Cultural Conservatism, Political Liberalism

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Cultural Conservatism, Political Liberalism REVIEW Cultural Conservatism, Political income" family, knocking themselves out Liberalism: From Criticism to Cul- to earn the money for the tuitions to send tural Studies, by James Seaton. their kids off to college-quite possibly to Ann Arbor: University of Michigan study English). Press, 1996, 296 pp., $42.50 It takes a certain arrogance to main- hardbound. tain an amateur standing in such circum- stances, but the sad truth is that the more professionalised literary studies get, the David R. Slavitt more they are likely to distort and tra- duce the subjects of their scrutiny. One Because art plus politics equals propa- must have the courage of his lack of con- ganda, I have always been skeptical of victions, if only because convictions have those critics who used literature for po- so little to do with poems and novels. lemical purposes. Some writers, of Robert Hass or Norman Mailer or course, seem to take political positions, Arthur Miller may very well have their but these are never what is interesting political beliefs, but these are about as about their art. Poetry (and plays and interesting to me as those of Charlton novels) involves pseudostatement, which Heston or Barbra Streisand. As citizens demands a certain degree of sophistica- in a democracy, they are entitled to their tion that, obviously, some readers don't views, but until they establish some cred- have. What they fail to understand is that ibility based on experience and compe- the process of writing involves a dia- tence rather than mere celebrity, they logue-or, if you prefer, a dialectic-be- have no claims on my attention. tween the author's intention and the Political (and social and cultural) criti- possibilities of the language. The reality cism has been of as little interest to me of the writing is what the poet or novelist as literary theory. I take note of these discovers along the way to whatever he things because they are absurd and, there- or she thought was the destination. fore, occasionally amusing. In any event, Among the advantages of this view, no one can avoid hearing the names and there is its justification for avoiding a learning the positions to which they are great deal of literary criticism on the attached. Campus traditions of one- ground that it isn't literary at all. There upmanship, which are not altogether bad, are too many critics who don't love po- prompt us to investigate areas where we etry and fiction and the drama enough might not otherwise have ventured. I read to be faithful to them. They feel uncom- Terry Eagleton's Literary Theory, a most fortable, constrained, or bored as they useful guide to the asylum, in which he continue to profess about stories and explains the beliefs of the various theo- poems for an entire academic career. rists, and I liked that book not only be- They don't believe in it enough and are cause it was informative but more embarrassed to be devoting themselves particularly because it provided a plau- to something they fear at some deep level sible excuse for not going further down may be frivolous. Sitting around and read- those umbrageous paths. It was also ing books in the daytime just for the fun funny, which is a quality I usually inter- of it? That's what housewives in Scarsdale pret as a sign of mental health. do (or used to, before they all found them- James Seaton's Cultural Conservatism, selves in the workplace as a part of a "two- Political Liberalism: From Criticism to Cul- 80 Academic Questions/Fall 1997 tural Studies (University of Michigan Press, ous, but Seaton presses onward to the 1996) is like Eagleton's book in some source of much of our discomfort: ways. He, too, offers a series of useful and elegant expositions of the work of a num- the triumph of political liberalism has not ber of literary and cultural critics, but, been matched by any similar consensus as the subtitle makes clear, the book's about morality, culture, or religion. Catho- main thrust is the consideration of the lic and Protestant, Jew and Muslim, secu- conflicts between the habits of leftish larist and fundamentalist, argue and sometimes fight. Nationalisms and tribal- social thought that have been dominant isms dispute and often war with one an- on our campuses and in our republic other in Europe, Africa, Asia, and South during the past generation or so and the America. In North America, Canada is desire some scholars and critics have to riven by language-driven conflict, while in maintain literary standards-which is elit- the United States the era of "culture wars" ist and therefore, necessarily, rightish. has been under way for some time. The ongoing debate about the canon is only one symptom of the confusion in It is in this larger context that he consid- which we find ourselves. In the discus- ers the program of "cultural studies": sions about the way to read, the way to teach, and indeed the meaning of mean- On the one hand, cultural studies presents ing, there is hardly any assertion that does itself as an advance on the traditional hu- not involve a series of inescapable im- manities because it knows the values the plications, and the great virtue of older tradition accepted as authoritative Seaton's analysis of the views of the are based finally on nothing more than different camps is that he is fair in his brute power. Since cultural studies recog- representations but unflinching in his nizes the "contingency" of all points of demonstrations of what must logically view, traditional attempts to "privilege" some literary works as "masterpieces" are follow from each of them. As he puts it rejected, as are attempts to enshrine the in his conclusion (231): validity of some particular set of moral or political values. On the other hand, cul- The notion that the individual has rights tural studies is also driven by a commit- simply because he or