DOCSLIB.ORG

Use Style: Paper Title

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Use Style: Paper Title 2016 3rd International Conference on Social Science (ICSS 2016) ISBN: 978-1-60595-410-3 China’s Policy Adjustment toward Myanmar in the Context of China-U.S. Relations 1 Xue-Feng BAI 1College of Foreign Languages and Cultures, Xiamen University, Fujian, China. 361005 Keywords: Myanmar, China, Foreign relations Abstract. A complicated process of political and economic change has begun in Myanmar and the convergence of a series of geopolitical dynamics needs to be addressed, specifically in the context of the relationship between the US and China. The key to the possible future coexistence depends on what all three parties (China, the US and Myanmar) can derive from developing interactive collaboration. If differences can be mitigated, including the disagreements around the internal domestic policy of Myanmar, then the chances of peaceful coexistence and cooperation will be high. Introduction In recent times the question of the continued political development of Myanmar has arisen for two reasons. Firstly, it is clear that a complicated process of political change has begun in Myanmar, which is important to study in its own right. Secondly, the convergence of a series of geopolitical dynamics, specifically the relationship between the US and China as it relates to this political development needs to be addressed. The key to the possible future coexistence is the potential benefits that all three parties (China, the US and Myanmar) can derive from developing an ongoing collaboration. Much of the question of whether cooperative or disruptive strategies will be employed by one or more of the agents will revolve around the way that individual actors project the intentions of the other actors. For example, if China projects that the US is attempting to develop a long term process to contain China, and then China will take a stance based in attempting to break out of the ring of containment. If the US assumes that China is attempting to conduct an expansionist foreign policy, and China could pose a danger to existing international balances of power, then a US policy to contain the presumed expansion will assume great importance in its policy towards Myanmar. Myanmar, the object within this tripartite relation, does not just play a role as an object of containment for two big countries. It has managed to take advantage of the policy adjustment and increased engagement by China and USA to drive the transition from a military junta to a civilian government, increasingly move in the direction of economic development and consolidate its power in the region. As such, the way that Myanmar interacts within this dynamic must be centered on the attempt to maintain the changes that have occurred while preventing this process from becoming an arena of contention for two world powers.To achieve this Myanmar must remain neutral and promote cooperation between the US and China as it relates to Myanmar itself. 920 Myanmar’s Attempt to Solve the Legitimacy Crisis Was the Decisive Factor That Caused Myanmar and US Rapprochement The dynamics of US-China relations as they converge around the question of Myanmar can be interpreted through the lens of the attempt by the military junta within Myanmar to solve a lingering crisis in political legitimacy, one that derives from two primary sources. The first of these sources revolves around the literal life cycle of the junta itself; when Than Shwe chose to retire in 2011; after ruling Myanmar for 22 years, he was already 78 years old. The literal age of the regime has begun to create a scenario in which the obvious question of succession of transition must be asked. This occurs within a backdrop formed by the social disruptions of 1988 and 2007, and the sanction regime and international isolation that resulted from the suppression of these disruptions. Within this context Myanmar has been beset with a strict sanctions regime imposed by Western nations, an increasingly impoverished population, widespread political discontent and the rise of a series of separatist armed struggles being waged by several of the country's major ethnic groups. Under such circumstances, it was hard to predict when the next social unrest would erupt and probably topple the military regime, or as the junta feared that a US led invasion would strike and establish a new government as it did in Iraq. Thus, creating a scenario that could result in a “soft-landing” for the regime became the most urgent goal for the regime leadership. It is within this context that Myanmar began to make a series of moves toward rapprochement with the US. There are a series of theories as to why this decision was seen as a way to generate a “soft-landing” scenario. One of the most common ways of thinking about these moves centers around the claim that Myanmar began to move closer to the US in an attempt to lower its dependency on China. If this is the case then China was not aware of much reluctance in the scope of the relationship between the junta in Myanmar and the Chinese administration, which partially affirmed the leadership of Than Shwe in discussions with US diplomats, and attempted to facilitate dialogue between Myanmar and the US. In a meeting with the US diplomats, the then Chinese Vice Foreign Minister told the US counterparts that Than Shwe described the United States as a "great power" and made it clear to the US that Myanmar did not wish to antagonize nor be the enemy of the United States. It was further stated that Than Shwe agreed that Burma was ready to restart a bilateral dialogue with the US. [1] In another occasion, the Chinese MFA Asian Affairs Department Director General told her US counterpart that Than Shwe was easy-going and not difficult to engage in conversation. She noted that Than Shwe held the US in high regard and did not want an antagonistic relationship with the US, suggesting that US should engage the junta “in a positive way and on an equal footing”.