5 of 6
Figure 23 Commser Charts
Arninilik
Maurice lqqivalituq Figure 23 Comwer Charts Figure 23
Comwser Charts Figure 23 Cornwser Charts
Krepingajoq Timothy Qayaqsaaq Figure 23 Comwser Charts
Kutsiutiklar (I) Paul Kutsiutikku (11) Figure 23 Comwser Charts
Ublunuaq Qarrnatsiaq Figure 23 Comwser Charts
Axe I A Tungllik [Not In family
Ubloreasuksuk i. Consanguinity, spousal relationships, and amnity Kinship ties proved to be mainly consanguineal (39180 or 49%). When singers of their own songs (lu80 or 15%), spouses (6180 or a%), and ambiguous relationships (8180 or 10%) are eliminated from the total", the ratio of consanguines to affines is nearly 3:1 (39:14). The numbers under-represent the numbers of songs actually sung by consanguines, since a single consanguine could sing several of a composets songs. Eleven of the cansanguineal singers were immediate sons or daughters, while another 6 were SS, SD, or DD, and 2 were great-gtandson/daughter relationships. A total of 19 of the 39 (49%) were thus along direct lines of descent over two or more generations. The composer chart mentioned previously (Fig. 23) illustrates this quite dramatically in the case of Alakkanuaq and his immediate family. The same diagrams, most complete as to the identity of "teachers", show the important role of women in transmitting dnrm songs through these direct lines of descent. Brothers were involved somewhere in the consanguineal descent in 18 cases, sisters confirmed in two, with one other sibling whose gender was unreported. This seems paradoxical at first glance, since sisters certainly did know songs of brothers. The sisters here sang their brothers' songs, but were not involved in any longer lines of descent A sister, then, would learn and teach songs from her consanguineal family, but would not teach her sibling's songs to her husband for dispersal through his extended family, and rarely would see them passed down through her own children. The consanguineous nature of kin ties in the study highlights the importance of direct transmission of songs within the family, whether through male or female descendants. This seems to reflect traditional patterns of cohabitation in one way, yet transcends these in the case of women who generally moved into the unit of the husband's family. In this last case, retaining and singing the birttr family's songs highlights the dose ties that remained among members of the birth family even after marriage. In the enumeration, I considered simple H or W relationships separately from other afftnal ties. In 6 cases, wives sang their husbands' songs, and in one case a husband sang his wife's song. As in the case of consanguines, the number of songs sung by wives is underestimated: Monica Illuitoq, for example, sang six songs by her husband Niptajuq, the only composer whose songs she sang for researchers. The relatively minor role of women singing their husbands' songs was unexpected. The literature indicates that, during the drum dance, the wife was expected to sing the husband's song(s) while he danced. If she were not available, the mother might sing it or in the extreme case where the dancer had no female relatives to do it, he would stand and sing it himself. In song contests, the wives of the song partners were responsible for the transfer of their husbands' songs to one another, and ultimately to their own husbands, the actual idlonit. Traditionally, then, the wife was a major preserver and transmitter of her husband's songs. In this study, the small number of wives singing their husbands' songs appears mainly to be due to the fact that most of the composers represented in my collection were no longer living, nor were their wives. The wives are certainly well represented, as will be shown later, in teaching their husbands' songs to other kinfolk. When the data are viewed solely in terms of the nuclear family, that unit's importance in transmission becomes particularly evident In 10 of 12 composer cases, members of the nuclear family sang the songs; the two exceptions to this (Niaqunuaq and Aminilik) can probably be explained by lack of data. The involvement varies, with Pialak, Niptajuq, and lqqivalituq having proportionally more of their songs sung by these members, and Alakkanuaq fewer. What can be stated confidently is that the strict nuclear family, whatever its importance in ilagiit groupings, was the first opportunity for transmission for a particular composer's songs, with the wife as the first agent. The remaining 8 of the composerisinger refationships are ambiguous as reported by informants -- I mentioned these in the introduction to this chapter. Another deficiency of information is of a different sort. Some of the songs were from tong-deceased composers, probably learned in a nomadic era when there was much contact between members of the various Netsilik communities. Some of my data, as a result, is incomplete. For instance, Niaqunuaq, an uncle of Alakkanuaq in Gjoa Haven, remained there after centralization, and it is unlikely that I would collect many examples in Pelly Bay. I tried to minimize the problem by including any archival material by such composers, but I could not make a current colleaon of their songs as sung in their locales. Kungaijaijuq is another more recent example. His relatives are in Taloyoak and Cambridge Bay, though his songs are also sung in Pelly Bay. The significance of such composers to this study is in the inclusion of their songs in the repertoire of individual singers, not in a complete representation of the circle of relatives who sang their songs. A close examination of the 14 afFinal ties in the table reveals that generally the songs were sung by the wife of a direct relative of the composer, or by the composer's wife. Ten of the 14, in fact, involved a wife at the singer level, and one a husband. In other words, the 'in-IaM component was at the immediate level of the singer andlor the composer, not somewhere in the middle of the genealogy. This result is intriguing because of the related observation that songs did not become affmally transmitted through a spouse's family. The wife, then, was essentially the carrier of the song somewhere in its transmission through her husband's direct family line (and the pair's own set of descendants), rather than a conduit for that song to make its way into her own ancestral family and its descendants. There were two cases where this pattern did not apply. In one, the composer was Ublunuaq, Alakkanuaq's wife, and her song was passed on to her husband's brother's daughter (HBD). tn the other case, Iqqivalituq's song was sung by his wife's bmthets wife (WBW), also his FBSW along another genealogical line; in the latter interpretation, it is not an exception to the rule.
ii. Examples A few particular cases of composer/singer links will be presented here, though the more general discussion of composers, singers, and Netsilik groupings will be found in part C below. The present examples arise from the composer charts, and raise issues and questions best dealt with at this time. A comparison of the composer charts of Alakkanuaq and his offspring Iqqivalituq, Niptajuq, Kiasingnuq, Aminilik, Kajaituq, and Qarmatsiaq shows distinct differences. Alakkanuaq's singers were mostly nuclear family members or direct descendants, and the songs were taught by female members of the family to other women. Only one singer had a sibling relationship anywhere in her line of relationship to Alakkanuaq. Niptajuq's chart was similar, involving fewer generations as would be expected. Iqqivalituq's chart has the most sibling relationships, with two-thirds of his singers crossing sibling lines at some level. Aminilik's and Kiasingnuq's charts show one singer (the same individual in both cases), across sibling lines in the birth family, while only Kajaituq's wife is represented as a singer of his song. Transmission of Qarmatsiaq's songs, as mentioned earlier, is only within her nuclear family. Explanations of these findings clarify some conventions of transmission operative in this society. Aminilik was adopted out to the medicine man Atkrartok, and I have no songs from that family. That his song was learned at all in this family seems to be due to two factors. Firstly, the singer stated that he leamed the song directly from Arninilik, as well as by listening to women singing at home, which suggests that Aminilik was still in the community and actively associating with his birth family. Secondly, the singer's sister married Aminilik's son, and though I have no record as to when the song was leamed there certainly must have been an association between the families. The pattern of Alakkanuaq's chart appears to date from pre- and early contad times, where siblinglparent ties were often maintained in hunting partnerships and in the preferred marriage of first cousins. The pattern in Iqqivalituq's circle of singers is the next logical step in this over time, with the brothers' families knowing one anothefs songs; it may also have something to do with the disruption caused by a period of exile for tqqivalituq and his family early in his marriage. In Niptajuq's family, however, the emphasis seems to have been on his offspring knowing the songs: this may have been due to the strong presence of his wife who sang the largest number of husband's songs that I found in the study. Another factor here may have been the two daughters of Niptajuq, both strong singers in their own right. Qarmatsiaq's songs were passed on to her daughter, though Qarrnatsiaq's husband, unusually, sang them to a limited extent. Qarmatsiaq's daughter Therese Sikkuark is a talented singer, and the songs certainly will be remembered at this stage, though who will next sing them is in question. Jacob Qimgnuq leamed both his wife's and her brothets songs. I would speculate, though later I will discuss this further, that this was partly due to the singets personality, circumstances in his own kin group, and perhaps even a reflection of the pre-eminence of songs from Alakkanuaq and the talent of the singers in that family. Another composer who bears discussion is Maqpatuq, whose song is very well known and loved. Only one song is involved, probably composed before 1913, though it has two musically different parts to it It appears to have been standard popular fare in drum dances in all of the three Netsilik hamlets. Interestingly, it is present only in the Pelly Bay song repertoire, sung across a sibling line. The transmission is unusual in that my informant in Pelly Bay learned it from her mother-in-law, the mother of Maqpatuq himself''. This is the only case in the collection where a parent is known to have taught the song of an offspring: in all other cases, songs move only "downn the charts, not up and across. Though Maqpatuq is only affinally related to the Alakkanuaq family, his song certainly is important to the singers whom I recorded, and was taught directly by the composer to the younger of the singers who performed it for me. Some puzzling instances of song knowledge exist One involves non- transmission to certain family member, and the others are cases where 1 have no idea why me partiafar singers know the songs. My explanations are only hypothetical, but are all possible in the context of transmission patterns and circumstances operative in Pelly Bay. Timothy Qayaqsaq was a prolific composer, and songs sung by him personally are present in all the collections. Surprisingly, none of his songs was performed by anyone other than his wife, though his children are singers. This may be a result of an unfortunate illness in the family during which the children spent time away from home. Alternatively, it may simply have been the moving of the family away from traditional ways; Qayaqsaq's songs are unusually acculturated in style, and may reflect a more generalized move into the hamlet and away from traditional habitation patterns. I cannot explain one singer's knowledge of Niaqunuaqls song. She herself said she barely remembered it, and gave no indication as to where she learned it. Niaqunuaq was an elderly shaman in the Gjoa Haven area in the 1920s wher! Rasmussen visited. Another Pelly Bay singer also knew his songs. The only link I can see is the shaman connection: Alakkanuaq and several of his sons were shamans, and although these were not magic songs, and would not have been learned for any religious reason, the common occupation may have meant that there was cantact among fairly distantly related individuals. The cnnnedion may, on the other hand, have been made during more nomadic times before centralization, or passed down through people whose versions of the songs I do not have in the collection. Allornek's version of Pialaq's song is included more as a curiosity than an easily explained example. It is identified as the 'Netchillik' Pialak's song in Christian Leden's 1918 collection, and fits in the time period to have been his song rather than a namesake's. It has a mnmrdance, but I have not found the individual (male or female) Allomek in any of my genealogies; it remains in the collection in case the name of the singer is recognized in the community.
C. Singers, and their Relationships to Composers The data on singers and composers in the study were next viewed through the lens of the singer, and three types of information were sought. First, I looked at what categories of kin ties were involved. Next, I concentrated on ties for singers who sang multiple songs. And finally, 1 compared the number of amposers of each generation represented in the singers' repertoires. Table 28 lists the singers in this study and their relationships to the composers whose songs they performed. As in section A, only the incidence of the composerlsinger relationship is considered, no matter how many of a particular composer's songs a singer performs, or how often in the total oollection the pairing occurs. The teachers who are not represented as singers in the collection are listed in Table 29, along with the their kin relationships to the composers whose songs they taught Figure 24 illustrates the constellations of composers associated with each singer. Table 28
Sinoers and their Relationshi~sto Commsers
MY ID Sin~er CIS Relationship Com~oser SIC Relationship Sal BA4S Alakkanuaq. Owdi 15WCSB1 Amrmak. Lo* GFa 14bZCSB8 ArrurraHk, Louts 0 3.2 Anguti, Mane A-HF ASW Sib Anguti, Mane A-HFB A-BSW 3-3 Anguti, Marie A-HMFF FB A-BSSDSW 62 Angutmgnungnq. Joseph C-F F, A-WFF CSS,A-SDH BC-BA Angutingnungniq. Jaeph 0 3a2Cl08 Angutingnungniq, Joseph and Annaqatjuaq. Simeona 3atC108 Angutingnungniq, Joseph, Kungaijaijuq and Annaqatpq, Sirncona 6-3 Anguthgnungnuq. Joseph C-FFFB w GFF0 Uttlnuaq C-BSSS or C-BSS 4.6 Annaqatjuaq. Slmeona C-F lqqivalluq C-0 43b Annaqatjuaq. Slmeom C-FB, A-HF Niptajuq C-00, A-SW 2alOC106 Annaqatjuaq, Slmeona GFFBS. A-HFFBS Kungaijaijuq CFBSD. A-HFF 45 Annaqatjuaq, Simeona GFFF Iqqlval#uq(I) C-SSD 243M Amapttuaq, Marie A-FEW Ublunuaq A-HBD 13a3C1 3s Amapctuaq. Mane A-HF Alaldunuaq A-SW 2334 Amapctuaq. Mare C-F Pialak C-0 24% Ampituaq, Mane IqqlvalRuq C-FBO 23Wb) Amapnuaq. Marit Nhqunuaq C-BSD 236M Amapiturq. Mane Mane's maternal uncle GZD? TIC Amapltuaq. Marie waw W 76C Amapttuaq. Mane Amapituaq, Marie 0 61 C A-HFB Ptrhk A-BSW 64C A-HFBS? Or A-HZH? Or lqqivalituq 77 65C 66c
Page 1 of 3 MY ID Sinaer CIS Relationship Composer SIC Relationship Iklarjdtoq, Solomon C-fFB (7FatWs unde) Pudkrq GBSS (3) lkkrjuttoq, Sdornon CMFB Lqqhlituq C-80S Iklarptoq, Sdomon C-MF B Aminilik CBDS Ikkujuitoq, Sdomon CMFB -ngw CBDS Ikkujurtoq, Solomon Nme Ikpanaq Ntme
IllMoq, Monica H NWiq W Irnmingnaq. Lucie A-HF Krepingajoq, Pieme AW
Immingnaq, Luck C-F NWuq GO Imrningnaq. Luck H Qayrqmaq. Timothy W
Inuqsaq, S~mon Acomplex and distant InuYaq Acomptex and dktant Inuqsaq, Simon C-FB lqql~iit~q GBS
Krepingajoq 0 KfePWaloq 0 Marguerite GF Marguerite's father C-0 Marguerite H Talenqtoq W Oogaq, Fabren A-WMB lqql~lnuq A-ZDH Oogaq, Fabien C(?)-M(b) Ba Aminllik C(7)-SaS(b) Oogaq. Faken C-Fa KraplnOalaq C-Sa Oogaq, Fabian GFaB Waq G8sa Oogaq, Fabien GFaF Napuarjuq CS Sa Oogaq, Faken C-FaF BS? Or Fa0 Aqu~juk C-FBSa? Or Fa0 Oogaq. Fabien 0 Oogaq. Fabsn 0 Oagaq, Faken U Atta k U Oogaq, Faken U KLmga~jaljuq U Oogaq, Faken U MangJak U Oogaq. Fikan U Tqumrk U Oogaq, Fabian U Inerkunak88a U Qarmatsmq, Hafene CB IqqmrRuq C-z QarmaWaq, Helene GF Alakkanwq GO QarrnaBaq, Helene c4 Ublunuaq C-0 9armatsuq. Helene 0 QamLuaq, Helene 0
Page 2 of 3 174
Mv ID Singer CIS Relationship Corn poser SIC Relationship Qamutwq, Helene U Pukjuu~ U Qapqsaaq, Timothy 0 Qayaqsaaq, Thothy 0 Qimgnq, Jacob A-WE Iqqivalkuq A-a4 Qimgnq, Jacob Wb) Ubloreasukwk Qkngnuq, Jacob 0 Qimgnuq, Jacob 0 Qkngnuq, Jacob U haqS48p U Qmgnuq. Jacob W Qarm8taiaq, Hdane H Sigguk, Lucian C-F lqqivallq C-S Sigguk. Luckn C-FFBS Kungaijaiiuq C-FBSS Sigguk. Lucien 0 Sigguk Lucian 0 Sikkuark. Theresa CM Qarmatrirq, Helene GO Slkkuark, Therese C-MF Alakkanuaq GOD Talertqloq 0 Taleriqtoq 0 Tutuark. Maria CMFE IQqlval#uq CBDD Turtuark. Maria CMFF Alahnuaq C-SOD Turtuark. Mana C-MFFBS Kungaijaijuq C-FESDO f unnuq, Marlha A-HB MaqwW A-BW Tunnuq, Martha A-HM isaaqadaljuq A-SW Tunnuq, Martha A-HMF Wutlkku I A-OSW Tunnuq. Martha C-8 Amutinuaq, Lionel C-z Tunnuq,Martha GF NWlq C-F Tunnuq, Martha C-FF Aiakkanuaq CSD Tunnuq. Martha 0 Tunnuq. Martha 0
Page 3 of 3 Table 29
Teachers and their Kinship Ties
MY ID Comnoser Sinner TIS Rel'p TIC Rel'p Teacher
1-h KubirRiklar I Ttmwq, Manha A-HM GO lmqadrijuk
10.1 Iqqivalluq Tuituark. Maria A-MBWICMFBD; C-DIA-BSW; Annaqatjuaq, Simeona C4 GBO and Irnrningnak. Luae
Waq. Faken not comporer
Annaqatjuaq, Simwna man from Rankn, Mariane Ubato'r tape
lqqlvalituq (I) Annaqatpaq. Smeona A-WM. C-FFF ASS', 0 Monla Ilkritoq, Gjoa H tape of lqqivalnuq (I)!