she is a human being ment to radical cultural and political is the core notion of political liberalism. The change. These two stances would seem to principle of "human rights" has spread contradict each other, but many propo- across the world, and the ideal of democ- nents of cultural studies embrace both. racy is, if anything, accepted even more widely. The political ideas associated with In cruder terms than Seaton uses, what liberal democracy have no contemporary this means is that literary criticism is ei- rivals. Monarchy, fascism, Communism, ther of the old-fashioned sort Matthew and theocracy (the strongest competitor) have, at most, only limited appeal in local Arnold would have recognized (in which situations....The Charter of the United Na- case it is an expression of a hierarchical tions may be honored more in the breach social tradition to which there is no than the observance, but the consensus on longer any allegiance and for which there behalf of human rights that it symbolizes is is, therefore, no political or intellectual not matched by any comparable agreement justification) or it is in the mode of cul- on any other set of principles. tural criticism (in which chaotic situation one text has no greater or lesser claim to That seems clear enough and even obvi- our attention than another). Nietzsche's Review 81 announcement that God was dead may our own sightings. It strikes me, for in- have had little effect on attendance at stance, that while the lack of any consen- churches, synagogues, and mosques, but sus about the fundamental issues of it has altogether undermined the certain- religion and metaphysics is the basic sick- ties that were the foundations of the ness from which literary studies have been culture and of the modalities of old-fash- suffering, there are incidental complica- ioned literary criticism. tions to the disease. Much of the distor- In practical terms, the critics and theo- tion of criticism comes, I think, from a reticians Seaton examines fall into two yearning to find in poetry and fiction an groups then. There are those who are in- earnestness and importance-in Susan tellectually inconsistent and self-contradic- Sontag's word, a "seriousness." Political, tory, the liberal elitists; or there are the psychological, semiotic, and hermeneutic more intellectually rigorous practitioners approaches to literature may provide top- who are driven by the logic of their pro- ics for M.L.A. discussion groups, but they grammatic approaches to conclusions that betray the works that are their presump- are eccentric if not positively deformed. tive subjects. These performances are not The great critics, like Irving Babbitt, celebrations of writing but dances on the H.L. Menken, Edmund Wilson, Dwight corpses of works of literary art. Macdonald, and the Trillings, Lionel and This bizarre and vainglorious way to Diana, were in the "anti-Emersonian, behave is the norm for the professoriate antiromantic tradition." Whatever their toward which graduate students are so- politics, they were also pragmatists rather cialized. Outside, though, in the real than transcendentalists and were never world, some of these critics behave dif- quite blinded by their social and moral ferendy. As Seaton points out in his essay views. Or perhaps, in Richard Rorty's on Said, even that embattled explicator words, "they want criticism to bring an puts down his dissecting kit in the opera antecedent morality to light, enlarge upon house and the concert hall to become, as it and enrich it, and they resist the sug- much as possible, a "fully committed ama- gestion that there is no common vocabu- teur," admitting that "at the very least 'not lary in terms of which critics can argue all music can be experienced as working with one another about how well this task toward domination and sovereignty.'" has been performed." Most of these critics are, I suppose, The other school is that of the "con- smart people but there are limits to smart- temporary cultural leftists such as Fredric ness.
Recommended publications
  • Culture Wars' Reloaded: Trump, Anti-Political Correctness and the Right's 'Free Speech' Hypocrisy
    The 'Culture Wars' Reloaded: Trump, Anti-Political Correctness and the Right's 'Free Speech' Hypocrisy Dr. Valerie Scatamburlo-D'Annibale University of Windsor, Windsor, Ontario, Canada Abstract This article explores how Donald Trump capitalized on the right's decades-long, carefully choreographed and well-financed campaign against political correctness in relation to the broader strategy of 'cultural conservatism.' It provides an historical overview of various iterations of this campaign, discusses the mainstream media's complicity in promulgating conservative talking points about higher education at the height of the 1990s 'culture wars,' examines the reconfigured anti- PC/pro-free speech crusade of recent years, its contemporary currency in the Trump era and the implications for academia and educational policy. Keywords: political correctness, culture wars, free speech, cultural conservatism, critical pedagogy Introduction More than two years after Donald Trump's ascendancy to the White House, post-mortems of the 2016 American election continue to explore the factors that propelled him to office. Some have pointed to the spread of right-wing populism in the aftermath of the 2008 global financial crisis that culminated in Brexit in Europe and Trump's victory (Kagarlitsky, 2017; Tufts & Thomas, 2017) while Fuchs (2018) lays bare the deleterious role of social media in facilitating the rise of authoritarianism in the U.S. and elsewhere. Other 69 | P a g e The 'Culture Wars' Reloaded: Trump, Anti-Political Correctness and the Right's 'Free Speech' Hypocrisy explanations refer to deep-rooted misogyny that worked against Hillary Clinton (Wilz, 2016), a backlash against Barack Obama, sedimented racism and the demonization of diversity as a public good (Major, Blodorn and Blascovich, 2016; Shafer, 2017).