[2] From an alternative point, Myanmar’s rapprochement with US was not because China played too large of a role in Myanmar, but rather, because China was in no position to solve the legitimacy crisis of Myanmar’s military regime. Internationally, the junta believed in the probability of a US led invasion for a regime change. Domestically, the plethora of social, ethnic and economic problems in Myanmar’s society has the possibility of turning into violent eruptions of social unrest. Metaphorically speaking, the Myanmar junta had a forest on fire, and China could only send a cup of water. No matter how big China’s influence was on Myanmar, it could not help much in these two aspects, and the solution that the junta sought lay somewhere else. The best solution to mitigate the threat from the US came from the US itself. The new policy of “Pragmatic Engagement” by the Obama administration provided an opportunity for the new 921 Myanmar government to establish fresh diplomatic ties with the US government and eradicate the threat from the hostility of a powerful nation. Domestically, with the implementation of the seven-step roadmap and the successful transition from the military junta to a quasi-civilian government garnered considerable legitimacy, given the fact that the most staunch opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi joined the political process of the new government, ran for the 2012 by-election and was elected into the Myanmar’s assembly, the Pyithu Hluttaw. The landslide victory in the general election of 2015 by the National League for Democracy marked the beginning of a new era of fundamental transition for Myanmar. China’s Vested Interest in Myanmar Poses Questions for China’s Formulation of New Policies Myanmar’s shift away from China and toward the US has generated a series of specific problems for China in its attempt to cope with in this new political dynamic. Central to this attempted pivot are two primary concerns, the vested economic interest that China already has in Myanmar and the geopolitical importance of Myanmar for future Chinese foreign and military policy. The accumulated investment of China in Myanmar from 1988 to 2013 is over 14 billion US dollars. In 2013, and China’s bilateral trade with Myanmar totaled over 8 billion US dollars (China’s export to Myanmar in 2013 was 6.2 billion and import from Myanmar 2.2 billion. Both have seen sharp increases) [3]. China is now the largest investor and trade partner of Myanmar. This economic interest is combined with Myanmar’s geopolitical importance, both as a partner in an oil pipeline with the Chinese and as a country with direct access to the Indian Ocean. Within Chinese academic circles there has begun thediscussion of the “Malacca Dilemma”, based in imagining a worst possible scenario in which China is cut off from oil transport by hostile forces. Within this scenario, countries like Myanmar become crucial to securing a multiplicity of sites of access for oil coming into China. Although limited amount oil can be transported into China via the China-Myanmar oil pipeline, the aforementioned scenario largely neglected the fact that pipelines over 700 kilometers are as equally vulnerable as the oil tankers, if not more. These interests have been threatened by the political transition process in Myanmar, and we are already beginning to see the effects of this, beginning with Tatmadaw’s attack of the Kokang area in 2009. It was estimated that from ten thousand to thirty seven thousand refugees fled to China, and investment and properties by Chinese businesses in the region were damaged. In the routine press conference by the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA), the spokeswoman said that the Yunnan government had accommodated over ten thousand refugees, and their “emotional state was stable”.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • China-Myanmar Relations: [email protected] New Challenges Unfolding (Wednesday Seminar, ICS, New Delhi, April 19, 2017) Objectives
    Sampa Kundu Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses New Delhi China-Myanmar Relations: [email protected] New Challenges Unfolding (Wednesday Seminar, ICS, New Delhi, April 19, 2017) Objectives the challenging factors of Sino-Myanmar bilateral relations; especially the recent ones as Understanding they are unfolding through the controversial Chinese projects in Myanmar the role of the emerging domestic socio-ethno-political scenario in Myanmar in deciding the Explaining trajectory of Sino-Myanmar bilateral relations. Offering a Myanmar-centric perspective to understand the Sino-Myanmar bilateral relations Situating Myanmar in Chinese Global dream projects • From 1988, in the wake of Myanmar’s isolation from rest of the world, China and Myanmar came closer to each other • Myanmar became heavily dependant on Pauk Phaw between Chinese money and China became its friend and mentor; defence and security China and Myanmar partnership too enhanced to a large extent • Myanmar never shied away from saying that irrespective of the forms of government, Myanmar and China will continue to be each other’s Pauk Phaw. Flows of FDI into Myanmar (values in Region/Economy 2001 2005 2010 2012 USD Million) World 19 6,066 19,999 1,419 East Asia 10 1 16,744 526 China 3 1 8,269 407 Southeast Asia 3 6,034 2,449 584 India - 31 - 12 Source: UNCTAD Market Trade (USD Million) % Share in Total Myanmar’s Top Five Export Trade Export Partners, 2010 Thailand 3,177 41.67 Hong Kong 1,612 21.14 India 958 12.56 China 476 6.25 Singapore 276 3.62 Source: World Integrated