Alakkanuaq Angrrtmgnunwrq. GM,C-FM AM.W IUuRoq. Monm and J-Pn Ublunuaq
Angutmgnungnuq. GFFFBS or CS J-ph C-FFBS
Amutlak A-HFBW W
tkkupitoq, Sdomon AMF 6W W Tape from CCs wfc
IWcuptnoq, Sdmon
I~~oq,Sdomon CMFB AmniElk. abo kdics at home
Tungilik. Vclor C-M. C-F
Page 1 of 2 Mv ID Composer Sinner TIS Rel'p TIC Rel'p Teacher
AquijuKs wife
Page 2 of 2 Figure 24 Sinaer Charts Singer - Louis Arnirralik I I Singer - Marie Anguti -A a=o
Singer - Joseph Angutingnungniq
Singer - Marie Amapituaq
Singer - Melanie Amutjak Figure 24 Sinaer Charts Singer - Simeona Annaqatjuaq Singer - Simon lnuqsaq
Singer - Solomon lkkujuitoq
Singer - Martha Tunnuq
Singer - Therese Sikkuark Figure 24 Sqer - Uma Tuluark Sinaer Charts Singer - Lucie lrnrningnaq ~=o-A- =O
Singer - Helene Qarrnatsiaq
Singer - Lumen Sigguk Singer - Jacob Qimgnuq The above figures, then, can be considered as instances of singing of particular composers' songs, and the relationships involved. Some individuals are represented several times in the charts, as teachers, singers, or both, because they were singing songs of different composers. Two teachers of the same song are counted separately, and concordances may be counted several times, if taught or sung by different people. The total number of singers is 23, and teachers 12, for a combined total of 35; the total will be considered 'singers" here. The total number of songs considered for this analysis is 93, although for most of the calculations, I used the number 80, which is the total minus the number of songs performed by their composers. My justification for this is that theoretially everyone knowslsings their own songs, and their inclusion could skew or overpower some more useful values.
i. Kin ties of singers to composers A complex set of relationships emerges from the data summarized above. Again, kinship codes are used as described earlier. Table 30 Kin ties of singem and composers
Relationships Numbers % of Total (193)
0 13 14 U 11 12 H orW 11 t2 Consanguineal 42 45 Affinai 16 17
Relationships Numbers % of Total (/SO]
U 11 14 HorW 11 14 Consanguineal (C) 42 53 Affinal (A) 16 20
Nuclear Family (NF) not. incl. 0 29 36 NF as proportion of C 29/42 69%
C-Brother line 18 23 C-direct multiple generation 6 8
A-Avoidance (HF, HB,HFB) 6 8 A-Brother anywhere in multiple 8 10 line A-other 4 5
The most striking finding was that singers and teachers knew mainly the songs of consanguines (45%), and when spouses were added the total was 56%. Of teachers alone, spouses outnumbered consanguines 4 to 3. Again, the nuclear family was well represented in the total (36% of instances). Only two individuals sang a sibling's song. Surprisingly, considering these two fads, non-nuclear consanguines across brottrer lines other than the immediate level made up 23% of the total, 213 of what the nudear family itsetf made up. When direct multiple generation ties (e.g. FFF) are included, the two totals are very close. This tells us again that singers mostly know the songs of their blood relatives, often involving brothers not at the singefs kin level, The consanguineal component is significantly augmented in women's cases with their husbands' personal songs. This underscores the importance of consanguineal ties of all sorts, and the important role that wives of composers had in transmitting songs, even though they were not atways in the collections as singers. The affinal ties on the other hand were significantly fewer, and close to half of these were avoidance relationships, father-in-law (4) and his brothers (1) and brother-in- law (1). These generally were mediated, as seen earlier, by another female, usually the mother-in-law. When individual singers only (i.e. not teachers, for this table only) were considered in terms of all consanguineal, birth nuclear family, affinal, spousal, self, and indeterminate relationships to composers, a number of trends emerged. These are summarized in Table 31, below.
Table 31 Consanauineal ties of selected sinners
Anguti Annaqatjuaq Arnapituaq Amutjaq lmmingnaq Marguerite Qanatsiaq Sikkuark Tuituark Tunnuq
Alakkanuaq, 0. Amirallik Angutingnungniq lkkujuitoq lnuqsaq Krepingajoq Oowq Qayaqsaaq Qimgnuq Sigguk Taleriqtoq
Several findings are gender-dependent. Eighty percent of women singers performed songs of their nuclear birth family as compared with 36% of male singers. While all singers sang songs of consanguines, two women sang a songs of consanguineally related composers. Only one male singer sang an final relative's song. Of the women singers, however, 60% sang some affinal songs other than a spouse's, while one of these sang only songs of affines. As expectedl all singers of spouses' songs, save one, were women. These findings indicate that consanguinity is important in all singers' repertoires, whether this be the birth or the adopted family, though women more often sing songs of their birth nuclear family. Affinal songs are generally part of women's repertoire. Publicly, men appear more likely to sing their own songs, though this may well be an artifact of the way the various collections were made, as well as which composers are still living. The final inquiry into singers, this time including teachers again, deals with the generation of composers whose songs they know. Table 32 dassifies the 93 composerlsinger instances into generations solely according to Alakkanuaq's genealogy.
Table 32 Generations of sinaers, with reference to Alakkanuaq
Generation Number of Composers
Alakkanuaq's fathets 12 Alakkanuaq's 21 Ala kkanuaq's children's 35 Alakkanuaq's grandchildren's 12 Alakkanuaq's great-grandchildren 1 Unknown 12
Most of the songs known by the singers and teachers are in the generation of Alakkanuaq's children (35)' followed by the composers of his own generation (21). His father's and grandchildren's generation are next, at 12 each, with one great-grandchild3. Several possibilities may account for these tregds. His children's generation was most active between about 1920C30 and 1960 in song composition and transmission. The preponderance of singers from that generation in the archives, and the prevalence of their offspring in my collection may have over-represented those composers, the effect compounded by affines singing their songs. Attrition of songs, especially in the light of the great changes happening in the 1950s and 1960s and earlier may account for the sharp decline of songs known from Alakkanuaq's father's generation. Those songs were composed in a nomadic era when exchange among groups was frequent; centralization would have prevented such contact and transmission among their offspring. Finding more of those songs in other Netsilik communities would lend credence to this interpretation. Cavanagh (1982) pointed out that song composition seemed to be sharply down among the young generation in the 1970s, though a few did still compose. It seems that this trend continued, since most of the grandchild generation that sang for me said that they had tried to compose songs but were unable it do it. The comments about the new generation and their lack of interest in the old songs or in composing in ?hat style may predict further decline. The interest in drum dancing itself, however, may mean that traditional songs will be preserved to some extent, or perhaps other styles substituted.
ii. Singers and restricted ilagiit The make-up of the restricted ilagiit helps generally to explain why singers knew the songs of composers related to them in particular ways. Aside from these generic tendencies, much often depended on the circumstances of the individual family unit. In cases where the anthropological literature details historical habitation groupings of composers and singers from this study, possible parallels can be drawn between me make-up of these ilagiil and the songs known (and not known) by individual singers. Two additional factors are operative here: the relationship of a singer to birth and adoptive families, and the occurrence of special associations among particular singers and composers. Finally, some mention must be made regarding the centralization of the population after 1960, its effects on groupings, and spearlation on how it has affected song learning. The characteristic restricted ilagiit, as explained earlier, induded a father and mother, with serial or simultaneous cohabitation with adult sons and their wives and children. fhe nuclear family was a potent vehicie for song transmission - a glance at Iqqivalituq's and Niptajuq's composer charts (Fig. 23) shows this, and it is reiterated by Niptajuq's daughtefs comment that "everybody in the family knows that (Niptajuq's) song because it is their fathets song."' Further transmission, however, required the passing of the family's songs to the next generation, often through the spouses of the children. Patrilocal residency gave sons' young wives the opportunity to learn these songs along with other skills. It was common for a newly married couple to displace a younger or previously married son in the larger igloo or tent of the parents -- this serial patrilocal residency is documented for the boys in Niptajuq's family'', and Niptajuq's son's wife did know the fathefs song (taught by her mother-in-law). Another example is Qimuq, who, in 1926, moved into his adopted fathets igloo with his very young bride Qarmatsiaq; in this case, she did not learn Aolajuq's song (or at least did not sing it for a recording), perhaps because Aolajuq was very infirm by that time. Even among married siblings, recurring residence in the fathets camp was common. Rasmussen documented Alakannuaq's camp in 3 923 as having the following: AlakkanuaqIUblunuaq; Qarmatsiaq, Niptajuq/llluitoq, Kanajoq/Aviliajuk; Niptajuq's children Tunnuq and newborn Inuqsaq. No doubt this sort of arrangement led to Alakkanuaq's songs being well known by so many of his immediate relatives. By 1959, though, Balikci reports that the restricted ilagiit was already changing in practice, though not necessarily in concept. That year, when Niptajuq died, his brother Kajaituk and Iqqivalituq's son Sigguk and his wife moved into the camp though, unusually, they were all camped well away from the main camp. They spent that whole year together in relative isolation, an arrangement which would have been unusual in traditional times. The other common restricted ilagiit was a brother grouping. Where the father was dead or infirm - often later in the development of a nuclear family-based group - a group of sons and their families would live and hunt together, with the oldest being the ihumataq or the one who thinks for the others. Such groups might dissolve and re-form at different times of the year, but often spent a large part of the year camped closely together, even in the large winter sealing camp. These groups provided conditions where songs could be taught and learned, especially among women working together. Balikci lists the members of Kutsiutikku's and Ussuligardjuk's (Maqpatuq's) families all camped in 1959 together away from the main camp. Tunnuq's extensive repertoire of songs from her husband's side can probably be traced to the frequent groupings of these particular people, mentioned several times in the literature. In her case it was perhaps preceded by songs learned in her nudear family and during the time when she lived with her husband's parents. Qimgnuq's family in 1919 was a brother grouping of another sort His adopted father was elderly: he was consulted for hunting recommendations, but was rarely an active participant in the hunt. His several sons (one of them Qimgnuq's birth father) and families hunted and camped together much of the time when Qimgnuq was young. I would have expected Qimgnuq or his wife to have sung more of his family's songs; there wete unusual circumstances in the family, however, and some serious difficulties among the other members of the family. Adoptive ties generally superseded birth ties in song learning and performance though again individual living situations played a part, Amirallik, for example, sang his adoptive fathets songs and Oogaq sang mainiy those of his adoptive family. I have no record of Aminilik, Alakkanuaq's birth son, singing any but his own songs, but Balikci's collection has a recording of Aminilik recounting stories about the shaman Atkrartok, his adoptive father. On the other hand, Qimgnuq sang his birth fathets song (Ublureasuksuk), rather than that of his adoptive father (actually his grandfather, Ublureasuksuk's father) Aolajuk. This may have been due to the ill health and early death of his adoptive father - Qirngnuq's own song described his uncertainty and shyness after his adoptive father's death. Personal associations could affect who sang particular songs. It will be shown later how namesake associations can decide the singers of particular composets songs. An example of another type of association is Qirngnuq's singing the song of Iqqivalituq, his wife's brother's song; Balikci reports that the two were food-sharing partners. Arninilik and Qayaqsaaq also were food-sharing partners. That link, plus the fact that the singer's sister mamed Aminilik's son (perhaps the result of dose ties between the older men), may have contributed to the fact that Qayaqsaaq's son lkkujuitoq sang Aminilik's song. I suspect that the sharing of songs also occurred among cousin associates and in unclehephew hunting partnerships reported in the literature - songs certainly do cross these lines in my study - though I found no verifiable examples of such alliances. Finally, I suspect centralization in the 1960s profoundly affected song learning and performance, and further modernization and permanency in the communrty in recent years seems to have affected song transmission. The very early introduction of rifles in 1919 encouraged a growing individualization of hunting, which gradually shrank the size of the large winter gathering and with it the season for public dnrm dancing. Increasingly till the late 1950s, hunting in small groups most of the year became the norm, with the caribou hunt being the larger. Greater small-group mobility meant shorter periods of large-group camping and less interaction in larger portions of the restricted ilagiit. More recently, the large, intermarrying community in Pelly Bay has blurred the lines of traditional groupings, increased affinity, and hanged living patterns for newly married couples. The trend toward smaller households has intensified, and the common occupancy unit is now the nuclear family with a few elderly relatives living in the dwelling. Residential schools disrupted an entire generation of learners, and we will see later that lack of fluency in lnuktihrt limits the chances of song transmission among young people. The only direct evidence that t auld see of the effects of centralization and modernization is that I recorded no young singers. This may be an artifact, and perhaps the perception was that I was rearding IYraditional" music and the young deferred to the elders. However, my impression was that there were a number of younger people (under 35 years) who played and sang popular music, and who might also drum in a drum dance in which older women would sing. None of my singer~infonnanlwas younger than approximately 45 years. One of my younger interpreters said she was learning the song of her husband's father, though she was too shy to sing it for me, while another hoped she could get recordings of the song of her birth mother. The most common complaint from singers was that the young people could not, or would not, learn traditional songs.
D. Namesakes Cavanagh (1982) noted that several of the songs she collected had been composed or sung for namesake reasons. Aside from her observations, the role of songs in namesake associations in Inuit society has been ignored, as have namesake motivations for the songs thernse~ves.'~The findings in the present study suggest that, far from being isolated instances, songs had important fundons in establishing, maintaining, and indeed celebrating namesake ties. Moreover, in these three functional areas there continues to be a profound belief in the supernatural power of the namegiver to influence, through the name, the course of life of the namesake. Table 33 details composers and singers of songs involving namesake ties, the kin associations involved, and a brief descn'ption of the circumstances. Table 33 Namesakes
Comr~oser Sinaer Comments CIS Teacher MY ID
Alakkanuaq Sikkuark. Therest made for Ode. Ts CMF Qambiaq. Helene bother Aquijuk Oogaq, Faken -8q 8vlq of Aqutjaq's C-FIB ran? Aquijuk Oogak, Fabian Oogaq amq of Aquijuk's GFaFBS? son Or FIB lssaqadaijuq Tunnuq, Martha To make Ivo a boy A-HM Kungaijaijuq Annaqatjuaq. Taught Simeona. gave il GFFBS. Simaona to her fw her namesake A-HFFBS son, like dher one Kungaijaijuq Annaqatjuaq, K made up wng around C-FFBS. Simeona when Shsona's son A-HFFBS Paul bom, taught to her becatme Paul namesake Kungaijaijuq Amask, Mdrnle Strneona sap namesake H reason, in cone Kubtutiklru I Tunnuq. Martha Yes, husbands name A-HMF hmqadaijuk (Qivaquq) KWutikku too, learned song from M-nr-law, It was her father Anguti. Mane same as 31 - Cedric's A-HFB Maqpatuq, Tunnuq middle name Anguti. Mant Maqpatuq ts CedrWs A-HFB Maqpatq and Tunnuq. middle name MirVla Angutc. Mant Maqprtuq a Cednc's A-HF B Maqpatuq and Tunnuq, mddle name Martha Aquti. Me same as 3-1 - Cldric's A-HFB Maqpatuq, Tunnuq middle name an gut^. Mane same as 31 - Cednc's A-HFB Maqpatuq, Tunnuq fTWddle MM Amapituaq, Mane atlhlungmt prria. Song of C-MB ? Mana's mdemal unde. whose nrrm #he has NmalUQ Tunnuq, Martha N-made sang lo mke C-F Oominldo 8 boy Qannrtstaq, Helene Sikkuark. Thrw About fwtlngs rr how C-M Wdrime her F's "wn", AlakKs nrmb wng about ha ather H fumesake. blind. Abo mentions 2 other younger namsrrke
Qayaqsaaq. Timothy Qayaqsaaq, nmdhy song about 2 girts who 0.H and Immtngnaq. Luae were hts rvaat In two cases of which I am aware, composers created songs before or near the time of a child's birth with the express purpose of making the unborn child a boy, and having the boy mrry the composefs name. Such measures apparently did not atways work: a composer had to be 'strong' and have 'powef to accomplish this." This idea has some parallels with the belief in lgloolik, cited by Saladin D'Anglure (1986), that a fetus's sex was male until birth. The wcial point here is that the composer initiated the song's creation, namegiving, and sex determination. According to Kishigami (1991), the mother and grandparents had most control over the choice of name(s) for a child, while the grandmother was the most influential, often being the only person who knew the complete set of names for an individual. In one of these two Pelly Bay instances the composer was the child's grandmother (FM), the singets husband's mother (HM), and the boy canies the grandmother's name - proof of the fact that lnuktitut names are generally not gender-specific. In the other case, the composer was the singer's birth father, and that name is the official one used by the grandsonlnamesake. In two other cases it is not known if the intent of the composition was to decide the sex of the child, though there certainly was a namesake maintenance component in its use. Here, songs were composed for the namesake before or near the birthdate, and "given" (i.e. taught) to a female relative who sang it for the child. In one case the relative was a sister of the boy and the granddaughter of the composer/namegiver Alakkanuaq. In later years she would have been expected to sing that song for the namesake when he danced at the dmm dance. In the second case, the composer was the singets grandfather's brothets son (FFBS); the elder created two songs for the singets son, his namesake. Qarrnatsiaq, in the first case immediately above, composed her own song specifically about how she felt that her son mmed her father Alakkanuaq's name, and described an image of the way she was going to raise 'her fathef s son", i.e. the son who had her fathets name. Part of the text wonders how she will have other people see him, and then states that she will make sure he is dressed well and taught well. This case shows an acute awareness of the ongoing link between namegiver and namesake, and the pride embodied in that association. There are two cases where the singer learned songs as part of his/her responsibility as a namesake. One was a female singer performing the songs of her maternal uncle whose name she carried. The other was the somewhat unusual case of a namesake of a curnposets son learning the composer's song, not the son's. Where a singer sang a namegiver's song composed after the birth and naming of the child, I considered it a way of marking and maintaining the namesake tie. One singer performed her father-in-law's brothets song (HFB) because her son was the composef s namesake, though she stated that the song was not composed for that reason. Interestingly, in explaining the composets place in my genealogy, she described him as X's grandfather's younger brother, thus relating him to her son, rather than to herself as she usually did Wen describing composer relationships. Another singer performed the second song of the composer Alakkanuaq, who had made it up and told her, the granddaughter, to sing it at drum dances for her youngest brother, mentioned earlier, who was Alakkanuaq's namesake. That three namesake songs were involved in this last case is a measure of the weight of Alakkanuaq's name. The final category of namesake songs comprises those made to illustrate characteristics of the namegiver in the namesake. Qayaqsaaq had two such songs, about two little girls who were his avaat. The second of these songs also talked about a blind man who shared a name with him, though the exact nature of the namesake tie was not given. The second song is illuminating in that it talked about the two little girls being able to walk better than the composer could, partly because of their youth and partly because they were his avaat. It also praised the hunting abilities of the blind name-sharer who, the composer claimed, could catch seals better than he could even without being able to see them. These are dear examples in the modest language of Inuit composers of namesharing being perceived as sharing traits and abilities as well. Another example is Alakkanuaq's song for his grandson, described above. The text, according to the singer, mused about how he would put into words the new image of himself that he had to create, since his grandson was named after him. In other words, the composerhamegiver was responsible in some way for what his namesake would become, and thus he had to be a worthy model. Again, the humility and ironic humour was evident: 'How am I going to build it up? - I forgot". The concluding example is not a drum song, but involves a two-word animal song about a siksik (ground squirrel), termed by the singer a *pisiflguaM, squirrel song. A squirrel had allowed Maqpatuq, the composer, to walk dose to it, and the composer imagined the squirrel playing the dntm, then giving it to him, laughing, and jumping into his hole. My singer/informant said, by way of explanation, that it was not a real dmrn song, but that part of Maqpatuq's name is 'siksiP. Namesake songs constitute conservatively 10% of the total in the overall collection, and the proportion may well be higher since many archived recordings had no commentaries with them? That songs could be multi-purpose suggests that other songs, while not composed directly for namesakes, could have been used for namesake reasons. This makes song-sharing a significant and contemporary means of reinforcing links among namesakes and the composers, facilitated by performers of their songs.