    [Show full text]
  • Opening a Dialogue Between Cultural Conservatism and Modernism MICHAELS
    Opening a Dialogue between Cultural Conservatism and Modernism MICHAELS. ROTH theme that by now has become more than a little familiar to readers of A democracy is the conflict between cultural conservatism and modernism. The former is often a vehicle for the defense of tradition; its chief concern is not "high" or "elite" culture, but the more popular beliefs and practices of commun­ ity life. The protection and cultivation of these beliefs and practices is figured as politically progressive-progress here signifying the reinvigoration of the values people hold in common in opposition to the brutal march of development. From the perspective of the cultural conservative, the modernist serves the ideology of this development insofar as he celebrates the new at the expense of the accepted, and insofar as he thinks of culture-or makes cultural products-in a form that speaks to a very small elite of culture consumers who have passed through an education/ initiation to which most people do not have access. From the point of view of the modernist, the cultural conservative is necessary to defend forms of expression that are in decline, if not anachronistic. The defender of tradition may simply be viewed as "anticulture," since culture is assimilated by the modernist to the cultivation of innovation. The defender of a community's beliefs and practices is either naive or in bad faith: he celebrates community life without really participating in it; defends a faith without sharing in it the way other believers do. Despite their mutual antagonism, the cultural conservative and the modernist do share some of the same presuppositions and goals.
    [Show full text]
  • Are Cultural and Economic Conservatism Positively Correlated? a Large-Scale Cross-National Test
    B.J.Pol.S. 49, 1045–1069 Copyright © Cambridge University Press, 2017 doi:10.1017/S0007123417000072 First published online 30 May 2017 Are Cultural and Economic Conservatism Positively Correlated? A Large-Scale Cross-National Test ARIEL MALKA, YPHTACH LELKES AND CHRISTOPHER J. SOTO* The right–left dimension is ubiquitous in politics, but prior perspectives provide conflicting accounts of whe- ther cultural and economic attitudes are typically aligned on this dimension within mass publics around the world. Using survey data from ninety-nine nations, this study finds not only that right–left attitude organization is uncommon, but that it is more common for culturally and economically right-wing attitudes to correlate negatively with each other, an attitude structure reflecting a contrast between desires for cultural and economic protection vs. freedom. This article examines where, among whom and why protection–freedom attitude organization outweighs right–left attitude organization, and discusses the implications for the psychological bases of ideology, quality of democratic representation and the rise of extreme right politics in the West. Keywords: public opinion; political ideology; political attitude constraint; political psychology; comparative politics The right–left ideological dimension is a fundamental feature of politics in many nations around the world.1 This article examines the relationship between two preference dimensions that are widely recognized as central to ideological differences between the right and left: the economic
    [Show full text]
  • Evolutionary Foundations of Political Ideology 1
    Running head: EVOLUTIONARY FOUNDATIONS OF POLITICAL IDEOLOGY 1 The dual evolutionary foundations of political ideology Scott Claessens1 Kyle Fischer1 Ananish Chaudhuri2,3 Chris G. Sibley1 Quentin D. Atkinson1,4 1School of Psychology, University of Auckland, New Zealand 2Department of Economics, University of Auckland, New Zealand 3CESIfo, Poschingerstrasse 5 81679 Munich, Germany 4Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History, Jena, Germany Corresponding author: Quentin D. Atkinson School of Psychology University of Auckland Auckland, 1010 New Zealand Email: [email protected] ORCID linked to account on Manuscript Tracking System EVOLUTIONARY FOUNDATIONS OF POLITICAL IDEOLOGY 2 1 Abstract 2 What determines our views on taxation and crime, healthcare and religion, welfare and 3 gender roles? And why do opinions about these seemingly disparate aspects of our social 4 lives coalesce the way they do? Research over the last 50 years has suggested that political 5 attitudes and values around the globe are shaped by two ideological dimensions, often 6 referred to as economic and social conservatism. However, it remains unclear why this 7 ideological structure exists. Here, we highlight the striking concordance between these two 8 dimensions of ideology and two key aspects of human sociality: cooperation and group 9 conformity. Humans cooperate to a greater degree than our great ape relatives, paying 10 personal costs to benefit others. Humans also conform to group-wide social norms and punish 11 norm violators in interdependent, culturally marked groups. Together, these two shifts in 12 sociality are posited to have driven the emergence of large-scale complex human societies. 13 We argue that fitness trade-offs and behavioural plasticity have maintained strategic 14 individual differences in both cooperation and group conformity, naturally giving rise to the 15 two dimensions of political ideology.