    [Show full text]
  • UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA, IRVINE The
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, IRVINE The Intersection of Economic Development, Land, and Human Rights Law in Political Transitions: The Case of Burma THESIS submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in Social Ecology by Lauren Gruber Thesis Committee: Professor Scott Bollens, Chair Associate Professor Victoria Basolo Professor David Smith 2014 © Lauren Gruber 2014 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF MAPS iv LIST OF TABLES v ACNKOWLEDGEMENTS vi ABSTRACT OF THESIS vii INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER 1: Historical Background 1 Late 20th Century and Early 21st Century Political Transition 3 Scope 12 CHAPTER 2: Research Question 13 CHAPTER 3: Methods 13 Primary Sources 14 March 2013 International Justice Clinic Trip to Burma 14 Civil Society 17 Lawyers 17 Academics and Politicians 18 Foreign Non-Governmental Organizations 19 Transitional Justice 21 Basic Needs 22 Themes 23 Other Primary Sources 23 Secondary Sources 24 Limitations 24 CHAPTER 4: Literature Review Political Transitions 27 Land and Property Law and Policy 31 Burmese Legal Framework 35 The 2008 Constitution 35 Domestic Law 36 International Law 38 Private Property Rights 40 Foreign Investment: Sino-Burmese Relations 43 CHAPTER 5: Case Studies: The Letpadaung Copper Mine and the Myitsone Dam -- Balancing Economic Development with Human ii Rights and Property and Land Laws 47 November 29, 2012: The Letpadaung Copper Mine State Violence 47 The Myitsone Dam 53 CHAPTER 6: Legal Analysis of Land Rights in Burma 57 Land Rights Provided by the Constitution 57
    [Show full text]
  • Contesting Buddhist Narratives Democratization, Nationalism, and Communal Violence in Myanmar
    Policy Studies 71 Contesting Buddhist Narratives Democratization, Nationalism, and Communal Violence in Myanmar Matthew J. Walton and Susan Hayward Contesting Buddhist Narratives Democratization, Nationalism, and Communal Violence in Myanmar About the East-West Center The East-West Center promotes better relations and understanding among the people and nations of the United States, Asia, and the Pacific through cooperative study, research, and dialogue. Established by the US Congress in 1960, the Center serves as a resource for infor- mation and analysis on critical issues of common concern, bringing people together to exchange views, build expertise, and develop policy options. The Center’s 21-acre Honolulu campus, adjacent to the University of Hawai‘i at Mānoa, is located midway between Asia and the US main- land and features research, residential, and international conference facilities. The Center’s Washington, DC, office focuses on preparing the United States for an era of growing Asia Pacific prominence. The Center is an independent, public, nonprofit organization with funding from the US government, and additional support provided by private agencies, individuals, foundations, corporations, and govern- ments in the region. Policy Studies an East-West Center series Series Editors Dieter Ernst and Marcus Mietzner Description Policy Studies presents original research on pressing economic and political policy challenges for governments and industry across Asia, About the East-West Center and for the region's relations with the United States. Written for the The East-West Center promotes better relations and understanding policy and business communities, academics, journalists, and the in- among the people and nations of the United States, Asia, and the formed public, the peer-reviewed publications in this series provide Pacifi c through cooperative study, research, and dialogue.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 3, Section 1 – China and Continental Southeast Asia.Pdf
    CHAPTER 3 CHINA AND THE WORLD SECTION 1: CHINA AND CONTINENTAL SOUTHEAST ASIA Key Findings • China’s pursuit of strategic and economic interests in Burma (Myanmar), Thailand, Cambodia, and Laos often jeopardizes regional environmental conditions, threatens government ac- countability, and undermines commercial opportunities for U.S. firms. • China has promoted a model of development in continental Southeast Asia that focuses on economic growth, to the exclu- sion of political liberalization and social capacity building. This model runs counter to U.S. geopolitical and business interests as Chinese business practices place U.S. firms at a disadvantage in some of Southeast Asia’s fastest-growing economies, particu- larly through behavior that facilitates corruption. • China pursues several complementary goals in continental Southeast Asia, including bypassing the Strait of Malacca via an overland route in Burma, constructing north-south infra- structure networks linking Kunming to Singapore through Laos, Thailand, Burma, and Vietnam, and increasing export opportunities in the region. The Chinese government also de- sires to increase control and leverage over Burma along its 1,370-mile-long border, which is both porous and the setting for conflict between ethnic armed groups (EAGs) and the Burmese military. Chinese firms have invested in exploiting natural re- sources, particularly jade in Burma, agricultural land in Laos, and hydropower resources in Burma and along the Mekong Riv- er. China also seeks closer relations with Thailand, a U.S. treaty ally, particularly through military cooperation. • As much as 82 percent of Chinese imported oil is shipped through the Strait of Malacca making it vulnerable to disrup- tion.