E. Teaching and Learning Teachers are a crucial link in song transmission. Even in the absence of a formalized teaching setting, the kin relationships of teachers and learners in Netsilik society and the contexts for teaching and learning reflect operative social units in the past and present. The 'ho@ of song teaching, as reported by informants, shows generally how information was, and is now, transmitted between people and generations. It also reflects what specific song components are critical in transmission.
i. Kin relationships in teaching and learning Table 29, p.174, contains the names of teachers and their ties to singers and composers. In six cases, two teachers were involved in teaching songs to a single singer, not necessarily the same song." I considered these separate cases of teaching, and so the total of composers with known teachers was 41. In four of the total cases, relationships of teachers to singers were unknown. Table 34, below, summarizes these findings: Table 34 Teacher relationshi~s
Relationship of teacher to composer Number
Self 14 Wrfehusband 9 Daughter 4 Son 1 Sister 1 Mother 1 Link across brothers 2 Total Consanguineal 9 Total Affinal 5 Unknown relationships 4
Clearly, in this sample, most (nearly 75%) of the teaching was being done by members of the camposer's nudear family, predominantly by the composer himherself and secondarily by the wives of male composers. Both female composers taught their own songs. These findings corroborate the data in the composer charts that the nudear family was well represented in the composets circle of singers. In all the affinal teaching cases a wife was the agent at the teaching level, and the relationship of her husband to the composer was a close one. This emphasizes in yet another context the important role that wives played in song transmission. When the data are viewed in terms of known avoidance relationships, women teachers become part of the mediation strategy between female singers and the composers whose songs they were expected to know. The most common avoidance relationships, as mentioned, were between a son's wife and her father-in-law, and secondarily her brother-in-law." In some cases these appear to have extended along those lines into the previous generation of male relatives, and into cross-sexed cousin ties. In the eight cases here where singers' ties to composers involved avoidance relationships, four of the teachers were wives of the composers, one was the mother, and one was the wife of the composets brother. In two of the cases the singers reported having learned the song from the composer, with no additional information as to how or where. It seems generally that wives were frequently agents of transmission in avoidance relationships as well. The sample is small, but it would appear that their role may have been proportionately greater in these cases than in conventional song transmission. ii. Teaching methods and contexfs A number of my informants related details about how and where songs were taught Taken together with what is known about the past and present use of tapes, and an audio and videotape that I made myself of song and drumming classes in Pelly Bay in 1996, these sources give an idea of traditional teaching methods and their use in the present. The predominant learning method seems to have been Yellowing", similar to Rice's description of how young girls leamed Bulgarian folksongs." In this case, however, the unit of learning was the 'breathmand the words that fitted into one breath- span. As Joseph Angutingnungniq stated: That's how they used to learn - by listening and trying to do one breath at a time, following the melody and words as they are sung and trying to sing a~ong'.~Some other descriptions by my informants are presented here, as related by my interpreters:
When her grandmother and her mum were singing they tell her to follow, that's how she learned by trying to follow her grandmother and grandfather. (Inconsistencies were in original statement) T.
"Like when there's a feast going on or drum dancing at the gym, she sings those songs and she always sings with the other ladies so they should know them by now.' L. I.
'She hasn't been told to teach anybody to do pisiq. She's been told by someone to teach her stepsister how to sing pisiq, but to anyone she hasn't tried ... .She will teach the way she learned." M. A.
'She ahvays try to teach the schoolgirls to learn how to sing but they never want to sing along with her. Like she has to sing and they have to follow her singing." S. A.
'One day they sing one song, I mean they try to make a song for a day, and when they try and learn it they have to keep it in their mind till they won't forget it, so they always have to sing it almost every day to leam the whole thing. If they leam it so theyhe could give it to another person to sing about it" Q. "Why did he learn certain people's songs?" A. 'It's from those guys he always learned it, they always teach him those songs' 'Just by listening.' 'Once you leam them you can't forget them even though they're not written... It goes right inside your mind, stays there forever. Once you start singing one song the words come out, every other words, just like that' Wenwe sing in church, like prayer book songs, some of them are long, some of them are short. When we try to remember long songs, we can't remember the whole thing, it's just the same like that. But those songs, the ones he's saying, once he learns them he can't forget them. .. . One mistake he makes he always remembers that he makes a mistake, when he passes a word he could notice himself that he passes it" S. I.
They learned them just by listening, when they're having drum dance, either, or when their parents are just singing it, you just listen to them and you could leam them, and when once you learn them you can't forget them. They don't write them down, they don't tape it." You learn them in not too long, you learn them right away once you start trying one song you leam them right away, it doesn't take that long." 'He learned that from my grandmother and his mom when they used to sing it" J. A.
'By listening to her singing. When I have time I usually go visit her, she just sings along, and, she doesn't just sing it once or twice, it's just over and over, not every day, but over and over enough for me to mtch it what they said." 'If I want my children or my grandchildren to feam it, she or he have to sit down and listen to me, or I would sing it to her or him at bedtime'. Q. When you were 20 would you have sung?' A. 'It depends, my mum started singing these songs when I was young, and every time there's a drum dance, there's a feast, she would sing it" Q. "So did you have to wait till you were a certain age to sing?" A. 'It depends, if they want us to keep our culture, keep their treasure, they gave it to us.' T. S.
Paraphrase of interpreter's comment: All the songs she heard while interpreting for me made her sleepy, because those songs were all lullabies to her when she was little. Y. M., interpreter for recording sessions.
'She learn it first, she used to hear her dad sing that song but she never try to
learn it After he died she started trying to remember the wrds, SO she forget all the words, to up to there she always sing it, she doesn't finish the whole song." S.A.
Two basic methods seem to have been operative here. One was exposure to songs in childhood, drum dances, and/or at home, enough that the song often was memorized. It may even have been possible at a later date to piece the song together from memory, as S.A. did. The other was the more direct Yollowing" method where the song was sung to the person who then sang along until it was leamed. Informants emphasized the review component in making sure the words were correctly recalled, but the time period of a day or so which they descnbed was surprisingly short. These songs are long and carry a great deal of text, and as Cavanagh (1982: 75) pointed out, one would think they would have required a longer learning period. My impression is that exposure to many songs in various ways was common, and much learning may have been unconscious or subconscious, before or after the more-or-less formal leaming session. Cavanagh (1982: 75) also mentioned that, because of the length and complexrty of drum songs, leaming would most likely have taken place over extended contact with composers or singers, not in the brief exposure during the drum dance. Private music- making in homes was a common pastime in traditional times and even well into the 1970s. Most of the songs in her collection (52 of 72, or 72%) were composed before 1930 so this contact for the original singers would have been before 1930, or in the approximately forty years thereafter when traditional lifestyles were still common. Singers in Balikci's and Marie-Rousseliere's collections would certainly have learned in the traditional period. Secondary teaching through other relatives could have been later, but comments by informants and the absence of young singers even in my own recordings suggest that most of the teaching and learning was done before the 1970s. and probably eatlier. This suggests that pre- and early contact cohabitation patterns (described earlier) dictated, in most cases, which singers learned which songs, even though in theory there was no 'ownership" of songs (Rasmussen 1931: 320; Cavanagh 1982: 78). The largescale use of tapes is a recent innovation, though an informant reported learning from a tape 30 years ago. What is new is the idea that the tape is the best way to learn because of the inability of children (and young adults) to learn the old way. Several people mentioned this fad, stressing the need for repeated hearings, and as one informant stated about trying to teach a song to her daughter-in-law:
'She says she tried once by letting her follow her and it didn't work, so she recorded herself and then gave the tape to her."
At that point in the interview, the interpreter stated:
That's what we do these days now ..." (and continued that this was the reason they wanted copies of the tapes from the study left in the community.)
There appears to be exchange of tapes between people in Pelly Bay, and among extended family in the three Netsilik communities. Complaints about the difficulty of teaching songs to children surfaced often in the interviews, as most of the women who sang for me had taught children either at home or at the school. Kugaardjuk School has an active programme of elders passing on traditional knowledge, and so I was able to record a teaching session in the home of one of my singers. The class had originally been scheduled as a joint songldrum dance dass at the school, but the elder was not well enough to travel there and so a home song class for the girls and sunrival training by another elder for the boys was substituted. Both types of traditional music classes are occasionally held, and the sang class was not an unusual case. I also videotaped a drum dance session at the school. The song class consisted of my interpreter (also the teacher for this session and the lnuktitut teacher at the school), the singer elder (Simeona Annaqatjuaq, ttre teacher's mother-in-law), her husband (not part of the dass, though present part of the time), six or seven girls (aged approximately 12 to 16), and several toddlers. The school teacher conducted her part in English, while Inuktitut was used in singing, instructions from the elder, and song comments. This was partIy because the class is also perceived to be part of the Inuktitut enrichment curriculum. The school teacher started by writing down song words in syllabics as the students wrote along. Simeona then talked about each song in Inuktitut, sang each one, and then the students sang along several times with her, following her melody and more or less reading the words. Intemptions from toddlers were frequent but not disnrptive, though the singer's husband stepped in a few times to order the girls to pay attention and sing along. The participants rehearsed two songs, but ran out of time on the third. The students seemed genuinely interested in the proceedings, and by the end of the class had certainly learned parts of the songs. It was obvious, though, that Yellowing", even with words, was not their customary method of leaming. Distractions challenged the students' concentration in singing, and the words on paper directed their attention mainly to the written words, an apparently more comfortable medium for them. None of the students were bilingual in Inuktitut, and understanding instructions and comments by the elder appeared to be a challenge. Nevertheless, there was great deference and resped shown to the singer, with cups of tea brought immediately when hers were emptied. The singets husband had stated before the class convened that learning from paper was not good enough, because all one learned was the words, not how to sing them or how they frt into the song. The leaming methods used in the class appeared to combine the best of both: a written medium best for the students, and the oraVaural practice of fitting words into the songs. What struck me as an observer was that the listening skills and aural memory of people with only a recently written language were different from those of children who are used to reading and writing facts to remember them. Learning by the students took longer than the elders expected, with less attention than the elders would have liked. 8ut the students did learn, just in a slower and less single-minded way than informants reported had happened in the past The drum dance cfass was a completely different experience. The dmm was made of nylon parachute cloth, with wooden hoop and handle, and a wooden beater (Photograph, Figure 25). In this ase the same elder sat on the floor and sang the song Wiie the students danced individually, though I understand recordings have sometimes been used for the singing component. Although some students were shy because of the video camera, it was obvious that they loved to drum dance, and some were cheered as being very good. There was little singing along, and the class was mainly a chance for students of both sexes to try out their drumming skills, and probably, in the absence of the camera, to have a rollicking good time.
Figure 25 Photoqraph of drum and beater in ~ositionbefore drum dance class iii. Important elements in drum song transmission Implicit in teaching methodology are decisions about which specifics in drum songs are important to transmit - the essentials, in the teachers' estimation. lnformants themselves explicitly stated what they thought were important. These two sources will be used here as the basis for a discussion of the relative importance of text as opposed to melody, the value placed on accuracy, and some speculation as to exadly how these complex songs are remembered in practice. Informants were completely consistent in stating that the words were the most important part of the song and were to be remembered precisely. Words were never changed, it was repeatedly stated, except in error - a 'real lnuk rule, always has beenw, as one singer commented." The chief complaint about teaching to children was that they were unable to follow and sing along with the words, and I suspect this was the rationale behind the class teachets decision to write down the words at the beginning of the drum song class. No informants gave a word corresponding to the concept of umelodp5, except that one described the 'ayayan section as the 'rhythma of the song." The same singer said that pisiq referred to everything about the song, the story and the melody. Interestingly, one informant remarked that pisiq texts were easier to remember than church songs, (see statements by S.I. quoted eartier) because it was easier to tell when one made a mistake. He stated that church songs may be long or short but the long ones have words that are difficult to remember, unlike pisiit where the words come out correctly during the course of the singing. This suggests some soR of musical organizing principle that structures the text. Despite the significance they gave to the words, singers/inforrnants consistently used musical cues to remind themselves of the text. They often quietly sang the mfrain in vocables before starting the songs, or if they had difficulties with words partway Uwough. Simeona Annaqatjuaq sang a combination of the melody from the texted section and the refrain, all in vocables, to remind her husband of the song he was about to sing. However, I never heard text used as a prompt for remembering melody. The process of learning text and melody together seems to have allowed melody to become a mnemonic device for remembering text, not vice versa. Whether this is due to the association of certain motives with text ideas in a particular song, whether melodic phrases along with breath span are used for text segmentation, or whether some other association is operative, is not clear. Frequent repetition in the early, intensive stage of song learning was stressed in comments by singers. Several insisted that songs were learned over a single day, and never forgotten. Quick leaming was also mentioned in conjunction with song exchange for song duels, but here the song may have been composed only for one-time use. It may well be that reinforcement of long texts over a 24-hour period fixed them into long- term memory, especially if there were occasional "refreshers" at drum dances or family gatherings. Other informants talked of more passive leaming, and said that they heard songs over a long period of time in a domestic setting, or sporadically at dmm dances. This last may have had a participatory component as well, as there often were several secondary singers accompanying the main singer. There was a distinct preference, in the few cases where this was possible, for husband and wife singers to sing together. I suspect that this was partly shyness, a contemporary case of women being "the man's memory", and perhaps it was partly a representation of the way songs were used at home in the past. Van de Velde, quoted in Balikci (1970) described coming to a house and finding an old couple quietly singing together. Angutingnungniq's detailed description of the use of breath spans as learning units is intriguing. it implies that songs were sometimes taught by rote in smaller units, not necessarily just by Yollowingmseveral times through the entire song. This breaks down the text into fairly fwed text groupings, since phrases are quite consistent breath- span units. Words in songs often straddle breath points, and it is not clear how this was handled. I suspect it may not even have been an issue because, in the expansionary infix structure of lnuktitut words, syllables may carry discrete ideas.
F. Women's roles in song transmission, composition, and performance Paradoxically, in this study the majority of the composers were men (42 of 48 in the complete collection), while more than hatf of the songs were sung by women. Fifteen of these composers had only female singers knowing their songs, twenty-five had only male, and and eight had both male and female singen." Fully one quarter of the composers also sang their own songs, so men singing their own compositions made up a significant number of the male singers, especially in cases where only one song of a composer was present in the collection. The 24 composers with multiple songs were equally divided among female only, male only, and both. Some of the most prolific composers - Alakkanuaq, Maqpatuq, and Niptajuq, for example - had women singing their songs. An exception was Iqqivalituq who had nearly equal numbers of both sexes. Of the five female composers, four had only women singing their songs, while one (Qarmatsiaq) had singers of both sexes. All of the preceding findings point to the importance of women in song transmission, and their nearly exclusive role in passing on women's songs. Men singing their own songs are another significant part of the transmission process, though my data could not differentiate between their use in transmission and their performance for recording purposes. Establishing and maintaining namesake relationships through songs was the responsibility of women, no matter who the donor of the name happened to be.2' Namegiving might be initiated by the nameholder, or even by his relatives if hefshe were deceased, but always with the acquiescence of the parents andlor grandmother. But it was a female relative who sang the song publicly, taught it to the namesake, and who generally was responsible for the song's transmission. The charts show that women were important in song transmission for all composers, but especially for women. Comments by informants, and charts of the few women composers in this study suggest that teaching by women was virtually the only mode of ttansmission for women's songs. Women transmitted songs, mostly men's songs, of their spouses' families or birth families, but not often the songs of their female relatives. Although informants told me that many - even most -- women had songs in the old days, these songs did not seem to be common in the general repertoire. Amapituaq, for example, was the only one singing her own song. Issaqadaijuq's song was performed by her daughter-in-law Martha Tunnuq, but for namesake reasons. Martha Tunnuq herself expressed regret that she did not know the songs of her own mother and grandmother, songs she knew they had composed. Ublunuaq's songs were performed only by female relatives. Even Qarmatsiaq, acknowledged as one of the premier singers in the community in the past, had songs performed only by her husband and daughter. tucie lmmingnaq, one of the singers I recorded, had no plans at the time of the intenriew to teach her own partly finished song to anyone. Women's compositions are perceived by women to be different from men's. The differences are in text, intent, and in readiness to sing. One informant explained (#rough the interpreter) her own unfinished song and the process of composing it
'Only the first part she knows, right now she's not finished it. "The reason why she made that song is she had these older ones while she was still walking and after she couldn't walk any more she had six more children and she had a hard time with those kids like raising them. '8uilding igloo, helping her husband now and her husband hunting with the kids and they were working hard for those children but after they've grown up and they don't listen to them anymore and they turned to alcohol and that's how she made up that song, she's still never finished it, but... 'She's all this time, she's remembered long ago and she kept putting that mind back and forth, when she used to do long ago, so she made that song last year or two years ago.. . 'Like she's going to add some more songs to it - I mean, words to it - and she never finished that song. "like you have to work on songs, each song over and over to complete it, you have to.. you couldn't right away, got to start remembering it until you start to sing it in public... "She's not rushing to finish it, she have to work on that song really well not to hurt people, like you don't have to put words into it like to hurt people, to your kids, like even though your kids are hurting you, you don't have to hurt them by the song, so you've got to complete it and fix it really good and they'll understand itn L. I.