    [Show full text]
  • Cultures of Conservatism in the United States and Western Europe Between the 1970S and 1990S Conference Report German Historical Institute London Bulletin, Vol 40, No
    German Historical Institute London BULLETIN ISSN 0269-8552 Tobias Becker, Anna von der Goltz, and Martina Steber: Cultures of Conservatism in the United States and Western Europe between the 1970s and 1990s Conference Report German Historical Institute London Bulletin, Vol 40, No. 1 (May 2018), pp175-181 CONFERENCE REPORTS Cultures of Conservatism in the United States and Western Europe be tween the 1970s and 1990s . Conference organized by Martina Steber (Institute for Contemporary History Munich –Berlin), Anna von der Goltz (Georgetown University, Washington, DC), and Tobias Becker (German Historical Institute London), and held at the GHIL on 14–16 September 2017. The decades from the 1970s to the 1990s are often seen as a time of revolutionary change triggered by economic crises, in which the par - ameters and conditions for our present times were set. Conservatism looms large in this narrative; after all, the Reagan and Thatcher gov - ernments in the United States and in Britain respectively implement - ed economic and social policies that fundamentally changed the wel - fare state economies of the boom years. Conservatism is therefore often interpreted as neo-liberalism in conservative guise, as the defining political ideology of finance capitalism. However, conser - vatism was a much more diverse phenomenon than these interpreta - tions suggest. While economics and politics were certainly crucial in the fashioning of a new conservatism in Western Europe and the United States, conservatism was also a diverse cultural phenomenon, which is not adequately reflected in historical research to date. The conference ‘Cultures of Conservatism in the United States and Western Europe between the 1970s and 1990s’ addressed this omis - sion by questioning the primacy of economics and debating alterna - tive interpretations of this age of change.
    [Show full text]
  • Tough Liberalism
    Assessments The Human Development Report and Cultural Liberty: Tough Liberalism Jan Nederveen Pieterse Human Development Report 2004: Cultural Liberty in Today’s Diverse World. New York: United Nations Development Programme. xiv + 285 pp. In view of the political spillover of ethnic and religious movements — as in former Yugoslavia, Iraq, Afghanistan and several Muslim countries — the policy relevance of the cultural dimensions of development is increasingly prominent. So it is no wonder that this should play a large part in a Human Development Report devoted to culture; in fact, this Report addresses this theme head on. As its title indicates, this Report deals not merely with cultural diversity but with cultural liberty which, it argues, is its novel contribution to the debate. Liberty or freedom is the Report’s leitmotiv: ‘If what is ultimately important is cultural liberty, then the valuing of cultural diversity must take a contingent and conditional form. Much will depend on how that diversity is brought about and sustained’ (p. 16). In often paraphrased wording it adopts ‘a freedom-based defence of cultural diversity’ (p. 23). From this premise follows a critique of cultural conservatism: Being born in a particular cultural milieu is not an exercise of freedom — quite the contrary. It becomes aligned to cultural liberty only if the person chooses to continue to live within the terms of that culture, and does so having had the opportunity of considering other alter- natives. The central issue in cultural liberty is the capability of people to live as they would choose, with adequate opportunity to consider other options.