    [Show full text]
  • Special Report No
    SPECIAL REPORT NO. 463 | FEBRUARY 2020 UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org The Intersection of Investment and Conflict in Myanmar By Priscilla Clapp Contents The Belt and Road in Myanmar ....................................3 Promoting Sustainable Development ............................... 5 Impediments to Implementation .............................7 Promoting Development in Conflict Areas ......................... 10 Engaging Civil Society ............... 13 Promoting Peace ........................ 15 Conclusion ................................... 16 Construction workers ride to the site of the Thilawa Special Economic Zone, approximately fifteen miles south of Yangon, on May 8, 2015. (Photo by Soe Zeya Tun/Reuters) Summary • In 2018, Myanmar’s government major political and institutional to bind the two economies ever launched a new policy framework impediments, including military more closely together. for guiding the country’s long-term control of certain political and • To compensate for the lack of gov- development plans. If fully imple- economic sectors, corruption, and ernment capacity to implement mented, the policy would apply armed conflict in the country’s re- the new policy, Naypyidaw would international standards and norms source-rich periphery. be well advised to harness the to its regulation of large-scale de- • Responding to Myanmar’s de- talents of the country’s civil soci- velopment projects undertaken by sire to modernize its infrastruc- ety organizations, many of which commercial and state-owned en- ture, Myanmar and China have are already active in conflict areas terprises and joint ventures. agreed in principle to develop a and could help local communities • The policy, however, is likely to China-Myanmar Economic Cor- ensure that their interests will be remain largely aspirational unless ridor with extensive Chinese in- served by the new investments.
    [Show full text]
  • Kyaukpyu Connecting China to the Indian Ocean
    JULY 2017 CSIS BRIEFS CSIS Kyaukpyu Connecting China to the Indian Ocean By Gregory B. Poling MARCH 2018 THE ISSUE Chinese state-owned firms have reached agreements with Myanmar to construct a $7.3 billion deep-water port and $2.7 billion industrial area in a special economic zone at Kyaukpyu along the coast of the Bay of Bengal. The strategic town is the terminus of a $1.5 billion oil pipeline and parallel natural gas pipeline running to Kunming in China’s Yunnan Province. Despite fears that the project could eventually be used for Chinese military access, political and legal restrictions in Myanmar make this unlikely. The project is aimed mainly at helping China avoid the vulnerable Strait of Malacca and aid the development of its southwestern hinterland. Like many major projects under the Belt and Road Initiative, there are well-founded fears that the project could grant China a dangerous level of economic leverage over Myanmar, especially if the government in Naypyidaw is forced to turn to Chinese loans to fund its share of the port and SEZ, which combined could amount to 5 percent of national GDP. CENTER FOR STRATEGIC & middle east INTERNATIONAL STUDIES program CSIS BRIEFS | WWW.CSIS.ORG | 1 yaukpyu is a coastal town along the Bay Kyaukpyu is of considerable of Bengal in Myanmar’s western-most state of Rakhine. In 2016, subsidiaries strategic and economic value of China’s CITIC Group Corporation, including China Harbor Engineering for China as it seeks to speed Company, won contracts for two major projects in the town—the dredging of development of Yunnan and its Ka deep-sea port and the creation of an industrial area in an other inland provinces.