The reason for composing, according to several informants, was to pass on information about the composer herself or about the family situation. Such information was probably intended only for dose family members, and this may account for the limited dispersal of the songs. Moreover, informants stressed the need to wait until the proper time to sing such songs, specifically when the children were grown up and would not be embarrassed by the words, and when they could leam from them. The question should be raised here as to whether female composers are under- represented in this study. My hunch is that they are, though there are fewer songs composed at the level of the singers who performed for me. Those singers in my study expressed their regret at not knowing all of their mothers' and grandmothers' songs. For example, I have no songs composed by Niptajuq's wife Monica Illuitoq, but she sang many songs of her husband; her daughtep said she did indeed have a song, as did Monica's own mother and grandmother. Qarmatsiaq had three songs, but only two are known. It seems that there are simply few women's songs in the current repertoire. In the generation of singers living now, all but one said they had not been able to make up a proper song themselves. The proportion of female singers in each collection increased since Balikci's of 1958-60, with my own having the largest. In the early recordings a large number of men sang their own songs. This may have been a reflection of the prestige associated with singing one's own songs for a researcher, or a response to a researchefs invitation to sing. It may have been done simply to make sure songs were properly identified as to composer, since they were being sung outside the drum dance context where everybody knew the composer and his wife. On the other hand, the larger number of female singers in my own collection may simply have meant that fewer men were still alive or well enough to sing at all. For example, Qayaqsaq's wife sang his songs for me, though he sang them himself in earlier recordings. I suspect, however, that women are proportionally more likely to sing in recent years since the perception is, especially among young people, that the singing of traditional songs is an activity of elderly women? Alternatively, middle-aged or elderly women may always have been the most frequent singen; it seems to have been older men who had the largest repertoires, and their wives would have led the singing at the dnrm dance. - ' For a discussion of kinship systems among various Inuit group, see Damas (1963). Guemple (1971). Maxwell (unpublished, ca.1975)
One distinction which might have been significant was the one based on birth order. According to Balikci (1970: 95-98), a female called her elder and younger brothers by the same terms (ani), but her elder and younger sisters by different terms (angayok, nuka, respedively). A male called his elder and younger sisters by the same or different terns (both naya, or aliga and naya respectively), and his elder and younger brothers by different terms (angayok and nuka, respedively). Similar differentiation was made in describing the spouses of older or younger siblings. It may well be that this differentiation in status affected who sang, for instance, namesake songs. It may also have affected the paths of song transmission. I was not able to ascertain such differences from my work, nor did my informants mention it.
' The publication of Damas (1963) on his work among the lglulingmiut shows remarkable consistency and completeness in terminology, however.
Balika (1970: 111) states in a footnote that 'In the distribution table of the Netsilik compiled in the spring of 1923 by Ramussen, there is not a single example of a settlement consisting solely of one family".
Jacob Qimgnuq (Kringor) is quoted in Balikci (1970: 112) as saying, of the ilagit nangminariit, or restricted ilagiit These are related people who may go away but come back and then share food, help each other. and stay together.
Polyandry and polygamy were not uncommon in the past. and these were often causes of conflict, even murder. The practice of wife-exchange, though sometimes a convenience for travel or illness. was another source of tension.
7 See Guernpte 1994, for examples
Lee Guemple's chapter in Amerindian Rebirth (1994: 108-122) contains a fascinating discussion on the concept of the cyding of souls among the Qiqiqtamiut in the Belcher Islands, and compares this to similar beliefs in other Inuit groups, with particular consideration of the role of namesakes in this cycling.
An amusing case illustrates this point. For weeks I was mystified by the name 'Pif, which arose in several instances. cumpIete with detailed explanations by singers as to relationships to different people. Finally, by sheer accident, I was looking through mission genealogies containing -- -- Christian names only to discover that this was 'Pierre', lnuktitut name Krepingajok (Qipingajoq, Qipingajuk). This was immediately verified by informants, who thought it had been quite obvious since during his lifetime everyone had known him as 'Pir". to My rationale for this was the assumption that teachers must know the songs they teach, and would definitely have performed them in home and drum dance contexts, especially if they were wives of composers.
11 It should be mentioned that in one case husband and wife were first cousins, which makes lines both affinal and consanguineal, though the spousal tie is assumed to be the important one. Fathers and adopted children were considered consanguines, since that is the emic view of the relationship.
" This may also be a result of the avoidance relationship common in those days between a woman and her husband's brother. l3 0. Alakkanuaq technically is a grandchild, but in generational association he is of the later generation-
14 Lucie Immingnaq: Interview, March 27, 1996.
l6 The only musical reference I found was for Alaska, by Hawkes (1913: 3) quoted in Johnston (1977: 57): The shades of our ancestors will go hungry, since there will be none to feed them at the festivals. Their names will be forgotten if no namesake sings praises at the dance.*
" The singer of these songs said that she had tried once to do the same, but was unsuccessful. partly because she had trouble making up the sang itsetf. la Only Cavanagh's recordings had significant commentaries. l9 In one case, there were two ties, affinal and consanguineal. I chose the latter because the composer was her father, and aftinal teaching in this case would have been unlikely.
Balika (1970: 122-23).
*'Rice (1994: 55-57) includes quotations by Todora Varimezov describing how she learned by singing along before she knew the song. and then was often able to sing R herself immediately afterwards. Joseph Angutingnungniq. April 3,1996.
These figures are for drum songs in the three Netsilik communities of Gjoa Haven. Taloyoak (Spence Bay) and Pelly Bay.
" Marie Anguti. Mar. 27.1996.
'' Cavanagh (1982:18) cites the use of the word 'kimmib for tune.
'6 'Ayayamwas never used by informants as a synonym for drum song. but was described as a way to describe drum songs to outsiders in order to make them understand what they are.
In Pialak's case, I do not know whether Allomek singer of his song in the Leden colledion. was male or female.
28 Although one man (Qayaqsaaq) composed about namesakes, there was no indication as to how his songs were used beyond restating aspects of the relationship..
This same daughter asked that 1 make a place in the genealogy for her grandmother and great- grandmother on her mother's side, to honour their memory.
Beverley Cavanagh pointed out that in Gjoa Haven in the 1970s 'Men were reluctant to sing giving the impression that perhaps songs were something for old women'. (Talk on Netsilik Music, Box 198, File 2, Canadian Museum of Civilization: p.7.) Chapter 4. Discussion and Conclusion
I. Introduction Much of the musical analysis in this study dealt with the contributions of composers and singers to songs at various stages of the transmission process. The kin analysis illustrated entitlement and paths of transmission, Mile also clarifying the roles of teachers as mediators of change. Direct commentary by informants added another layer of clarification of song meaning and socio-cultural significance, and these will be explored further in this concluding chapter. These three kinds of information together give some idea of what drum songs mean to the community in general, and may predict the longevity of the genre as an expression of Netsilik culture.
II. Songs over time
A. Composers and song style There was a sampling limitation inherent in my coliection: rarely do I have examples both of composers and singers performing the same songs. This makes direct comparisons of different versions less relevant to the originals, and I had to use other measures to get an idea of what was happening at the compositional level. It was apparent very early that interval content and melodic contour did not change appreciably in transmission, at least not fmm singer to singer, and I assumed that it was also true in the initial transfers from composers to singers. Mode and scale also remained constant, and the few discrepancies in concordances were attributable to the extension in degree of microtonal alterations in the former, and melodic extensions in the latter. My aim in looking at composer contribution, then, was to tease out generational, gender, family, and individual contributions to amposer style using interval content, melodic contour, mode. and scale as parameters. The repertoire had a consistent intervallic make-up. Descending intervals outnumbered ascending, and the tendency in songs was to ascend in larger leaps and descend in smaller intervals. Ascending intenrals were infrequently larger than a P5 (+8) intervals, while descending intervals larger than a P4(-6) were even more rare. The upward leap often took the melody to the upper extreme of the register, and the smaller intewals filled in the descent to the area around the tonal centre. The most common intervals in the repertoire were major Znds, both ascending and descending (+3 and -3), a fact which can partly be explained by the often stepwise alternation in chant sections and the predominance of conjunct movement Overall melodic movement as measured by the number of changes in pitch level varied among composers, with most songs being in a range of 20 to 29 intervals. Early composers tended to have somewhat fewer, while prolific later composers showed more variability. When I compared compositions by generational level of the composer, a number of trends emerged indicating a change in composition norms over time, or at least a noticeable difference between songs of pre- and postantact composers. Songs of the very earliest generation differed from later songs in overall interval composition, as shown by the mutual information analysis results. These songs were most similar in modal composition too, mostly mode II, analogous to the A and E modes of Kolinski. And finally, the oldest songs were more likely to be microtonally inflected: this was maintained in all performances of concordances in the case of Kutsiutikku t and Niaqunuaq.
B. Singers and song style Singers seemed to change little as far as vocal style was concerned, but more so in the areas of ornament-like melodic figures, microtones, and text. Vocally, there was - and is today - an accepted style of delivery, a vibrato-less, open sound in the tenor range, delivered with ample breath support, with vocal lines that require significant capacity and control. The actual sound varied with the gender and age of the singers, but there appeared to be no attempt at imitation of the sound of tfre teacher or, in the few cases where I had recordings, of the composer. The test of this last point was convincing since the composer in question sang in a very distinctive high, forced tenor', which was in no way imitated by a later singer. It seems, then, that vocal delivery is quite fme within the established technical norms. Melodic figurations were not nearly so easily explained. The range of the drop glissando2was quite consistent in a given singer though it sometimes changed between verses or in different performances. When a singer broke off singing because of laughter or coughing, the glissando was used to re-start the line, whether from the beginning or partway through; the figuration there has a role in re-establishing song flow. Other types of figurations in the body of the songs were remarkably similar within singer repertoires, but varied unpredictably outside that limit. Interestingly, placement of these figures in concordances was often retained, even if the execution was different; this suggests that their position is either a composefs contribution, or that there are conventions in the repertoire as to placement3 Ornament-like figures of some singers, however, bore an uncanny resemblance to those of others. A consideration of teachers suggested that the melodic style was passed on, to some extent, with the song itsetf. The most similar treatments of melodic figures belonged to siblings, mother and daughter, and in one case, husband and wife. Microtonal notes gave cunflicting patterns as well. There was a repertoirewide preference for particular inflections: the raising of the *leading-tone" regardless of intewal, and the compression of intervals pointed out by Cavanagh (1982) and postulated as having a motivic function. These were not always camed through in concordances, however, and so appear to depend on the memory andor the indination of the singer to include them. Again, the teachinglleaming situation appeared to have a role, though less clear-cut than in the case of melodic 'ornaments". Although this study did not deal in detail with text, the songs exhibited textual variations that were hard to ignore. One was the change in breath position among concordances, and the puzzling division of words between the end of one line and the beginning of the next A linguist of lnuktitut4 raised the intriguing possibility that the words might not really be emically divided. In other words, the meanings of the word segments might be complete in the segment left with each 'sentence'. More exciting yet is the possibility that actual word alterations in concordances might be due to contextual information canied in the words. For example, words sung by a daughter of the composer might have different endings or infixes from the composefs own words because she is singing from a different viewpoint. 7his information raises a number of questions about texts, unfortunately beyond the scope of this thesis.
C. Memory This section deals with the purely musical and textual aspects of memory. The text length and slowness of delivery of the drum songs of this region makes it unlikely that simple effort of memory allows the high level of recalf observed in singers in the collections. It appears that vocables have a role in memo$, as do certain melodic signals that I observed in many of the songs. I also raise the possibility that the initial Yooling around* with parts of the refrain melody at the start of many songs is actually a way of localizing the notes immediately around the tonal centre, and hence establishing the mode along the tines of my previous discussion in Chapter 2. And finally, it may be argued that the way singers correct mistakes is an indication of what elements situate words and melody in their memory. Vocables appear to be 'place-keepers*, allowing the singer to vary the length of text-bearing melodic segments as needed to accommodate words of different verses. fhey allow minor memory lapses to come out right melodically, and probably facilitate simultaneous arrival of text and music at particular points. In another position, the incipit aja drop glissandi often are Yonal" in relationship to the scale of the songs, and may themselves help to establish and maintain the modal sense. Text-music intersections themselves may act mnemonically. It is probable also, though unverified by informants, that the frequent melodic irregularities or particular motifs occumng shortly before the refrain6 may be mapped on to text - and vice versa - as points of reference. This is more likely yet when it is remembered that music and text are taught and learned together, line by line. Variations in placement of intersections of motifs and vocable bits among verses may aid memory as wen, since it was observed in some concordances that similar alterations occurred in the same verses in different versions. 'Mistakes' in singing could be divided into two types, text lapses and interval lapses. The melody as an entity was never forgotten, a fact which points to the dependence of melody on text. Moreover, the only time melody was used to remember text was in the one case mentioned in Chapter 3.II.E.iii., where vocables and melody were sung quickly before a song was started in order to remind the singefs husband which sung it was. Text lapses, the most frequent occurrence (though by no means common) usually meant that the singer would re-sing the verse. On occasion, the singer sang the entire song again. There was never a humming of the melody to remember text, or an attempt to remember text alone; they were indivisible. Attempts at remembering consisted entirely of singing parts of songs with both components. Memory, then, appears to encompass both text and melody, even in emergencies. Interval lapses were more rare and usually correded in the course of singing. Normally this was done in one of two ways. Sometimes the subsequent intenrals were maintained "tonally" so that the whole song was adjusted up or down in pitch. Alternatively, a later interval was adjusted to compensate for the first change, usually near the beginning of the song while the starting pitches were recalled. Occasionally, the alteration was simply ignored and the next verse was fine. Even in light of the speculation in this sed'on, the use of mnemonic devices seems to be a very individual matter. Probably the most significant feature was the indivisibility of melody and text for the singers, and the use of large textuaVmusical units for recall. Ill. Transmission
A. Song transmission - Traditional and postcentralization Most of the song affiliations traced in this study were first established in the pre- contact and early contad periods. Thus, in some ways, differentiation of ties based on traditional pradices and post-centralization changes is an artificial division - the lives of singers in PelIy Bay have straddled vastly different worlds. Current practices appear to be cantinuations of past practices, especially when they involve the same people. Opportunities have changed, though, and the differences show up in leaming styles, most tellingly in the fad that few young people either sing or compose songs at the present time. Song transmission in precontact and early contact times reflected, first and foremost, particular direct kinship ties. Secondarily, transmission maintained affinal ties established by marriage. And finally, partnership and namesake ties were maintained, the latter having a long-term component, while the former had an immediate situational component The fact that so many singers knew and performed songs of their parents, grandparents, and great-grandparents underscores the importance of direct learning within the family, whether or not the original composers were still living. Within that general predominance of direct intra-family transmission, individual situations defined exactly who was involved. For example, an adoptive parent's song was learned by a son or, more rarely, a birth parent's song might be learned in an adoptive situation if the arrangement involved dose contact with both those parents. Leaming a sibling's or uncle's song paralleled restricted ilagiit arrangements in hunting or habitation that were ongoing or recurring over a number of years. Alternatively, it could reflect a temporary arrangement due to special circumstances in the family. Learning the song of a male relative seems to have had four fundions in traditional and early contact times. First and foremost in the past, it provided a female singer or singers for the important community drum dances, especially important in the performance of the personal song of a married man. Next, it was a gesture of respect and remembrance by either sex of the male refative. Thirdly, it contained real documentary information and oral history. And finally - as shown by the distinct transmission patterns, it reinforced and reflected important kin and fictive kin ties. On the other hand, the leaming of a mothets or grandmothefs song by a woman appears to have been a special case. Besides a large element of respect and love, there seems to have been an emotional situational component, and a real desire to pass on the personal and family information contained in women's songs. The fact that one singer felt her song could not be sung publicly until the family could no longer be hurt by the content attests to the nature of the information contained therein. Another singer's profound regret that she had learned only one of her mothets three songs gives some idea of its value. Centralization changed some aspects of the transmission process. The circle of person-to-person consanguineous transmission became smaller as families moved to separate, permanent houses. The singing together in task-related socializing disappeared with the individualization of communal household tasks such as sewing and butchering, and the grouping changes resulting from the individualization of hunting. Cross-generation leaming in the family today happens where grandmothers sing to children as they care for them while the parents work, or as a deliberate teaching process between elderly and younger relatives either at home, or to unrelated students in school. The transmission of men's songs to their wives in the past was direct, perhaps facilitated by the mother-in-law. This process probably has not changed all that much except in frequency, since again the opportunities for performance and the need for leaming have certainly diminished. And of course. with composition less frequent among young men, there are simply fewer songs to transmit. Extended affinal transmission has changed, however. The tradition of patrilocal residence has disappeared with the changing economic base, and with it the transmission of the husband's family's songs, especially those of the father-in-law. Since the avoidance relationship between daughter-in-law and father-in-law has survived, any leaming by the wife has to be a deliberate attempt on the part of husband or mother-in- law to teach her Ute songs. Interestingly, younger women I met had learned some of their affinal male relatives' songs, though they were reluctant to sing since they were 'still learning" them. This last may be part of the general reluctance of younger people to sing, but I feel it is more related to their lack of confidence in their knowledge of the songs. The functional aspects of drum-duel songs, including their reinforcement of the idlonit ties, have all but disappeared. According to one informant, drum duel songs were generally not used in drum dances aside from the song duel situation. However, song- duel drum songs are still sung and enjoyed immensely by listeners, and it appears that a significant number of the otder recorded drum songs were used in song duels. The literature is scant on precontact drum duels, but I found a number of designated examples of Netsilik drum duel songs in older collections, and Cavanagh (1982) notes a number of songs in her collection which were used in drum duels. There appear to have been both personal songs and more ad hoc compositions used, and both these types can be found in collections. I found no evidence of recent use or composition of songs reinforcing this type of fictive kin relationship, nor do I have evidence that these duel songs are actually used in drum dances. Namesake songs are another matter, however. One younger informant who did not sing for me stated that the song she was 'learning" was that of the grandfather of her husband, for whom her husband was named. This is the same song that her mother-in- law had said was taught to her by her father, so that her unborn child, (now the informant's husband), could carry that name. So although I found no evidence of 'new namesake songs later than those found by Cavanagh (7982) in the 1970s, the names are being camed on along with these existing songs of the namegiver. Naming is still an important link between individuals and generations all across the Arctic, and song transmission may well find one of its most enduring functions in that process. Institutionally, both performance occasions and formal leaming situations are limited. Without regular drum dances, public performance is no longer an incentive - or pat of the learning amtext - for transmission. Furthermore, lengthy and frequent associations among related older and younger hunters are much diminished by school attendance, and of course by changing interests of young people of both sexes. Song classes and drum dancing in the school is received well, as mentioned earlier, by young drum-dancers of both sexes, but less well by young female singers. Without the leaming context for these complex songs, the activity has become a heritage symbol and source of pride, but without the musicaUtextuaI underpinnings that assure its survival. IV. What drum songs are - Informants' views
Singerfinformants and interpreters provided a wealth of contextual information about the meaning of drum songs to composers, to singers themselves, and to their families. It was provided in the preamble to my recording of songs, in explanations of song texts, and in lengthy responses to my questions. Often, too, singers attempted to clarify misconceptions that I had articulated in my queries. This study would be incomplete without the inclusion of such material, and so I have used a selection of comments to illustrate points in the discussion. Songs meant different things to different people. The information can be viewed from two perspectives: what mrnposers were trying to do in the songs, and the value that songs had for singers and other kin of the composers.