    [Show full text]
  • Download Review
    Questioning America Again Yerim Kim, Yonsei University Chang Sei-jin. Sangsangdoen America: 1945 nyǒn 8wol ihu Hangukui neisǒn seosanǔn ǒtteoke mandǔleogǒtnǔnga 상상된 아메리카: 1945년 8월 이후 한국의 네이션 서사는 어 떻게 만들어졌는가 [Imagined America: How national narratives of Korea have been constructed since August 1945]. Seoul: Purǔn Yeoksa, 2012. In his analysis of the meaning and impact of America in postwar Japan, Shunya Yoshimi proposed an interpretive framework of “America as desire and violence,” demonstrating the dual role of the United States as object of desire and agent of violence in the Americanization of postwar Japan. This research framework is also useful when investigating what America represented to East Asia’s anti-Communist countries in general. Accordingly, in order to understand the political, economic, and cultural developments in South Korea since 1945, one cannot overlook the complex role of the United States in these processes. From the perspective of anti-Communist countries in East Asia, the United States has had many faces; it has been a “guardian,” an aggressor, and a tempter. If we can grasp the spectrum of these many faces, we might be able to construct “America” as a multidimensional entity. Its complex multifaceted nature was witnessed in South Korea, where responses to the United States have also been diverse. In order to comprehend both the real and imaginary relationships between South Korea and the United States, we must look at a wide range of paradoxical reactions. To this end, we need to evaluate several aspects of the multilayered relationship between these two countries. First, there is a fundamental structural relationship between the United States and South Korea concerning the political birth of the latter as a modern nation.
    [Show full text]
  • Compared with the Popular Impression of Politics in Alberta and Saskatchewan, the Concept of “Manitoba” Remains Undeveloped
    Political Culture in Manitoba Jared Wesley Department of Political Studies University of Manitoba [email protected] Paper for Presentation at: The Duff Roblin Professorship Conference on Manitoba Politics, Government and Policy in the 21st Century University of Manitoba November 21, 2008 Working Draft Comments Welcome Please do not cite without permission. Political Culture in Manitoba Jared Wesley Political Culture in Manitoba Introduction Compared with the popular impression of other Canadian provinces, Manitoba’s political culture remains undeveloped in the minds of many observers. Saskatchewan is home to the country’s collectivist, social democratic traditions, for instance, whereas Alberta is the bastion of Canadian populism, individualism, and Western alienation (Stewart and Archer 2000: 13; Marchildon 2005: 4). Even in the most trained minds, Manitoba enjoys no comparable identity. In the words of Rand Dyck (1996: 381), the author of a leading undergraduate textbook on Canadian provincial politics, Manitoba is a province without a distinctive political culture. If Manitobans have a self-image, it is probably one of a moderate, medium, diversified, and fairly prosperous but unspectacular province. Many value its ethnic heterogeneity; others, its intermediary position on federal- provincial affairs, interpreting east to east and vice versa.1 Dyck is not alone. Many define Manitoba by its ambiguous mediocrity, rather than any unique political personality. These conclusions are drawn quite easily. Manitoba is the “Keystone Province,” after all; it is the geographic centre of North America, the “Heart of the Continent,” and the buffer between the “Old” country of the east and Canada’s “New West.” Its population and economy are among the country’s most diverse, and both are of average size.
    [Show full text]
  • Culture in the Context of Globalization: a Sociological Interpretation
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Cadernos Espinosanos (E-Journal) CCCulture in the Context of Globalization: A Sociological Interpretation Xia Guang 1 Abstract: The world today is said to be a “global village”. However, this village is, rather than a culturally homogeneous community, a world of diverse cultures. In this globalized world, how different cultures interact with each other and with globalizing forces in general is crucial to their survival and to their reinvention. This essay is intended to provide a critical examination of various existing cultural phenomena, such as ethnocentrism (in forms of religious fundamentalism and cultural imperialism) and cultural relativism (multiculturalism, post-colonialism), from a sociological perspective. It will further attempt to theorize a possible mechanism of coexistence and symbiosis of different cultures in the context of globalization by relating the local to the global, the traditional to the post- traditional, the particular to the universal, and the cultural sphere to the social world. Keywords globalization, civilizational clashes, the coexistence and symbiosis of different cultures, global culture 1 Dr. Xia Guang is an associate professor in the School of Business of the Macao Polytechnic Institute. After graduating with a PhD from the University of Toronto (1997), Dr. Xia has worked for Concordia University, the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, and, since 2003, the Macao Polytechnic Institute. In addition to numerous articles in both Chinese and English, he has published two books and coauthored another one. His main areas of interests include modern social theory, traditional Chinese culture, and psychoanalysis.
    [Show full text]
  • Core Concepts What Is Culture?