    [Show full text]
  • In Their Joint Report Submitted to the Working Group on The
    MYANMAR 23rd Session of the Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review Human Rights Council 6 November 2015 Joint submission prepared by the Alternative ASEAN Network on Burma (ALTSEAN- Burma) and the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) Summary 1. The submission by the Alternative ASEAN Network on Burma (ALTSEAN-Burma) and the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) focuses on: Myanmar’s adherence to international human rights instruments; its domestic legislation and the rule of law; the intimidation and targeting of human rights defenders (HRDs); armed conflict and displacement; the rights of ethnic and religious minorities, including Muslim Rohingya; rape and gender-based violence; human rights abuses in prisons and in conflict areas; and the National Human Rights Commission. 2. This submission analyzes important accepted recommendations that have not been implemented adequately or at all. Out of 190 recommendations made during its Universal Periodic Review (UPR) in 2011, Myanmar accepted 74, rejected 70, and considered 46. 3. During its last UPR in June 2011, Myanmar made commitments to: continue efforts to promote and protect human rights and freedoms; ratify all universal core human rights treaties; take steps to review domestic legislation to guarantee fundamental rights to freedom of expression, association, and assembly; ensure the independence and impartiality of the judiciary; strengthen and promote ethnic rights; resolve conflicts with ethnic armed groups; protect women’s rights; and improve conditions in prisons and bring detentions in compliance with international standards. 4. Since 2011, Myanmar has failed to fully implement these commitments. This has led to ongoing abuse of its citizens’ fundamental rights.
    [Show full text]
  • The Economic Relations of Myanmar-China
    Chapter 7 The Economic Relations of Myanmar-China Shihong Bi Abstract After Myanmar’s new government came to power in March 2011, Myanmar’s reforms opened the door and provided more opportunities for Myanmar-China to cooperate in the economy, trade, and culture on the one hand and also created some uncertainties about the economic relations of Myanmar-China on the other hand. The changes in Myanmar’s politics and the improvement of western countries’ relations with Myanmar are a challenge to China, and this challenge exists objectively. However, the overall cooperation between China and Myanmar over the past decades will not disappear immediately, as China has obvious economic advantages in economic relations with Myanmar-China. China should envisage the deficiencies of its relations with Myanmar, and make efforts to solve the problems regarding the Myanmar-China economic cooperation and endeavor to improve China’s image in Myanmar, to ensure that the economic relations of Myanmar-China can develop sustainably. 1. Introduction After Myanmar’s new government came to power in March 2011, Myanmar’s political, economic, and social transformation, and reform and development have made great achievements. However, the development of the situation inside and outside Myanmar could be affected by these issues, such as the leadership’s ability to adapt to the new political structure, the new challenges to economic development, the national reconciliation process that is threatened by the Kachin conflict, the continuous religious conflicts, as well as the domestic democratic reforms that expect to live up to the western powers’ standard. Myanmar’s reforms have opened the door and provide more opportunities for Myanmar-China cooperation in the economy, trade, and culture on the one hand, and created some uncertainties about the economic relations of Myanmar-China on the other hand.
    [Show full text]
  • Open for Business?