A. Meaning of songs for composers From the mmposers' perspective, songs appear to have been most concerned with detailing personal experience in geographical context. The role of personal experience in songs is self-evident, and its evaluation beyond the scope of this study. Loneliness, happiness, and sadness were stated reasons for composition and performance. The namesake function of songs detailed earlier has bearing on this discussion, while the geographical component bears mention since it is ubiquitous in the repertoire and was specifically addressed by informants. The introductions to some of the songs gave an idea of what prompted their composition. Cavanagh (1982) pointed out the equating of silence with loneliness and solitude, and this was shown in several commentaries by singers:
"He was out there all alone, so he started singing all to himself so he could feel not alone, like he would be with somebody else when he started singing, that he's been waiting there for a really long time (at the seal hole)." ( S.)
The first part is there was no song in the igloo, like, no more noise, him and his wife alone they were being, like bored or something like that, so he started singing that song so he won't have anything to wony about, he start trying to sing that song." ( S.) The implication here is partly that the sound diminished the loneliness, but'singing" and 'making up songs' is often equated in the intenriews so there may be a compositional intent here as well. Happiness and sadness, though often tied in songs to the experiences recounted, were most often mentioned by singers as an element of the context of drum dances and song contests.
Those songs, the ones they made sometimes, are happy songs, sometime are sad songs, not sad songs, but like this person made a song about this man, and they want to pay back, that's how they make songs too, like, being against each other... . When they sing that, when they win, this winner always be really happy. When this guy lose, he get really, really mad." (I.N.)
The first part he sang is when people meet from other places that they never meet before, they always like wrestling or something, they punch by their head and they drum dance and be happy .... ldloriit means when they're happy to see each other, another meaning of that word." (A,)
'Sometimes too they make songs when they're happy too, happy songs, not when they have so much stress or going to lots of things wrong or being unhappy about somebody, they don't always, they make happy songs too." (T.)
Happiness was mentioned as part of the drum dancets response too. In answer to my question about why dancers shouted at certain points in the dance, one singer said that it was done to emphasize important words. Another said it was the dancets happiness welling up, and that he felt happier at certain points in the song and responded by crying out The composer as the first dancer of the song would be the first to do this. I have no idea whether there is any consistency in later performances by non-composers. Namesake songs, as mentioned, were made up with the stated purpose of choosing the sex for the unborn child:
'She was pregnant with her oldest son, his name is.She wanted, he wanted, N. wanted a name from her daughter, that's her, she was pregnant and he wanted a name from his daughter, so he made the song.. .. Like, when they wanted to be named after somebody they'll make up a song so they could be a boy.... She doesn't understand how it works, but her dad did itn(T.) (Note that the naming process was expressed as the namegiver from the namesake. I interpreted this simply as a peculiarity of expression in the translation, though it may have a deeper meaning in the belief in the common identity of namegiver and namesake.)
'She said that these two must have really strong minds 'cause they made up the song and they wanted these kids to be boys and they ended up being boys." (T.) (Commenting on a second case as well, where the namegiver was female and the recipient male.)
The responsibility of raising the namesake to be the image of the namegiver was taken very seriously, as Qarmatsiaq's song indicated in an earlier chapter (Chapter 3.11.0). For her, the song was a means of expressing her concern, and probably reiterating for the community the relationship of her son to her father. Also taken seriously was the responsibility of teaming and singing the namegivets song, and this was a directive from the composerfnamegiver, not simply a convention:
"He gived that song for her to learn it, so she learned it from him... . That song is made for,her son,so he teach her how to sing it, so she leamed it for her son, so when he was small, she leamed it." (S.A.)
When this singer was asked whether she was supposed to teach it to her son, the namesake, she replied 'No". The son was born after 1970, so the practice is quite recent in this case. The geographical component in song composition is striking in its pervasiveness as names and landscape details in the text. Relevant to this discussion is the intentional placement of these details in songs as landscape memories. It was fully expected by composers that songs would be passed to close kin, and such details formed part of the knodedge that was passed to selected people. This knowledge allowed those 'in the know" to hunt, and effectively created territories bounded by family members and name holders, plus the few ficti-ve kin that were included by virtue of the knowledge of the songs. Some of the singers alluded to the song's role in preserving memory of places for composers:
When he was start walking up, he went to three places like, he named three places so he would know which way he's going, so he won't forget the way back home.' (S.)
'Most about the lands. Mostly about the land that they talk about Like places, land's got all kinds of names in them, and when they say that land's name they would know where to go to get fwd.' (S.A.)
"They always used to say that if you going to make up a song you have to picture this place or that they've been to, and they don't have to think of the words they use, it's just a song that they just start singing by themselves, just an ordinary ... . The words they use is what they used to be. The words they used to do and they start thinking about it and they use the words.' (L.)
'If I've been in that place I sing about it and if I see this person catch something I sing about it." (I)
Irony is applied to extremely important issues in Netsilik songs, and the following underscores in an ironic way the importance of having places to name in one's compositions:
"The first part is, how do I say it, somebody took his, no, most of the peoples already got their own song, and he doesn't have his own .... And the thing, the names and places he was going to say, somebody took them already. All they left him was a little rabbit to say that, to say the animal, the places names, all they left him was a little rabbit to say, through the song he was going to make... they already took it away from him what he was going to sing, and the only thing they left him was to say the rabbit's name, or the rabbit, to say a rabbit" (I.) Finally, composers expected songs to be passed on, and to confer a sort of immortality on themselves and their experiences.
The reason, the words he mentioned is he won't get any younger, he made that song and he's getting old. .. . So he wanted to pass that song, to generations.. ..He was saying that all the songs that they sing they want them - like anybody - to learn, like their daughter, son, or daughter-in-laws, they try to teach them, so they could pick it up in a long time from now.' (A., a singer and a composer)
B. Meaning of songs for singers Songs sung privately and publicly called up memories that informants described as being particularly vivid. Performing and hearing songs made people happy, and there were ways of showing this in several performance contexts. And there was a perceived supernatural component in the receiving and singing of certain songs, and these connections had great value for the singers. Memories were of two broad types: those of situations and people, and those having direct application to the lives of informants. The first enampassed geographical knowledge as well as sensations of place, often with elements both of respect and remembrance for the composers. The second type allowed people, usually women, to use the experiences of the past to make sense of their own situations. Several informants articulated the songs' ability to recreate the scene through the eyes of the amposer:
'She always remembers the persons that sings, and the places, the places in the song that are mentioned, she could just picture them. And when they mention about food they catch, like caribou and polar bear, and when they mention about them working on ern she could just see them, like eating them (Laughter). And she remembers the past what the song is about too, even though it is not going to happen again she could just see them. what's going on, and she always thinks that it's going to happen again like what happened before.' (L)
'They're understanding about the TVs when those singers start sing, and when they sing they always start showing on the TV, the singers, it's just the same as those songs.... When this person sings and they always showing stuff they see, but that's how they use the land and the wards of these songs." (L.)
That's like she was telling me - like when somebody's singing the song, that she told us the other day - like we go to that one place, like we're there. 1 got this videotape of my in-laws and they said the same thing too.' (T., as repeated by the interpreter.)
'Like when she starts singing 's song, and she starts singing the words, in her mind she's seeing things the way he used to do, it really comes up, and she really could make a drawing about how it is, those really come up in her mind and can see things the way it used to happen in the same song. Like that song, if there's a video camera, she may even have to act the way the person used to do. There's a video camera, she can follow every little words that the person write the song, and she can follow where he even goes, like different lands." (M., interpreted by a relative, a young man.)
'Even when this man's gone long ago, his songs really, you could still see their songs." (A.)
There were many references to songs being like drawings or videos, and singers made gestures as they described the physical feeling of being in the song settings. I took these as a demonstration of just how vivid were those recollections, and how songs transpoRed singers into re-created settings rather than just representing the composers' stories. Composers' experiences were raised as being relevant to singers' and listeners' lives:
'Like he's always hearing some other peoples songs, like other peoples' songs and his songs, when he start hearing them, they always (3) words, like it means a lot of things ... and when you start hearing those songs it makes you really - really feel - how you say, make you a really big person, make you think more about what happened those days before.' (A., singer and composer.) "It really means something, like when you remember what's going on in that song, it makes you want to think more, about the past, those days, those songs really mean something.' (A., singer and composer.)
Women's songs were especially relevant to their female descendants both as remembrances and inspiration. The fact that one singer would not finish amposing her song until her children were old enough to understand and not be hurt by its contents illustrates how seriously songs were taken by the famiiy. The following are some comments about song relevance to current lives.
'I think that song is said for me! .... These songs that I just sang, Wich my mother taught me, give me lots of strength and power to stand for myself." (T.)
"The song's meaning is like, it's part of your life, and you can see what's going on in the song and you could learn from it too, just by hearing it, you could learn a lot from the song, just by listening to that song, what it means." (S.)
One of the most fascinating aspects of singers' attitudes to songs was their sense of the supernatural in songs. Most often this arose in conjunction with namesake songs, although magic was also implied in songs about shamans and where dreams were associated with places.
"The last part of it is, his dad was telling a story. While he was dragging his dog to go polar bear hunting... somehow I guess the dog got loose and the polar bear came over and attacked him and then he was trying to nm away and I guess he fell so he got scratched by the bum somewhere, a scratch, and I guess the polar bear got one of his nerves and he started bleeding to death, I guess he'll never forget that time so he put that in his song and the only way he got back alive is with the shaman. The shaman put him back alive. That's why her son, my husband's got that polar bear scar since he was born. When he was born from his mom and he's got this scar on his back and his mom said when he was born he was bleeding on the back, so the mom and the grandpa looked for it, and he had a scar cause he's named after that same man." (T.) 'And when he fell asleep, he dreamt about this place he was supposed, where he's going, and there might be nothing or there might be an animal, the place he dreamt about.... When he dreamt about this place, he had to go to that place, even though there's nothing there.' (I.N.) (Speaking about the text of a song.)
The other part is, one day when he saw a caribou, he started running, and he didn't saw a little, kind of big rock, a rack, and he fell over it and he was with somebody that time, and he said this other man is, he had a shaman too, and he find out that he had a shaman, and he said it's from that man that he fall, he didn't saw that rock. He fall and he hurt his knee. In those days the shamans are good shamans, bad shamans, some of them are, could see peoples just by watching if they're sick or not, just by watching a person right through their body, he could notice if this person is sick, just by watching it If this person is a shaman or if they know that this person is a shaman, it's just this person, they sing about it or he could sing about it, it's just normal, anybody could sing about it. If there's a shaman he will say, if this man is a shaman he won't say in those words in that song that he's a shaman, but in other words he can say it, like different words that he could mention a shaman, like he won't directly say that it's a shaman in that song. He just could mention it and they would know it's a shaman.' (I .N.)
Discussion of songs with elders very often led to discussion of other supernatural elements, whether about a singer almost becoming a shaman, the use of amulets, or strange occurrences during hunting trips. This was often not connected to anything in the songs, but seemed naturally to follow from the discussions. Whether there was an association of shamanism with early days - and most of the songs in the study were early - or whether there is an explicit link for these singers is not dear. Singers, then, were not passive performers of composers' songs. Rather, they were adve participants in the retransmission of the information, besides taking from the songs what was personally useful for their lives. They were aware of the necessity of their role as agents of transmission for certain composers' songs, and knew what the songs contained. They were also aware of the larger picture of survival and the role of magic in the songs, and appreciated the commonality between the experiences of these composers and themselves. V. Modernization and its effects on drum songs and their transmission
A. Oral and nonoral leaming styles The shift from oral to Mitten culture has only partially occurred in Pelly Bay, partly bemuse of the generational disparity in knowledge of lnuktitut and English. Another factor is a difference in the principles of writing are in the two languages: whereas English for the most part has rule-bound written practices, the syllabics system uses individual symbols to represent combinations of consonants and vowels and tends only to approximate words. Transliteration from lnuktitut words to syllabic script is not exact, and for this reason the system can encompass in written form the various lnuktitut dialects across the Arac. For older people especially, (and many of them additionally write in a simpler style of syllabics), written language is a way of representing what they already know. For them, a verbal representation may be painstakingly detailed or simply a suggestion of an idea, depending on the knowledge of the listener. The principle applies in the transfer from spoken word to written syllabics as well - a fundamental difference from using written words to explain or pass on literal information, as younger lnuit do best with English. This difference became evident to me when syllabic text transcriptions written by some of the elders were virtually untranslatable by younger informants: they no longer had the experiential background to make the leap from approximate symbol to idea, without first knowing the exact word. It is also obvious in the truncated nature of many InuktiM words in song texts, and the disjointed translations. Words are meant to suggest what is already known. Since the songs came out of the experience of the singers and composers, and vividly recalled the composer's personal situation, no amount of evocation in the language of the new literate culture can recreate that feeling. That limits the relevance of the songs in today's society, and even limits appreciation of the meanings. Moreover, the close association of text and music needed to learn these long and complex songs relies on an understanding of text, and a facility for memorization that is no longer present in lnuit youth. Elders teaching the songs recognize the problem, but must teach orally just as they themselves had learned. When the nature of oral leaming is combined with a paucity of learning opportunities, the task of transmitting these songs becomes tricky indeed. There are several possibilities in the future. Ironically, even now, the formerly universal drum song genre itself can be considered an elite or 'learned" form, with the number of its practitioners diminishing as time goes on. It may be that transmission will be sporadic and performance limited to fewer, well-known songs, and so the repertoire will become smaller. Verses may be lost in general performance, though they might still be available in written or recorded form. Alternatively, the simpler songs will be transmitted - the tuneful, faster, short strophes of the Aivilik style of song, or the animal songs, children's songs, and various genres of game songs. The use of tapes as teaching tools appears to be increasing, at least to the extent that they are used as a storage and exchange medium. They are of limited use to students, for reasons discussed earlier, though they are a useful resource for schools. They also serve to augment or replace live singers in drum dance occasions, though not as a first choice.
B. Media and media exposure, acculturation and overlap Traditional music makes up only a small part of the music in the community, though in private performance the proportion may get somewhat higher with the increasing age of residents. The remainder is a mix of country music, various kinds of dance music, and recorded and live local rock and pop. Television is a pervasive influence on everyone, since programmes in both lnuktitut and English are produced. The local radio station offsets this somewhat with its decidedly local programming and occasional broadcasts of traditional music for the elders. Currently there is a revival of the songs and stories relating the exploits of Kiviuq, a beloved character of Arctic-wide legend. It is associated with a puppet play that has been done as a heritage project, complete with hand-made marionettes wearing costumes of traditional materials. Though the project is suffering for lack of stable funding it has nevertheless done much to revive interest in the song and story genre. in this musical case of the drum songs, as in the story songs, the songs have been revived intact The lack of overlap of traditional and modem genres mentioned by Cavanagh (1982) continues, with only minor attempts to add accompaniment to drum songs or to use them in popular music. It is likely that the opposition to ttris practice as expressed by my informants is quite widespread. Some performers in other areas of the Arctic - notably Susan Aglukark - have included ayaya choruses in popular songs. Interestingly, even in these cases, the mode of the chorus is almost always anhematonic pentatonic, a conscious OF un~~nsciousnod to its origins. Homogenization of drum song styles across the Ardic has not really happened. I expect, however, that as Inuit society becomes less regionalized - pertraps a slower process in Pelly Bay - more accessible styles of drum songs will increasingly be seen as representative of more generalized eastern and western Arctic styles. Drum dances themselves are much less frequent as regular occasions, but as parts of larger celebrations and demonstrations they are again becoming surprisingly more frequent Even in Pelly Bay, the most likely occasion for a full-blown drum dance was the arrival in the community of an important visitor (not an etfinomusicologist, though there was talk of holding one when I was there), or a group of tourists. Drum dancing as part of regional and national competitions is common, and there are people who specialize in knowing and performing songs and drum dancing. Interestingly, the home style of the drummerlsinger is maintained; one of the well-known Netsilik drum dance families lives and works out of Cambridge Bay. Despite media exposure and changing tastes in music, traditional music genres in Pelly Bay have retained their unique styles, suffering only in the lack of opportunities for their use and performance. In some ways such genre segregation might work to the detriment of traditional music, since music which exists only as an archive tends to fade from general consciousness. The final sectron in this chapter attempts to address this issue.