    Core Concepts ___________________________________________________________________________________________________ What is Culture? A Compilation of Quotations Compiled by Helen Spencer-Oatey Reference for this compilation Spencer-Oatey, H. (2012) What is culture? A compilation of quotations. GlobalPAD Core Concepts. Available at GlobalPAD Open House: http://www.warwick.ac.uk/globalpadintercultural (One reference updated 2018). Please acknowledge original sources if citing quotations within this document. Core Concepts Definitions of Culture Culture is a notoriously difficult term to define. In 1952, the American anthropologists, Kroeber and Kluckhohn, critically reviewed concepts and definitions of culture, and compiled a list of 164 different definitions. Apte (1994: 2001), writing in the ten-volume Encyclopedia of Language and Linguistics, summarized the problem as follows: ‘Despite a century of efforts to define culture adequately, there was in the early 1990s no agreement among anthropologists regarding its nature.’ The following extract from Avruch provides an historical perspective to some of the ways in which the term has been interpreted: Much of the difficulty [of understanding the concept of culture] stems from the different usages of the term as it was increasingly employed in the nineteenth century. Broadly speaking, it was used in three ways (all of which can be found today as well). First, as exemplified in Matthew Arnolds’ Culture and Anarchy (1867), culture referred to special intellectual or artistic endeavors or products, what today we might call “high culture” as opposed to “popular culture” (or “folkways” in an earlier usage). By this definition, only a portion – typically a small one – of any social group “has” culture. (The rest are potential sources of anarchy!) This sense of culture is more closely related to aesthetics than to social science.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Theory Websites and Bibliography
    Scholars Crossing Faculty Publications and Presentations Helms School of Government 2009 Political Theory Websites and Bibliography Steven Alan Samson Liberty University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/gov_fac_pubs Part of the Other Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons, Political Science Commons, and the Public Affairs, Public Policy and Public Administration Commons Recommended Citation Samson, Steven Alan, "Political Theory Websites and Bibliography" (2009). Faculty Publications and Presentations. 234. https://digitalcommons.liberty.edu/gov_fac_pubs/234 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Helms School of Government at Scholars Crossing. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Publications and Presentations by an authorized administrator of Scholars Crossing. For more information, please contact [email protected]. POLITICAL THEORY RESOURCES SELECTED WEBSITES, rev. 2009 Steven Alan Samson ARTS AND MEDIA American Film Renaissance: http://www.afrfilmfestival.com Godawa, Brian (Christian screenwriter and movie critic): http://www.godawa.com/ Gilbert! (Gilbert Keith Chesterton): http://www.gilbertmagazine.com/ The Legacy Project (modern cataclysms): http://www.legacy-project.org Liberty Film Festival: http://www.libertyfilmfestival.com Mars Hill Audio (Ken Myers): http://www.marshillaudio.org/ Stefan Landsberger’s Chinese Propaganda Poster Pages: http://www.iisg.nl/~landsberger/ HISTORICAL, CULTURAL, RELIGIOUS, AND EDUCATIONAL
    [Show full text]
  • Synthesizing the Small Town: Why Conservatism? Jeffrey W
    Grand Valley State University ScholarWorks@GVSU Honors Projects Undergraduate Research and Creative Practice 4-2018 Synthesizing the Small Town: Why Conservatism? Jeffrey W. Lueders Grand Valley State University Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/honorsprojects Part of the Sociology Commons Recommended Citation Lueders, Jeffrey W., "Synthesizing the Small Town: Why Conservatism?" (2018). Honors Projects. 689. https://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/honorsprojects/689 This Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate Research and Creative Practice at ScholarWorks@GVSU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Projects by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@GVSU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Running head: SYNTHESIZING THE SMALL TOWN 1 “Synthesizing the Small Town: Why Conservatism?” Jeffrey Lueders Grand Valley State University April 28th, 2018 HNR 499: Honors Senior Thesis Advisor: Marshall Battani, Ph.D. SYNTHESIZING THE SMALL TOWN 2 “Synthesizing the Small Town: Why Conservatism?” Abstract The small town has often been a romanticized topic for the public at large. Often it is discussed in terms of quaintness and nostalgia for an older time; meanwhile, the effects of the small town in the here-and-now are glossed over and not given sufficient attention to fill in the finer details (Bellah et al. 1985). Prominent sociologists cite the small town and rural society as a source of conservative ideology (Wuthnow, 2014; Smith & Krannich 2000), however, they fail to show how conservative ideology is supposedly created in the small town. Instead, sociologists and the public at large blindly accept conservatism in rural society as a putative “fact” that is “confirmed” by anecdotal observations or is seemingly common knowledge.
    [Show full text]