    open for BUSINESS? CORPORATE CRIME AND ABUSES AT MYANMAR COPPER MINE Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 7 million people who campaign for a world where human rights are enjoyed by all. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. First published in 2015 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW United Kingdom © Amnesty International 2015 Index: ASA 16/003/2015 Original Language: English Printed by Amnesty International, International Secretariat, United Kingdom All rights reserved. This publication is copyright, but may be reproduced by any method without fee for advocacy, campaigning and teaching purposes, but not for resale. The copyright holders request that all such use be registered with them for impact assessment purposes. For copying in any other circumstances, or for reuse in other publications, or for translation or adaptation, prior written permission must be obtained from the publishers, and a fee may be payable. To request permission, or for any other inquiries, please contact [email protected] cover picture: Farmers confront riot police at the site of the Letpadaung copper mine near Monywa in Central Myanmar on 22 December, 2014. On the same day a protester was shot and killed by police. Local people are protesting against forced evictions from their land to make way for the mine. Credit: AP photo www.amnesty.org CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Investment Coalitions and Public Support: a Survey Experimental Approach to Chinese Investment in Myanmar1
    Global Development Policy Center GCI WORKING PAPER 004 • 11/2018 GLOBAL CHINA INITIATIVE Investment Coalitions and Public Support: A Survey Experimental Approach to Chinese Investment in Myanmar1 YOUYI ZHANG & YING YAO ABSTRACT While under military rule before 2011, the presence and activities of multinational corporations (MNCs) in Myanmar were infrequently mentioned by the media and largely obscured from public attention. However, since 2011, FDI has become one of the most salient and hotly debated issues in the context of Myanmar’s rapidly changing political economy. Existing anecdotal evidence and Youyi Zhang, Cornell case studies offer only a partial view of Chinese FDI and systematic data on public attitudes towards University Government different types of Chinese FDI is lacking. To build a more nuanced understanding, we conducted a Department & Boston University survey experiment on public perceptions of Chinese FDI in Myanmar composed of data from 956 Global Development Policy respondents and another experiment with about 2000 college students across the country. The key Center. factors under examination are types of Chinese firms’ local partners and their social engagement strategies. We asked the respondents to read fabricated news with multiple scenarios of varying types of investment and subsequently react to our questionnaire. We found that public perceptions of Chinese projects are contingent on a firm’s selection of local partner and social engagement strategy. Respondents react more favorably to projects that partner with local private companies and engage with local communities directly. With the newly initiated China- Myanmar Economic Corridor under the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative, this research informs stakeholders in China and Myanmar on how to better manage Chinese FDI in Myanmar.
    [Show full text]
  • China and the February 1, 2021 Coup D'etat in Burma: Beijing's
    Volume 19 | Issue 10 | Number 1 | Article ID 5600 | May 15, 2021 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus China and the February 1, 2021 Coup d’Etat in Burma: Beijing’s Geopolitical Nightmare Donald M. Seekins Abstract: Despite its oft-stated commitment to non-interference in the domestic affairs of foreign countries, the People’s Republic of China has intervened on many levels in Burma’s conflict-ridden society, both before and after 1988. It is in 2021 Burma’s largest economic partner in terms of trade, aid and investment, and has fit Burma into its continent- and ocean-spanning One Belt/One Road Initiative. In chronically unstable border areas, it has a major influence on armed insurgent groups such as the Kokang Group and the United Wa State Army. Beijing’s top priority has been to ensure political stability, and it found Aung San Suu Kyi a willing and China's 'Burma Road' project, part of the able partner after she became “State broader Belt-and-Road infrastructural Counselor” in 2016. But the coup d’etat of initiative. February 1, 2021 has cast a shadow over the Beijing-Naypyidaw relationship and Burma’s future. Keywords: Burma (Myanmar), China, One This article assesses relations between the Belt/One Road Initiative, State Law and Order People’s Republic of China and the Republic of Restoration Council/State Peace and the Union of Myanmar, or Burma, in light of the Development Council, State Administrative military coup d’état which took place on Council, Aung San Suu Kyi. February 1, 2020. This event caused an unexpected crisis in ties between the two neighboring countries, which the Burmese have traditionally described as pauk paw relations, those between “distant cousins.
    [Show full text]
  • Human Rights Council the Economic Interests of the Myanmar Military
    A/HRC/42/CRP.3 5 August 2019 English only Human Rights Council Forty-second session 9–27 September 2019 Agenda item 4 Human Rights situations that require the Council’s attention The economic interests of the Myanmar military Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Myanmar An earlier version of this repot, released on 5 August 2019, misindentified details related to a number of companies and individuals. They have been corrected in this version of the report, and are outlined in “Update from the UN Independent International Fact- Finding Mission on Myanmar on its report on “The economic interests of Myanmar’s military”, available on the Mission’s website at https://www.ohchr.org/EN/HRBodies/HRC/MyanmarFFM/Pages/EconomicInterestsMyanmarMilitary.aspx GE. A/HRC/42/CRP.3 Contents Page I. Executive summary and key recommendations ............................................................................... 3 II. Mandate, methodology, international legal and policy framework .................................................. 6 A. Mandate ................................................................................................................................... 6 B. Methodology ............................................................................................................................ 7 C. International legal and policy framework ................................................................................ 8 III. Mapping Tatmadaw economic structures and interests ...................................................................
    [Show full text]