C. Heritage and the Nunavut Factor The heritage value of traditional music lies in three areas: its function within present culture, its value as an expression of culture or reminiscence of past culture, and its monetary value as a commodity in the present. All of these factors are operative in the Nunavut reality, and actually bode well for the sumival of the drum song in some form. Much of the previous discussion has dealt in some way with the function of drum songs in the past, and how some of those functions, though changed, survive today. Older and middle-aged members of the family whose songs form the basis of this study were proud of their song tradition. They saw the tradition as essential in various ways, albeit peripherally, to their current lives, in issues such as naming, respect for elders, and knowledge about their ancestors. Informants under 40 viewed it as part of the elders' tradition, to be maintained as the elders themselves were physically maintained as members of the group. Family members under 25 were not interviewed, though they seemed generally peripheral to the tradition, except for one who interpreted for me at the insistence of a related singer, and those who were students in the classes I detailed earlier. So although definable fundions in present-day Pelly Bay society are limited, the principle that the songs should exist is not in question, except perttaps by omission among young people. The influence of the songs as a reminiscence of the past and an expression of identity is powerful. Hunting skills are still highly valued by young men, and stories and traditions associated with these activities are valued as well. Hunting excursions are favoun'tes among students, and part of the exercise is often the recounting of stories and songs in the evenings. Hunting is still such a common activity that it is unlikely that the principle of drum songs as personal tales of hunting events will be forgotten. However, without the occasions for women to pass these on, or an alternate means of transmission, it is unlikely that many songs will survive in the public repertoire, nor even perhaps in the family one. Repatriation of songs was a responsibility that I took very seriously. In fad, I believe that part of the reason people were so willing to sing was that I offered to do my best to return copies of whatever relevant tapes I could find in the archives in Ottawa. This was especially important because much of the earlier material, including tapes left for the community by Cavanagh, had simply disappeared, probably casualties of the vast changes that have happened in Pelly Bay in the last several decades. Tapes of early singers are greatly valued by their relatives. This material, now housed in the school, is a source of information in a form that still maintains the oral nature of traditional history, as well as being a resource to those who just want songs to perform. Economic value is probably the best hope for the drum song, though it is not without pitfalls. In a small way, my presence as a paying ethnomusicologist induced monetary value in the songs of this family, and by association in the songs of others as well. Visiting Japanese anthropologists have done the same, and indeed there were comparisons made as to how much different individuals were willing to pay. I think it likely that certain songs will be learned specifically to be available whenever the occasion arises. The question arises whether songs preserved for this reason will be representative in any way of the repertoire as a whole. It is probable that the songs preserved in this way will be the most tuneful ones by modem standards, and the easiest ones to learn and remember textually. Economic value, however, also reinforces the community sense of the value of drum songs as tourist and festival competition commodities, and even as sources of music for other performance venues in Nunavut. Whether those aspirations will be realized depends on the political realities which develop over time in the tem'tory; certainly money for heritage preservation and performance will rank far below solutions to other social and economic problems, at least in the near future. VI. Conclusion
The study described here is both ethnographic and musicological, and both areas comprise synchronic and diachronic views of the repertoire. The ethnographic component is synchronic in its view of transmission as a collated series of time-lapse snapshots of transmission patterns for songs during and beyond the lifetimes of their composers. Diachronically, it explores individual and socio-cultural forces directing transmission at different stages. And it combines both timelessness and time in its investigation of what the songs mean to singers themselves. The musical component of the study tries to differentiate between unchanging elements in the musical snapshots provided by the composers in the songs, and the reality of what happens to songs as they are sung over a period of 150 years. It could be argued that the transmission patterns of these songs tell us more about the past than the present. Yet a conversation between a stranger and a Pelly Bay townsperson inevitably begins with an explanation of who is related to whom and perhaps where the name originated, who lives where, and which children belong to - or were adopted by - whom. The relationships highlighted in the transmission diagrams still form the basis of the town's social structure, though largely maintained by different means. Loss of the music does not mean the end of entitlement to information along those channels; it just means different kinds of information and different methods of maintenance. But to those who composed and sing songs, transmission is still important in such maintenance. Where teaching is impossible, tape preservation is the fallback. The socio-cultural forces certainly have changed, however. No longer do song transmission and knowledge overtly reinforce kin ties, except perhaps among elders and middle-aged residents who are actually involved in learning and teaching the songs. Namesakes are still an important component of identity - each birth in the community raises the issue - but it is unclear from my investigation to what extent these are still reinforced by song transmission. Namesakes know the origins of their names, and young adults may well dance to songs memorializing these individuals, but opportunities for this are rare in contemporary life. The kinds of contact within families have changed, but there are retrospective elements. Young women very often work outside the home while elders take full-time care of babies and toddlers - and we have seen the importance of drum songs as lullabies. Unmarried teenage mothers do not necessarily leave the home, and their own children become part of this circle; matrilocal residency gains a new meaning in this context. Wmout the separation enforced by residential schooling, even older children spend a significant part of their early life with elders. This contact, along with the school's reinforcement of the value of traditional lifeways, may allow drum songs and their kinship connotations to be preserved to some extent, or at least reborn in a manner relevant to the changing way of life. Songs, as pointed out, grew out of a society where oral expression dominated. Literate versus non-litemte conceptions of ideas and teaming were explored earfier in the discussion section, but it is important to reiterate here that many of the common song composition situations still occur. A hunting event or family situation may be experienced and expressed differently by a literate young person, but it is consistent within the realm of knowledge of hisher literate generation. More importantly, it has elements in common even with hislher non-literate forerunners' experience. The commonality provides the crucial link, regardless of whether the situation is recalled as a fragment of sensory experience or a remembered scene of animals heaped on a komatik behind a snowmobile. So although long drum songs may not be the chief medium of preservation of experience, and although elders may express frustration that youngsters' memory capabilities are inferior, it may well be that some songs will be kept in some form as memories of those common experiences. Any value placed on IYraditionalnarts can only work in favour of the longevity of the genre. Musically, this study underlined the melodic consistency of songs even though text was articulated as the main thing being transmitted. This showed up in varying degrees as generational, gender, and composer characteristics with respect to interval make-up, incipit direction, presence of rnicrotones, position of metodic figurations, and mode. Generationally, mode, interval make-up, and pitch alteration were most unique in the earliest composed songs, and this I think is accentuated by a homogenization of composer styles in the period of eartiest centralization, generation Ill. The presence of similar microtonal pitches even in later concordances shows that these survived through several generations of singers. This lends credence to the idea that full immersion in old style music culture is not necessary for a kind of 'birnusicality" to be maintained, though Wether the latter can be achieved without immersion at some stage is debatable. Generalizations with respect to gender are more problematic because of the small sample size and limited transmission opportunities. There is, however, such a thing as idenw~ablestyles for individual composers in drum songs. These styles indude incipit direction, 'ornament" placement and, though I did not quantify these, motivic similarities. It appears that compositional style can also be influenced by exposure - siblings showed some intervallic similarity - but this trend was not found to be strong. There is some evidence from my findings that the concept of mode and scale are more different from each other, at least in this repertoire, than is commonly accepted. A linearly or phras&structured music uses scale as an intrinsic element of a particutar song. I think of Inuit drum songs as 'clustered" music bemuse so much of the activity occurs around the tonal centre. Mode and scale I deem more or less identical on first conception around the tonal centre; in the larger picture, "scale" as a song characteristic is really an outward extension determined by motivic, vocal, or textual demands, again all within accepted norms. This explains extensions to range and additions of semitones that occasionally oarin concordances in my repertoire, and may also have relevance to how songs are remembered in practice. Diachronically, the musical findings in this study involve changes effected by singers. Singers did not acknowledge or recognize these changes, though it was admitted that text was sometimes changed by mistake. The identity of a teacher, when known, was found to influence substantially a singets style, though when recognized from the singer perspective it appears, not surprisingly, to have involved only textual issues. ornamentation quantity and execution, vocal inflection, and to some degree use of microtones were all singer-specific. Execution of songs, then, appears to be an individual matter within surprisingly durable norms of song delivery. Anything within these norms is not deemed by singers as alteration, independently quantifiable or not Finally, there was a perception communicated to me by singers that these songs are symbolically important beyond their kinshipreinfotcing functions. Perhaps the true durability of the genre consists in this: that even if the functionality changes, the song as symbol retains its power in representing something that is needed in this developing society. That need today appears to have something to do with continuity - and that is not so much different from what the drum song represented in the past 1 The vocal style in this case was strikingly similar to recently recorded examples of Siberian shaman magic songs which I heard in a presentation by Kira Van Deusen at The Third Mount Allison Folklore Symposium, March 11, 2000, at Sackville, NB. Since the individual in my study was a shaman, it is possible to speculate that his vocal style was related to his occupation.
The drop glissando is the common initial ornament for songs and lines, with an abrupt descent often to an unpitched note, and an immediate ascent.
' Cavanagh (1 982) points out a padicular vocal 'wiggle' that occurred near the refrain cadence of many songs. that she had originally dismissed as a pitch uncertainty.
'~r.Peter Denny at University of Western Ontario (personal communication, January, 2000) raised these issues in response to my puzzlement both about biseded and attered lnuktitut words.
Cavanagh (1982) noticed that singers used vocables to gain time while they tried to think of words. kavanagh (1982) touched on this point in her diagram of the 'lypicalm drum song. where the highest or lowest point in the melody typically occurs shortly before the refrain. Glossary angakok Shaman avaq (pl. avaat) Namesake idloq, idlonit 'Song cousin', song partner, joking partner. In the past, usually somebody from a different community. Partnership was a fictive kin tie, reinforced through song exchange.
An individual's complete circle of kin
A functional circle of kin
Person having reason; an adult; person who thinks for the others inuk (pl. inuit) Person inukshuk Man-shaped arrangement of rocks, common across the Arctic
'Throat games" or 'Yhroat singingn. Vocal games, characterized by interlocking of fragments of voiced and unvoiced vocables in a regular, alternating series. Usually two singers, sometimes one. komatik Sled pulled by snowmobile or dogs mumiqtuq 'Eskimo dancing". Pair or group stepdancing originally done to the accompaniment of whaling tunes, now to fiddle and accordion music pisiq (pi. pisiit) D~rnsong qablunaaq, qablunaat White person, or English speaking person
~aggiq Song igloo, constructed for large dnrm dance occasions qa qivak Leister. Long-handled fishing implement which simultaneousIy spears and traps fish. Used at saputit.
Transitional dwelling structure made of snow or ice with a skin roof
kayak
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TRANSCRIPTIONS OF THE UNIQUE SONGS OF THE EXTENDED FAMILY OF ALAKKANUAQ
Transcriptions of the 109 unique songs of the total collection are cuntained in this appendix, along with an abridged scale diagram for each. I have used my own transcriptions except in cases where the only versions of songs exist in another collection; in those cases I have reprinted the original transcriptions by the collector or transcriber. Those transcribed by Cavanagh (1982) have a "C" or "C-BAwin the collection number, while one of Leden's transcriptions (105L) is also included.
Svmbols used in transcriptions
scale pitch used only in ornament (0) scale pitch used rarely
tonal centre
scale pitch
scale pitch used as starting note
scaie pitch used as ending note m raised pitch t lowered pit& J, 1 b drop in pitch at the end of a note I ! I 4 7 I I ! , ' unaltered pitch in context of altered notes I Q I 1
