Russian Nationalism and Ethnic Violence

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Russian Nationalism and Ethnic Violence Russian Nationalism and Ethnic Violence Nationalism is now the dominant narrative in Russian politics, and one with genuine popularity in society. Russian Nationalism and Ethnic Violence: Symbolic violence, lynching, pogrom, and massacre is a theoretical and empirical study which seeks to break the concept of ‘ethnic violence’ into distinguishable types, examining the key question of why violence within the same conflict takes different forms at certain times and providing empirical insight into the politics of one of the most important countries in the world today. Theoretically, the work promises to bring the content of ethnic identity back into explanations of ethnic violence, with concepts from social theory, and empirical and qualitative analysis of databases, newspaper reports, human rights reports, social media, and ethnographic interviews. It sets out a new typology of ethnic violence, studied against examples of neo-Nazi attacks, Cossack violence against Meskhetian Turks, and Russian race riots. The study brings hate crimes in Russia into the study of ethnic violence and examines the social undercurrents that have led to Putin’s embrace of nationalism. It adds to the growing body of English language scholarship on Russia’s nationalist turn in the post-Cold War era, and will be essential read- ing for anyone seeking to understand not only why different forms of ethnic violence occur, but also the potential trajectory of Russian politics in the next 20 years. Richard Arnold is Associate Professor of Political Science at Muskingum University where he teaches comparative politics and international relations. He was the 2015 recipient of the William Rainey Harper award for Out- standing Scholarship and has published numerous articles in PS: Political Science and Politics, Theoretical Criminology, Post-Soviet Affairs, Problems of Post-Communism, Nationalities Papers, and Journal for the Study of Radic- alism. He graduated with a doctorate in 2009 from the Ohio State University and a BA in 2003 from the University of York in the United Kingdom. Europa Country Perspectives The Europa Country Perspectives series, from Routledge, examines a wide range of contemporary political, economic, developmental and social issues from areas around the world. Complementing the Europa Regional Surveys of the World series, Europa Country Perspectives will be a valuable resource for academics, students, researchers, policymakers, business people and anyone with an interest in current world affairs. While the Europa World Year Book and its associated Regional Surveys inform on and analyse contemporary economic, political and social develop- ments at the national and regional level, Europa Country Perspectives provide in-depth, country-specific volumes written or edited by specialists in their field, delving into a country’s particular situation. Volumes in the series are not constrained by any particular template, but may explore a country’s recent political, economic, international relations, social, defence, or other issues in order to increase understanding. Haiti: From Revolutionary Slaves to Powerless Citizens Essays on the politics and economics of underdevelopment, 1804–2013 Alex Dupuy Darfur’s Political Economy A quest for development Hamid Eltgani Ali Contesting Spain? The dynamics of nationalist movements in Catalonia and the Basque Country Edited by Richard Gillespie and Caroline Gray Catalonia: A New Independent State in Europe? A debate over secession within the European Union Edited by Xavier Cuadras-Morató Russian Nationalism and Ethnic Violence Symbolic violence, lynching, pogrom, and massacre Richard Arnold Russian Nationalism and Ethnic Violence Symbolic violence, lynching, pogrom, and massacre Richard Arnold Add Add Add Add Add AddAdd AddAdd AddAdd First published 2016 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2016 Richard Arnold The right of Richard Arnold to be identified as the author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. by Taylor & Francis Books Editor, Eastern Europe, Russia and Central Asia: Dominic Heaney Editorial Assistant: Eleanor Simmons British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN: 978-1-85743-859-8 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-31561-794-7 (ebk) Typeset in Times New Roman by Taylor & Francis Books Contents List of illustrations vi Abbreviations viii 1 Skinhead ethnic violence in the Russian Federation 1 2 “There is a war on our streets!”: Cataloguing skinhead violence 16 3 The theory of ethnic vigilantism and neo-Nazi violence 43 4 Unequal treatment: Meskhetian Turks in Krasnodar Krai and Rostov Oblast 85 5 The “Kondopoga technology”: Mobilizational dynamics of pogrom 108 6 Conclusion 137 Bibliography 148 Index 163 List of illustrations Figures 1.1 Axes and varieties of ethnic violence 8 2.1 “William Pierce” on wall in Kazan, Republic of Tatarstan, 2015 19 2.2 Execution of “colonists” 23 2.3 Skinhead symbols in Krasnodar, 2007 24 2.4 Neo-Nazi violence by type and ethnic target, 2001–936 2.5 Ethnic groups targeted by neo-Nazis for pogrom-style violence, 2001–940 3.1 Typology of crimes of which ethnic groups are accused 55 3.2a Stereotypes as a percentage of criminal accusations (Jews) 67 3.2b Stereotypes as a percentage of criminal accusations (Africans) 67 3.2c Stereotypes as a percentage of criminal accusations (Caucasians) 68 3.2d Stereotypes as a percentage of criminal accusations (Roma) 68 3.3a Shoulder tattoo of interview subject A 74 3.3b Chest tattoo of interview subject B 74 3.3c Nazi insignia tattoos on hands of interview subject A 75 3.3d Nazi symbol and German-language tattoo on shoulder of interview subject B 75 5.1 Ideas of ethnic criminality present in mass media, by type of crime 132 5.2 Have you recently participated in hostilities toward people of other nationalities? 134 5.3 What do you think about the idea “Russia for Russians?” 