I : unpitched or ambiguous note 7 I 21 src., ' I unpitched component in figure, in addition to any notated X ' unpitched notes
I mordent, or quick pitch movement and return to notated pitch 'V
glissando from one note to another \ ornamental glissando, curve shape approximates pitch movement -b I unpitched or pitched "a-hain ornament, notated immediateiy below -- staff
note somewhat longer than notated 4
note somewhat shorter than notated 4- // missing section at start of song, abrupt start, or pause in singing quick breath or break, not a phrase break 9
*Compoundwfeel to pulse; if metre is quite regular the symbol (') is added, and the sedion notated in compound notation where [I I feasible. False start of inaccurate section included for information { 1 purposes, but not used in analysis where occurs in quarter notes, denotes longer notes with separate J-- J ! audible pulses between syllables in a word, denotes syllable change in mid-note e (e.g. jai unai) Index to Drum Sonn Collection
No. Composer Sinaer Collector My ID
Alakkanuaq Arnapituaq. Marie Mary-Rouselitre
Ahkhnuaq Qarmatsiaq. Helene BaliM
Alakkanuaq Balikci
Ahkkanuaq Balikci
AlaManuaq Balilcci
Ahbnuaq Vascotto
Abkkanuaq Ca~nagh
Ahkkanuaq Mary-Rousteliere
Alakkanuaq Tunnuq. Martha vascotto
Alakkanuaq Vascotto
Alakkanuaq. Ovld~ Alakkanuaq, Ovidi Balikci
Anaqyap Qirngnuq, Jacob Cavanagh
Anguthgnungnq. Joseph Angulingnungnq, Joseph BdiW
Angutingnungnq. Jweph BJiW. Cavanagh
Ang Jngnungnq. Joseph Brliku. Cwanagn
Anguthgnungnq. Joseph v8-0
Angutagnungnq. Jose@ Angrrtmgnungnq. Jmph and Cwanagh Afuuqaljuaq. Siwna
Angutmgnungnq. Joseph Cavanagh
Aqu~juk Oogaq. FWen Cavanagh
Aqu~juk Cavanagh
Arnaptuaq, Mane Arnapiluaq. Mane Cavanagh Mary-Rowsdihe
Oogaq. FabIen Cavanagh
Tunuq, Martha c8vanagh
Tumuq, Martha Cavanagh mk.Mdanlt Ca~nagh
Ikh#dtoq, Sdomon Vascotfo
Oagaq. Fabien Baliku
Inuqsaq. Simon vascdto -
Armnauk, Louis Cavanagh
Cavanagh
CaMnagh
Amaqatjuaq, Stmeona Cavanagh
vasdto
vascotto
Iklnrjuitoq. Solomon VaKolto
Oogaq, Fabian Brliku
Qamtsiaq. Helene Baliku
Balikcl
Cavmrgh
Olmgnuq. Jacob 8dii
Siguk, Lucien Ca~nagh
Cavanaoh
Annrqal~q,Stmma Vucdto
Oogaq, Fabien Cavanagh
Tunnuq. Martha vascdto
Amapnuaq. Marie Cavanagh
Ikkupitoq. Sdomon VascoUo Balikd
BaIW
BaIikci
Balikci
Balilcci
Bawd
Mary-RousseGire
Oogaq. Fabien Cavanagh
Immingnaq. Lucie Vascalto
Angutingnungniq. Joseph, and Cavanagh Annaqatjuaq, Stmeona
AmNak, Melanie Cavanagh
Annaqaljuaq vasCo(l0
Iqquqaqtuq. Bernard Cavanagh
Oogaq, Fabien Balika. Cavanagh
1unnuq. Martha Cavanagh
AW~ vucmo
Cavanagh
vmo
VIIcdto
Ma ydorruelidre
Cavlnagh
Vuco(l0
Mary-RouucGdre
M8ry-RoussellCre
Muy-RousseUtre
Mary-Rouueli&re
Marydouvclitre Upllius Mary-Roussebdtt
NWaiw Mary4 ousseliOre
Niptaius Mary-Rousseli4re
Oogaq. Fabien Oogaq. Fabien Balikd. Cavanagh
Oogaq. Fabien Cavanagh
PQlak Allarnek Leden
Phlak Amapituaq. Marie Cavanagh
Pialak Mary-Roussetiire
Pialak Mary-RousseliCre
Pudluq Ikkululoq, Sdomon VascoCto
Pulqarup Qamatsiaq. Helene Cavanagh
Qannatriaq. Helene Balikct
Qarmalsiaq, Helene Balikci
Qayaqsaaq,Tirndhy Immngnaq, Lucic Vascotto
Qayaqsaaq, Timdhy Qayaqsaaq. Tlmdhy Ballkcl
Qayaqsaaq, firnothy Cavanagh
Qayaqsaaq. Timothy Cavanagh
Oayaqsaaq, Timdhy Camnagh
Qayaqsaaq, Timothy Vascotto
Qwquq,TwnoW v-0
Qimgnup. Jacob BdW
Qirrtgnuq. Jacob Ballkd
Sqguk, Luden Cavr~gh
Tlllenqtoq Bdilcci
Talenqtoq Ledcn
Talenqtoq Vascatto
tivm~ak Balikci. Cavanagh 1 1 C-BA 103 . Tmq.Martha Tu~uq.Madha Cavamgh lbX105
104. ~b(0ceasukuk Qimgnuq, Jacob Cavanagh 3blClll
105. UMunuaq AmapHuaq, Marie Mary-Rovssclilre 244M
106. UWnuaq barmatstaq. Helene Mary-RomseG&re 240M
107. Unknown Balikci 4bZBA44
108. Unknown Qimgnuq, Jacob 0 Jtkcl 4a1 BA44
109. Uttinuaq Angutingnungnuq. Joseph Vascotto 63 1. Composer: Alakkanuaq Singer: Amapituaq Coll. No.: 242M Concordances: 78C,3C-BA Verses: 6 2. Composer: Alakkanuaq Singer: Qarrnatsiaq Colt. No.: 5bl OBA45 Concordances: 7-1, 10-3 Verses: 10 3. Composer: Alakkanuaq Singer: Qarrnatsiaq CoII. No.: 1Oa2BA64 Concordances: None Verses: 5 3. Composer. Alakkanuaq Singer: Qamatsiaq Coll. No.: 1Oa2BA64 Concordances: None Verses: 5 Composer: Alakkanuaq Singer: Qarmatsiaq Coll. No.: 5b9BA45 Concordances: 7b2BA47 Verses: 6 4. Composer: Alakkanuaq Singer: Qarmatsiaq Coil. No.: Sb9BA45 Concordances: 7b2BA47 Verses: 6 5. Composer: Alakkanuaq Singer: Qarmatsiaq Coll. No.: 3b2BA44 Concordances: None Verses: 7 6. Composer: Alakkanuaq Singer: Angutingnungniq Coil. NO.: 6-2 Concordances: 79C (Ur-version), 1C-BA Verses: 9 Composer: Alakkanuaq Singer. Angu@ngnungniq Coll. NO.: 6-2 Concordances: 79C (Ur-version), 1C-BA Verses: 9 7. Composer: Alakkanuaq Singer: Qarmatsiaq Coll. No.: 3b3Cl II Concordances: Sa7BA45 Verses: 10 8. Composer Alakkanuaq Singer. Qamatsiaq Coll. No.: 239M Concordances: 7-3,1 Oa7BA65 Verses: 9 9. Composer: Alakkanuaq Singer: Tunnuq Call. No.: Ma Concordances: None Verses: 5 10. Composer: Alakkanuaq Singer: Tunnuq Coll. NO.: 1-1b Concordances: None Verses: 3 11. Composer: Alakkanuaq, Ovidi Singer: Alakkanuaq, Ovidi Coll. No.: Sal BA45 Concordances: 1Oal OBA65 Verses: 7 12- Composer: Anaqsijap Singer: Qimgnuq Coll. No.: 4a4Cqf 2 Concordances: None Verses: 6 13. Composer: Angutingnungniq Singer. Angutingnungniq Coll. No.: 8b5BA54 Concordances: None Verses: 7 0 Composer: Angutingnungniq Singer. Angutingnungniq Coil. NO.:8C-BA Concordances: None Verses: Transcription from Cavanagh, 1982. Used by Permission. 14. Composer: Angutingnungniq Singer. Angutingnungniq Coll. NO.: 6C-BA Concordances: None Verses: 15. Composer. Angutingnungniq Singer. Angutingnungniq Cdl. NO.:7C-BA Concordances: None Verses: Transcription from Cavanagh, 1982. Used by Permission 15. Composer: Angutingnungniq Singer: Angutingnungniq Coll. No.: 7GBA Concordances: None Verses: 16. Composer: Angutingnungniq Singer: Angutingnungniq COIL NO.: 6-1 Concordances: None Verses: 9 17. Composer: Angutingnungniq Singer: Angutingnungniq and Annaqatjuaq Call. No.: 3a2Cq 08 Concordances: 8b3BA54 Verses: 12 18. Composer: Angutingnungniq Singer: Angutingnungniq and Annaqatjuaq Cofl. No.: 3a3ClO8 Concordances: None Verses: 12 Composer: Angutingnungniq Singer. Angutingnungniq and Annaqatjuaq Colt. No.: 3a3C108 Concordances: None Verses: 12 19. Composer. Aquijuk Singer. Oogaq Coll. No.: 94C Concordances: IOC-BA Verses: 6 Transcription from Cavanagh, 1982. Used by Permission. 19. Composer: Aquijuk Singer: Oogaq Coll. No.: 94C Concordances: 10C-BA Verses: 6 20. Composer: Aquijuk Singer. Oogaq Coll. No.: 93C Concordances: None Verses: 4 Transcn-ption from Cavanagh, 1982. Used by Permission. 20. Composer: Aquijuk Singer: Oogaq Coll. No.: 93C Concordances: None Verses: 4 Composer. Amapituaq Singer: Arnapituaq CoIl. No.: 76C Concordances: None Transcription from Cavanagh, 1982. Used by Permission. Verses: 6 Composer: Amapituaq Singer. Amapituaq Call. No.: 76C Concordances: None Verses: 6 22. Composer. Amapituaq Singer: Amapituaq COIL No.: 237M Concordances: None Verses: 4 23. Composer: Aminilik Singer. Oogaq Coll. No.: 2b2C107 Concordances: 8-3 Verses: 4 Composer: Amutinuaq Singer: Tunnuq Coll. No.: 1aSCl02 Concordances: None Composer: Amutinuaq Singer. Tunnuq Coll. No.: IblClO5 (Ptll of Ia5Cj 02) Concordances: None 26. Composer: Father (not named) Singer: Amutjak COIL No.: 65C Concordances: None Verses: 7 Transcription from Cavanagh, 1982. Used by Permission. 26. Composer: Father (not named) Singer: Amutjak Coll. No.: 65C Concordances: None Verses: 7 27. Composer: lkpanaq Singer. lkkujuitoq Coll. NO.:8-5 Concordances: None Verses: 6 28. Composer: lnerkunakssa Singer: Oogaq Coll. No.: 4bC2BA78 Concordances: None Verses: 4 Composer: lnutjaq Singer lnuqsaq Coll. NO.:5-2 Concordances: None Verses: 8 30. Composer: lqqivalituq Singer. Amirralik Coll. No.: 54C Concordances: None Verses: 7 Transcription from Cavanagh. 1982. Used by Permission. 30. Composer: lqqivalituq Singer: Amirralik Coll. No.: 54C Concordances: None Verses: 7 31. Composer. lqqivalituq Singer: Arnirralik Coll. No.: 51C Concordances: None Verses: 9 Transcription from Cavanagh, 1982. Used by Permission. Composer. lqqivalituq Singer: Amirralik Coll. No.: 51C Concordances: None Verses: 9 w .(uY.t> A 32. Composer. lqqivalituq Singer: Amirralik Colt. No.: 53C Concordances: None Verses: 7 Transcription from Cavanagh. 1982. Used by Permission. 32. Composer: lqqivalituq Singer: Amirralik Coll. No.: 53C Concordances: None Verses: 7 Composer: lqqivalituq Singer: Annaqatjuaq Coll. No.: 2a9C106 Concordances: 63C
Verses: 8 A. 34. Composer. lqqivalituq Singer. Annaqatjuaq Coll. No.: 4-4 Concordances: 5-1, 10-1 Verses: 8 35. Composer: lqqivalituq Singer: Annaqatjuaq Coil. NO.:4-6 Concordances: 64C, 1a2CI 02,8b6BA54 Verses: 7 Composer: lqqivalituq Singer: Annaqatjuaq
Concordances: 64C, 1a2C102,8b6BA54 Verses: 7 36. Composer: lqqivalituq Singer: lkkujuitoq Coll. No.: 84 Concordances: None Verses: 10 A . A 'I- Composer. lqqivalituq Singer: Oogaq CoIl. No.: 1Oat 1BA67 Concordances: None Verses: 7 Composer: lqqivalituq Singer. Qarmatsiaq Coll. No.: 10a5BA64 Concordances: None Verses: 8 Composer. lqqivalituq Singer: Qarmatsiaq Coll. No.: 1Oa1 BA64 Concordances: None Verses: 4 fi Composer: lqqivalituq Singer: Qarmatsiaq Call. No.: 1Oal BA64 Concordances: None Verses: 1 Composer: lqqivalituq Singer: Qanatsiaq Coll. No.: 4a2C112 Concordances: None Verses: 8 Composer: lqqivalituq Singer: Qimgnuq Coll. No.: 3b8BA44 Concordances: 82C Verses: 4 42. Composer: lqqivalituq Singer: Sigguk Coll. No.: 71C Concordances: 4a3Cl12,245Mt 1a1 C102 Verses: 9 Transcription from Cavanagh, 1982. Used by Permission. 42. Composer: lqqivalituq Singer: Sigguk Coll. No.: 71C Concordances: 4a3Cll2,245M, la1 C102 Verses: 9 43. Composer: lqqivalituq Singer. Sigguk Coll. No.: 70C Concordances: None Verses: 4 Transcription from Cavanagh, 1982. Used by Permission. Composer. lqqivalituq Singer: Sigguk Coll. No.: 70C Concordances: None Verses: 4 44. Composer: lqqivalituq Singer: Annaqatjuaq Coil. NO.:4-5 Concordances: None Verses: 6 Composer: lqqivalituq (I) Singer: Annaqatjuaq
Concordances: None Verses: 6 Composer: lsiqaq Singer: Oogaq Coll. No.: 2b8C107 Concordances: None Verses: 3 Composer: lsiqaq Singer: Oogaq Coll. No.: 2b8C107 Concordances: None Verses: 3 Composer: lssaqadaijuq Singer. Tunnuq Coil. NO.:1-5 Concordances: None Verses: 6 47. Composer: Kajaituq Singer: Amapituaq COIL NO.:nc Concordances: None Verses: 7 Transcription from Cavanagh, 1982. Used by Permission. Composer. Kajaituq Singer: Amapituaq Coil. No.: 77C Concordances: None Verses: 7 48. Composer: Kiasingnuq Singer: lkkujuitoq COIL NO.: 8-1 Concordances: None Verses: 8 Composer: Kiasingnuq Singer: lkkujuitoq Colt. NO.:8-1 Concordances: None Verses: 8 Composer: Krepingajoq Singer: Krepingajoq Coll. No.: 6al8BA45 Concordances: 2-5 Composer: Krepingajoq Singer. Krepingajoq Coll. No.: 6bl BA46 Concordances: None Verses: 3 Composer: Krepingajoq Singer: Krepingajoq Coll. No.: 6b4 BA46 Concordances: None Verses: 3 Composer: Krepingajoq Singer: Krepingajoq Call. No.: 6al7BA45 Concordances: None Verses: 6 Composer Krepingajoq Singer: Krepingajoq Coll. No.: 6b3BA46 Concordances: 6al6BA45 Composer. Krepingajoq Singer. Krepingajoq Coll. No.: 6b8BA46 Concordances: None Verses: 3 C- Composer: Krepingajoq Singer: Krepingajoq Coll. No.: 7a2BA46 Concordances: None Verses: 4 Composer: Krepingajoq Singer: Krepingajoq COIL No.: 203M Concordances: 6al5BA45 Verses: 7 Composer. Krepingajoq Singer: Oogaq Coll. No.: 2b3C107 Concordances: 2-6 (refrain only) Verses: 4
\ Composer: Krepingajoq Singer. Oogaq Coll. No.: 2b3C1107 Concordances: 2-6 (refrain only) Verses: 4 Composer: Krepingajoq Singer: lmmingnaq COIL NO.: 2-6 Concordances: 2b3C107 (refrain only) Verses: 3 Composer: Krepingajoq Singer: lmmingnaq Coll. No.: 2-6 Concordances: 2b3C107 (refrain only) Verses: 3 Composer: Kungaijaijuq Singer. Angutingnungniq and Annaqatjuaq Coil. No.: 3alCI08 Concordances: 4-1 Verses: 12 Composer. Kungaijaijuq Singer: Angutingnungniq and Annaqatjuaq Coil. No.: 3alCl08 Concordances: 4-1 Verses: 12 Composer: Kungaijaijuq Singer: Amweak Call. No.: 62C Concordances: 13C-BA Verses: 7 Transcription from Cavanagh, 1982. Used by Permission. Composer: Kungaijaijuq Singer: Arnutjak Coil. No.: 62C Concordances: 13C-BA Verses: 7 0 h Q U u Y 1 I n w Composer: Kungaijaijuq Singer: Annaqatjuaq
Concordances: 66C (Ur-version), 10=2,2alOClO6 Verses: 9
I. Composer: Kungaijaijuq Singer: lqquqaqtuq Coil. No.: 69C Concordances: 2OC-BA, 72C Verses: 4 Transcription from Cavanagh. 1982. Used by Permission. Composer: Kungaijaijuq Singec lqquqaqtuq Coll. No.: 69C Concordances: 20C-BA, 72C Verses: 4 Composer: Kungaijaijuq Singer: Oogaq Coil. NO.: 12C-BA Concordances: None Verses: 2 Transcription from Cavanagh, 1982. Used by Permission 62. Composer: Kungaijaijuq Singer: Oogaq Coll. NO.:12C-BA Concordances: None Verses: 2 Composer: Kutsiutikku (I) Singer: Tunnuq - Coll. No.: la4ClO2 Concordances: i-3(a) Verses: 9 Composer: Kutsiutikku (I) Singer. Tunnuq Coll. No.: 1a4C102 Concordances: 1-3(a)
Verses: 9 A 64. Composer. Kutsiutikku (I) Singer: Anguti CON. NO.: 3-2 Concordances: 1-3(b) Verses: 7 t. Composer: Maqpatuq Singer. Anguti Coll. No.: 3-la Concordances: 92C (Ur-version), '1-2a, 34a Verses: 7 Composer. Maqpatuq Singer: Tunnuq Coil. NO.: 1-2b Concordances: 3-1 b, 3-4b Verses: 3 Composer: Maqpatuq Singer: Tunnuq CON. NO.: 1-2b Concordances: 3-1 b, 3-4b Verses: 3 Composer: Maqpatuq Singer. Tunnuq Coil. NO.: 1-2~ Concordances: 3-4c Verses: 2
, Composer: Maternal uncle of M. Amapituaq Singer: Amapituaq COIL No.: 236M Concordances: None Verses: 2 Composer: Napuajuq Singer: Oogaq Coll. No.: 9% Concordances: 14C-BA Verses: 4 Transcription fmm Cavanagh, 1982. Used by Permission 69. Composer: Napuarjuq Singer: Oogaq Colt. No.: 95C Concordances: 14C-BA Verses: 4 Composer: Niaqunuaq Singer: Anguti Coll. No.: 3-3 Concordances: None Composer. Niaqunuaq Singer. Anguti Cdl. NO.:3-3 Concordances: None Verses: 3 c2 71. Composer: Niaqunuaq Singer Amapituaq Coll. No.: 234M(b) Concordances: None Verses: 4 Composer. Niaqunuaq Singer. Amapituaq Coll. No.: 234M(a) Concordances: None Verses: 8 Composer. Niaqunuaq Singer: Amapituaq COIL No.: 235M Concordances: 74C Verses: 6 Composer: Niptajuq Singer. llluitoq Coll. No.: 210M Concordances: 9C-BA Verses: 6
ha- Composer: Niptajuq Singer. llluitoq Coll. No.: 21OM Concordances: QC-BA Verses: 6 * * Composer. Niptajuq Singer: llluitoq Call. No.: 238M Concordances: None Verses: 6 Composer: Niptajuq Singer: llluitoq Coll. No.: 238M Concordances: None Verses: 6 Composer. Niptajuq Singer: llluitoq Coll. No.: 208M Concordances: None Verses: 7 Composer. Niptajuq Singer. llluitoq Coil. No.: 206M Concordances: 1db, 24b, 4-3b Verses: 9 4- Composer: Niptajuq Singer: llluitoq Coll. No.: 207M Concordances: Ma,83C, 24a, 8b2BA52,4-3a Verses: 10 it & 79. Composer. Oogaq Singer: Oogaq Coil. NO.: SC-BA Concordances: None Verses: 2+ Transcription from Cavanagh, 1982. Used by Permission
D Y I A I r - --a A I I I r r r -R I T ,-FF T I III - - 1 b. In. r I In I I I ,TI 1 I.. 1 I I 1 1 - r 79. Composer: Oogaq Singer: Oogaq COIL NO.:5C-BA Concordances: None Verses: 2+ Composer: Oogaq Singer: Oogaq Coll. No.: 2b1 C107 Concordances: None Verses: 7 Composer: Oogaq Singer: Oogaq Coll. No.: 2b1 C1O? Concordances: None Verses: 7 81. Composer. Pialak Singer. Allornek Coll. No.: 1l8L Concordances: (61 C? 75C?) Verses: 1+ 82. Composer: Pialak Singer: Amapituaq Coll. No.: 75C Concordances: 6 1C, (11 8L7) Verses: 10 Tran~~ptionfrom Cavanagh. 1982. Used by Permission. 82. Composer. Pialak Singer: Amapituaq Coil. No.: 75C Concordances: 61 C, (1 18L?) Verses: 10 Composer: Pialak Singer: Amapituaq Coll. No.: 233M Concordances: 73C,205M Verses: 8 Composer. Pialak Singer: Amapituaq Coll. No.: 232M Concordances: None Verses: 6 85. Composer: Pudluq Singer. lkkujuitoq Coil. NO.: 8-2 Concordances: None Verses: 6 Composer: Pudluq Singer: lkkujuitoq
Concordances: None Verses: 6 h- 86. Composer: Pukjarup Singer: Qarmatsiaq COIL No.: 3b2Clll Concordances: None Verses: 6 Composer. Pukjamp Singer: Qarmatsiaq Cali. No.: 3b2Clll Concordances: None Verses: 6 Composer: Qarrnatsiaq Singer: Qarmatsiaq Coll. No.: 3b3BA44 Concordances: None Verses: 6 C- Composer: Qarmatsiaq Singer: Qarmatsiaq Coll. No.: Sa2BA45 Conc.: 3b5BA44.3bl BA44,3b7BA44,7-2,4aI Ci12 Verses: 6 Composer: Qayaqsaaq Singer: lmmingnaq Coil. NO.:2-2 Concordances: None (similarities to 89C, 91C) Verses: 7 89. Composer. Qayaqsaaq Singer. lmmingnaq COIL NO.: 2-2 Concordances: None (similarities Verses: 7 Composer: Qayaqsaaq Singer: Qayaqsaaq Coll. No.: lOaQBA65 Concordances: None Verses: 9 91. Composer:Qayaqsaaq Singer. Qayaqsaaq Coll. No.: 91C Concordances: None Verses: 6 f ranscription from Cavanagh, 1982. Used by Permission. Composer Qayaqsaaq Singer: Qayaqsaaq Cull. No.: 91 C Concordances: None Verses: 6 w 0 e 92. Composer. Qayaqsaaq Singer. Qayaqsaaq Coll. No.: 87C Concordances: 6C-BA Verses: 17 Transcription from Cavanagh, 1982. Used by Permission. 93. Composer. Qayaqsaaq Singer: Qayaqsaaq Coll. No.: 90C Concordances: None Verses: 12 Composer: Qayaqsaaq Singer: lmmingnaq
Concordances: 89C (Ur-version) Verses: 7 Composer: Qayaqsaaq Singer: lmrningnaq
Concordances: 89C (U r-version) Verses: 7 Composer Qayaqsaaq Singer: lmmingnaq COIL NO.:2-1 Concordances: 4C-BA (Ur-version), 88C Vetses: 6 Composer: Qirngnuq Singer: Qimgnuq COIL No.: 5b8BA45 Concordances: None Verses: 4+ Composer. Qimgnuq Singer: Qimgnuq 'Coll. No.: 5b8BA45 Concordances: None Verses: 4+ Composer: Qimgnuq Singer: Qimgnuq Colt. No.: 3b4BA44 Concordances: 80C Verses: 9 Composer: Sigguk Singer. Sigguk , Coil. No.: la3ClO2 Concordances: None Verses: 9 Composer: Taleriqtoq Singer. Marguerite Coll. No.: 7a3BA46 Concordances: None Verses: 6
Composer: Taleriqtoq Singer: Taleriqtoq Coll. No.: 105L Concordances: None Composer: Taleriqtoq Singer: Tungilik
Concordances: None Verses: 3 Composer: Taleriqtoq Singer: Tungilik CoIl. NO.:9-1 Concordances: None Verses: 3 102. Composer: Tigumiak Singer: Oogaq Coll. NO.: 1lC-BA Concordances: 96C Verses: 3 Transaiption from Cavanagh. 1982. Used by Permission. 102. Composer: Tigumiak Singer. Oogaq CON. NO.: I1C-BA Concordances: 96C Verses: 3 Transcription from Cavanagh, 1982. Used by Permission. 102. Composer: Tigumiak Singer: Oogaq COIL NO.:11 C-BA Concordances: 96C Verses: 3 Composer: Tunnuq Singer: Tunnuq Coll. No.: Ib2C105 Concordances: None Verses: 5 Composer. Ubloreasuksuk Singer. Qimgnuq Coll. No.: 3bl Cl11 Concordances: 2C-BA Verses: 10 7' 'r t.TT't- h 3 r i7111d -1- A I 11 *# - 1 1 1 I I -I*.- TF r-I r 1 I, 1 I1-I 1" ImL 1 I c r r - I YI11 1'1 Composer: Ublunuaq Singer: Amapituaq Coll. No.: 244M Concordances: None Verses: 3
1, Composer. Ublunuaq Singer: Qarmatsiaq Coll. No.: 240M Concordances: 81 C,243M Verses: 7 Composer. Unknown Singer. Qarmatsiaq Cotl. No.: 4b2BA44 Concordances: None Verses: 6
5' A- a - im- w Composer: Unknown Singer. Qarmatsiaq Coll. No.: 4b2BA44 Concordances: None Verses: 6 & A m n t3 V A L 1 h V w Composer: Unknown Singer: Qimgnuq Coll. No.: 4al BA44 Concordances: None Verses: 8 108. Composer. Unknown Singer. Qimgnuq CoK No.: 4al BA44 Concordances: None Verses: 8 0 cw V. 1) 0 fi C 1 r > -L t -3 Composer: Uttinuaq Singer: Angutingnungniq Cdll. NO.: 6-3 Concordances: None Verses: 5 Composer. Uttinuaq Singer: Angutingnungniq COIL NO.:6-3 Concordances: None Verses: 5 Appendix II
LIST OF SINGERS AND COMPOSERS. COMPLETE REPERTOIRE LIST, CODES, AND SUPPLEMENTAL TRANSCRIPTIONS
The amplete repertoire list presented here contains codes for the inclusion of songs in certain analyses, and identifies concordances for all the songs. All of the drum songs in the complete list were transcribed for this study. Space limitations allow only certain relevant concordances to be included here. They are listed in alphabetical order by composer, regardless of the order of reference in the body of the thesis. They are reproduced as transcribed from the tapes, without transposition to their particular modal areas. Com~oserList Sinaer List
Aiakkanuaq Alakkanuaq, Ovidi Alakkanuaq, Ovidi Amirralik, Louis Arnirralik, Louis Anguti, Marie Anaqsijap Angutingnungniq, Joseph Angutingnungniq, Joseph Annaqatjuaq, Simeona Aquijuk Amapituaq, Marie Amapituaq, Mane Amutjak, Melanie Aminilik Ikkujuitoq, Solomon Amutinuaq, Lionel Illuitoq, Monica Attak Immingnaq, Lucie Eibera Inuqsaq, Simon Father (not named) Krepingajoq lkpanaq Marguerite lnerkunakssa Oogaq, Fabien lnutjaq Qarmatsiaq, Helene lqqivalituq Qayaqsaaq, Timothy lqqivalituq (I) Qirngnuq, Jacob lsiqaq Sigguk, Lucien Issaqadaijuq Sikkuark, Therese Kajaituq Taleriqtoq Kiasingnuq Tuituark, Maria Krepingajoq Tunnuq, Martha Kungaijaijuq Kutsiutikku I Maqpat'Jq Marguerite's father Marie's maternal uncle Napuajuq Niaqunuaq Niptajuq Oogaq, Fabien Oolik, Anthony Pialak Pudluq Pukjarup Qaqutiniq Qarmatsiaq, Helene Qayaqsaaq, Timothy Qimgnuq, Jacob Qugluq Sigguk, Lucien Taleriqtoq Tigurniak Tunnuq, Martha Ubloreasu ksuk Ublunuaq Uttinuaq Complete Sona Collection
Composer
Alakkanuaq Angutlngnungn)q, Joseph VascMo
Alakkanuaq AmapHwq, Made Cavanagh
Alakkanuaq Arnaptluaq, Mnrls C~~nagh
Alakbnuaq Qamtsbq, Hekne Mary-Rousael~te
Alakksnusq Qamtsbq, Helene Ballkcl, Cavanagh
Alakkanuaq Qarmatrlaq, Hskne Ballkcl
Alakksnuaq Oamtsbq. Hslane Balikcl
Ala Wnuaq Oarmatdaq, Ha)ma Ballkcl, Cavanagh
Alakkanuaq Qarmatslsq, Helena Ballkcl
Alakkanuaq Qamlsiaq, Helene Mary-RoussellCre
Alalckanuaq Qambtaq, Helena Ballkcl
Alshnuaq Qarmststaq, Helena Cavnnagh
Alakkanuaq Qsrmalslsq, Hekns Ballkcl
Alakkanuag QattIU9lSlsq. Hekne Ballkcl
Alakkanuaq Qarmatsbq, Helene Ballkcl
Composer Sinner
--
AquW, Oogaq, Fablm Ballkcl, Ca~nagh
AmapUuaq, Marie Amafluaq, Marie ca~nsgh
Arnapltubq, Marie Amapituaq. Mark Mary-RwssellCre
Arnlnrllk twujunoq, solomon Vascotto
Arnlnllak Oogaq, FaM Cavanagh
Arnulmuaq, LIoncl Tunnuq, Martha Cavanagh
Arnutnuaq, Lhtl Tunnuq, Martha Cavanagh
Anak Oogaq. Fabh Balikcl
Eitxra €1 bera Leden
Fathef (nol named) Amutjak, Melanie Cavanagh lk Waq Ikkujultq. Sdomon Va8cotto
Inefkunskssa 009~.Flwm Balikcl lnuqunguklak Oogaq, FaMtn Ca~nagh
InlJwl Inuqssq, Simon Vascatto
1qqmlfluq Aminalik. Louis CaViInigh
Iqqrn#uq Arnlrralik, L& C8~nagh
WIbYuq Arnlrrallk, Loub C8~nagh lqqnatnuq Arnlmlik, Louh Cavanagh
Iqqwalrluq Arninahk. Louis Cavanagh Composer
VascMo
Annaqarjuaq, Slmeona Ca~nagh
Annaqaljuaq. Slmcona vescotto
Amap/fwq. Mark Mary-RwssalMre
Cavanagh
Amutjak, Melanle Ca~nagh
Ikkujuiioq, Solomon Vascono
Inuqraq, Simon Balikcl
Inuqsaq, SLmon Vascotto
Oagaq, Fabkn Ballkcl
Oog6q. Fnblan 0allkcl
OamralJaq, Hebne Csvansgh
Qannstnlaq, Hakns Ballkd
Qamatslaq, Hcknt Ca~nagh
Qarmatshq, Hdcnc Ballkcl
Qlmgnuq, Jacob Csvanagh
Qirngnuq, Jacob Balikcl
Sbgguk, Luckn Cavanagh MY ID Composer Singer
Sgguk, Luclm
Slgguk, Lucien 24SM, 71C, 4a3C 1 1 2
Sigguk. Lucltn C64, 4-6, Bb68A54 CiW~gh
Slgguk. Luelen MC, 4-6,la2C 102 Bsllkcl
Slgguk, Luckn 245M. lalC102. Cavanagh 483C112
Tuituark, Marla 44,5-1.7bBBA49 Vascotta
Annaqatjuaq. Stmcorra Vascdto
Oogaq, Fablcn Cs~n8gh
Tunnuq, Martha VascOno
Amapituaq. Mark Cavanagh
IkkuFttoq. Solomon vamo
~eplwjoq Balikcl
~Vw'Fl Mary-Rwsselibre
~~cplng4oq Bsllkci
~@plWM Ballkcl
~eprYPlaq Ballkcl
Kw"waloq Ballkcl
~eplwabq Balikcl
KreP~walog Baltkcl Composer Composer Slnaer Concordance Ur C~P.Slnu. .-, Collector gender gendel -ID ~hartchan chati chan
Angutngnungnrq, Joseph. and M M.F 41 Annaqatjuaq. Srrneona
Annaqatjuaq. Slmeona
Annaqatjuaq, S~meona M F 3alC108
Arnutjak, Melanre M F 2alOC106. 10-2,4 @ [[_I Cavanagh 2
Kungaclatjuq Arnutjak. Melanie Cavanagh
Kungarlaquq Iqquqaqtuq, Bernard Ca~nagh
Kungarjarjuq Iqquqaqtuq. Bernard Balrkcl. Ca~nagh
Kungarjaljuq Oogaq, Fabcen Balckcl, Cavanagh
Kungaijayuq Oogaq. Fabten Balrkcl, Cavanagh
Kungatjaljuq S~gguk.Lucren Cavanagh
Kungaqarjuq Tuctuark, Marla Vascono
Kutsculrkku I an gut^. Mar~e Vascolt o
Kulscut~kkuI Tunnuq. Martha Cavanagn
My lD Composer
4alC112 Qarmatuaq. Helene Q armata~aq.Helene
3b38A44 Qarmatslaq, Helene Oarmatsiaq. Helene F F &3 1L) n Ballkci
3b7BA44 Qarrnatslaq. Helene Qlmgnuq, Jacob F M 3blBA44. 0 @ M fl Balikci 3b5BA44.7-2, 5aZBA4!5,4al C 1 12
Qayaq8aaq. Tlmdhy Immlngnaq. Luck
Qayaqsaaq, T imothy Immlngnaq. luck
Qayaqsaaq, Timothy Irnrnlngnaq. Luck M F 89C7 (from teal &3 Ed va-0 subject?) or 91 C? (doubtful) Qayaqsaaq, Tlrndhy Qayaqsaaq, Tlmolhy
Qayaqsaaq, Tlmolhy Qayaqsaaq. Tlma(hy
Qayaqsaaq, Tlrnothy Qayaqsaaq, Tlrnothy
Qayaqsaaq, Timothy Qayaqsaaq. Timothy M M ['I U Cavanagh
Qayaqsaaq, T~molhy Qayaqsaaq. Tlmothy
Qayaqsaaq, Tlmolhy Qayaqsaaq, Timothy
Qayaqsaaq. Tlmdhy Qayaqsaaq. Timothy
Qayaqsaaq, Tlmothy Qayaqsaaq. Tlmothy and Immlngnaq. Lucie Qayaqsaq, T~mothy Qayaqsaq. Tlmothy M M 86c,2-1 1;3 a L-J n ~aiikci,Cavanagh My ID Composer
- . - - - - . - -
6C-BA Qayaqsaq, T~mhy Qayaqsaq, Timothy Balikcl, Cavanagh
3WBA44 Qirngnuq, Jacob Qirngnuq. Jacob Baltkci
BOC Qrrgnuq, Jacob Qlrngnuq. Jacob Cavanagh
5MBA45 Qlrngnuq, Jacob Qlrngnuq, Jacob Ballkci
9- 2 Qugluq Tungilrk, V~tor Vascolto
la3C102 S~gguk,Luctm Slgguk. Luclen CIi~nagh
7a3BA40 Taler~qtoq Marguerfle Balikci
10% Talenqtoq Takrlqloq Ledcn
106L Talerqtoq Talerlqtoq Leden
9- 1 Talerlqtoq Tungllik. Vlctor Vascorto
204M Talerlqtoq? Talerlgtoq? Mary.Rousscll&e
1 1 C-BA Tgumkk Oogak, Fawn Balikcl. Cavanagh
96C Tgumlak Oogaq. FaMcn Ca~nagh
lbZC105 Tunnuq, Mattha Tunnuq. Martha Cavanagh
2C-BA Ubloreasuksuk Qirngnuq, Jacob Balikcl, Cavanagh
3blClll Ubloreasuksuk Qlrngnoq, Jacob Cavanagh
243M Ublunwq Arnapnuaq, Marie Mary-Rousseli&e
244M UWunuaq Arnapnuaq, Made Mary-Rousselih
240M UMunuaq Qarmatsraq. Helene Mary-Roussellbre
01 C Ublunuaq Qarrnatsraq, Helene Cavanagh
Composec Alakkanuaa, Ovidi Concordances of song #11 (Collection No.Sa1 BA4S) composer: Alakkanuaq Concordances of song #8 (Collection No. 2391111)
------pp L1 .I. 1 x I LJ 11 nit I 117 I I 2. 11. I 11 II~IIII rl 1 4. I I d 2 I I . +
Composer: Alakkanuaq All songs not in Appendix I
Transcription from Cavanagh. 1982. Used by Permission. Transcription from Cavanagh, 1982. Used by Permission Composer: I~qivalituq Concordances of song W2 (Collection No. 71C)
-- // / 1 n 0 -I 1 / I J d )C)* YI lRI1I 1 k T Ill 1 \ It\ Composer: Kuncraiiaiiuq Cancordances of song #6O (Collection No. 4-2)
Transcription from Cavanagh, 1982. Used by Permission. Concordances of song #78 (Collection No. 207M) Part 1 Transcription from Cavanagh, 1982. Used by Permission.
Concordances of song #77 (Collection No. 206M) Part 2
Composer: Qarmatsiaq Concordances of song #88 (Collection No. 5a2BA45)
Appendix Ill
SPREADSHEETS OF SONG INTERVALS USED IN CONTOUR ANALYSIS
The following spreadsheet lists the intervals present in the songs used for interval and contour analysis. The vertical axis lists the song identification cades, and the intervals run horizontally over the next 8 pages in the following pattern to make the complete table:
The refrains all begin in the same column on pages 458 and 462 (the column title has been blacked out in order to mark that point) so that their lengths can be compared. As explained in the text, the values have ?hme components: dimdon, relationship to the tonal centre, and intenral size . The following summarizes these.
t down to tonal centre - tt down from tonal centre +t up to tonal centre ++t up from tonal centre
The size of the interval is in semitones, including both outer notes. An intenral of +3&for example, is a whole-tone interval moving up and away from the tonal centre.
Appendix IV
COMPLETE GENEALOGICAL CHARTS
These charts are 'completeu only in that they contain older and younger relatives that were not in the abridged charts of Figures 1 and 22. They do not claim to be a complete listing of the ila of Alakkanuaq, but were compiled as a way to identrfy the relationships of particular composers and singers to Alakkanuaq. The large chart contains the majority of the family. It fits together in the following pattern:
The subsequent pages contain afinal relatives and their families, and ancestors of some of the people represented in the study. The charts vary in format, depending on the information they are intended to portray. Pages 465-472 and page 473 contain descendant charts, read from left to right to determine descendants of particular people. Those on page 474 and 475 are ancestor charts for locating older relatives and are read from left to right to locate names of ancestors at different levels. Affinal and distant relatives of individuals on the composite charts of 46-72 may be found by searching for names on the charts of pages 473-475. Ennalik rn. Napoaardjuk
Tumuq. hbrtha (b. 1913) IssamWok. Ivo @. 1939) m. Kutsiutikku. Paut (b. 191 1) m. Anguti, Manc -1- -1- Dominicki (b. 1934) -Aopslulctark, mica (b. 1937) -Ilkrt& Led@. 1941) -Akbardjj Btncdida (b. 1957) -J- -J- -SarJa 4saklh
Pldoq, Rosm=v
Immingnaq, Lum (b. 192 Tuituark. Mane (b* 1943)-- rn. Qayaqsaaq, Tirmdhy (b. 1915) rn. Atkartok, Chark (b. 1943)
Angutingnungnq, Joseph @. 192s) Nipbpk. Tars (b. 1960) m. Annaqatluaq. Sim(b, 1924) m. Lvtgarde +M(1949-1949) -Arnaprkrk. Rmnie (b 1946) -Naarto&, Macak -w 953) -Krarlsmsrk. Marc (b. 1 955) -IWitark. Annc-Mane (d. 1948) -Topbark, Lgocadra (b. 19511 ---Girt2 (19- 1959) -Kanid')uknk Cklhildt (b. 1963) -Nugugiark. EmMh (b 1965) -N&jok. Katam (b. 1967) -KaBbark. Paul (b. 196!3) PwjuarR Mwretn (b. 1974)
Annaqawq. Sim(b. 1924- children above Joseph (b. 1925) Sqguq, Luacn (b. 1931)
pupuprg
Amrallik. Lwts ,Sunina
Tuilgaudjj Agatha (b. 1966) TWHm (b. 1971) Napoaardja. Loursa (b. 1972) Tumikstrt6k. Moses (b. 1976) Amakaardjuk. !Jam lkkkfne (b. 1977) Patoqpprk, Abraham (b. 1980)
4armatJlaq. Hcrmt (b. 1913)- rn. Qirngnuq. Jacob -Amm~lik (ad.)
L~loojark -Kutsiutikku, Paul b. 1911 rKrabvik Kutsiutikkul generation number 4) Krilunerk qseegeneration number 4)- Issaqadaijuq, Man'e b. 1882 d. 1948 rKajotark LTinansuq L~utkranaatsiark
rNapoaardjuk Krepingajoq, Pierre b. 1883 d. 19- r~-Aanaksmk dayaqsaaq, Timothy b. 1915 lnukvaluk LrAmannaark L~rnaoligaardjuk
+Aanilag/lnutjaq b. 1910 rSuloqut Panatoq (Aolajut) -Anguti, Marie Ubloreasuksuk rL~lanarsuk (Kukiaut?) Qimgnuq, Jacob L~orojertoq ,-Naujainnuark rPEZ"Le& rSiviituaardjuk Aliksalik r&minga& Uajaitok number 3) rlkedroaardjuk Najuitok see generation number 3) bJapoaardjuk LrcKattanuark -UblunuaqrL b. 18- d. 1927 4s- generation number 3) -Illuitoq Monica b. 1888 d. 1979
L~itjaurtongiavik
L~rnanajuk
rTuiorealik -Tunnuq Tireksa k
"reksak -Amapituaq, Marie b. 1902 d. 1974 Lr~wior(ok Kaadjuk rlkrerdjuark -Arnatkorak LAiijauflong iavik