134 Tables 1.1 Incidents of skinhead violence by year, 2001–95 2.1 Incidents of skinhead violence by year, 2001–931 2.2 Ethnic violence 2001–9 by type 34 2.3 Ethnic violence 2001–9, by type and ethnic target 34 3.1 Numbers of articles read by source 60 3.2 Coding guidelines and examples 63 3.3 Breakdown of accusations against ethnic groups 64 List of illustrations vii 3.4 Accusations of criminality against each ethnic group, by type of crime 64 4.1 Ethnic violence against Meskhetian Turks in Rostov and Krasnodar, 1991–2006 92 4.2 Number and type of source 96 4.3 Images associated with Meskhetian Turks 1997–2006, by media type 97 4.4 Analysis of criminal accusations against Meskhetian Turks in 100 Krasnodar Krai Abbreviations DPNI Movement against Illegal Immigration KKK Ku Klux Klan NGO Non-governmental organization RNE Russian National Unity RSFSR Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic RTR Russian Television and Radio SHARP Skinheads against Racial Prejudice Sova Sova Center for Information and Analysis UCSJ Union of Councils of Former Soviet Jewry UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees 1 Skinhead ethnic violence in the Russian Federation On January 11, 2006 Aleksander Koptsev, a troubled youth suffering from an illness that would lead to blindness and mental distress, burst into a Hassid synagogue on Bolshaya Bronnaya Street in the heart of Moscow. The security cameras at the synagogue captured the entire incident.1 After entering the synagogue, 21-year-old Koptsev pulled out a knife and shouted “I will kill Jews!” He proceeded to stab nine parishioners before being wrestled to the ground by the Rabbi (see Bigotry Monitor, 2006: 6: 3). The ensuing police investigation found anti-Semitic literature at Koptsev’s apartment and pur- ported links between him and the international racist skinhead group Combat-18: Blood and Honour. At his trial, Koptsev said that he had gone into the synagogue to “kill as many Jews as possible.” The court sentenced Koptsev to 16 years in prison for attempted murder “motivated by ethnic hatred” but did not charge him with inciting religious or ethnic enmity (see Bigotry Monitor, 2006: 6: 13). Koptsev took his own life less than a year later.2 Most people in Russia expressed revulsion at the events, as indeed they would do anywhere. Yet some actually tried to invert the meaning of this event and present Russians as the victims. Russian State Duma deputy speaker Sergei Baburin from the Rodina (Motherland) bloc voiced such sen- timent when he charged that many of the accusations made against Koptsev were “Russophobic in essence,” implying that the media only cares about crimes committed against Jews (see Bigotry Monitor, 2006: 6: 3). Likewise former Motherland leader Dmitrii Rogozin blamed violent video games and pornography, claiming that the attack received extra attention due to the Jewish nature of the victims: “Obviously, the murder of a Russian is seen in Russia as an ordinary crime, while the murder of a minority is practically a crime against humanity” (Zavtra, January 19, 2006 in Bigotry Monitor, 2006: 6: 5). At the time of writing, Rogozin was Russia’s ambassador to NATO. Albeit not quite support for Koptsev, statements of this nature from officials of such high ranking in the machinery of the state are reflective of popular xenophobic sentiment in the Russian Federation.
Recommended publications
  • The Christchurch Attack Report: Key Takeaways on Tarrant’S Radicalization and Attack Planning
    The Christchurch Attack Report: Key Takeaways on Tarrant’s Radicalization and Attack Planning Yannick Veilleux-Lepage, Chelsea Daymon and Amarnath Amarasingam i The Christchurch Attack Report: Key Takeaways on Tarrant’s Radicalization and Attack Planning Yannick Veilleux-Lepage, Chelsea Daymon and Amarnath Amarasingam ICCT Perspective December 2020 ii About ICCT The International Centre for Counter-Terrorism – The Hague (ICCT) is an independent think and do tank providing multidisciplinary policy advice and practical, solution- oriented implementation support on prevention and the rule of law, two vital pillars of effective counterterrorism. ICCT’s work focuses on themes at the intersection of countering violent extremism and criminal justice sector responses, as well as human rights-related aspects of counterterrorism. The major project areas concern countering violent extremism, rule of law, foreign fighters, country and regional analysis, rehabilitation, civil society engagement and victims’ voices. Functioning as a nucleus within the international counter-terrorism network, ICCT connects experts, policymakers, civil society actors and practitioners from different fields by providing a platform for productive collaboration, practical analysis, and exchange of experiences and expertise, with the ultimate aim of identifying innovative and comprehensive approaches to preventing and countering terrorism. Licensing and Distribution ICCT publications are published in open access format and distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons
    [Show full text]
  • Mobilizing White Power
    1 MOBILIZING WHITE POWER Music, Culture, and Politics here’s a whole other genre of music out there that no one ever “Thears about and its [sic] real powerful, especially at that awkward stage where no one exactly knows who they are.”1 This California teen- age skin girl is talking about white power music. Resistance Records, once the major distributor in the United States, has dubbed white power music “the soundtrack to the white revolution.”2 Mainstream Americans recently heard more about white power music due to sev- eral high-proÀle hate crimes. Wade Michael Page, the 2012 Sikh Temple shooter, played in multiple white power bands and belonged to Ham- merskin Nation, a racist skinhead group known for its annual music festivals. Paul Craig Cobb, the internationally known white suprema- cist arrested for terroristic threats in Leith, North Dakota, planned to host white power music festivals on his rural land.4 Anders Behring Breivik, who committed the July 2011 terrorist attack on a socialist labor party camp in Norway, also enjoyed white power music, though he reportedly preferred hip hop.5 They are only a few of the individu- als, many of them teenagers, radicalized by white power music often accessed over the Internet. The importance of white power music for an expanding network of white supremacists across the globe should come as no surprise. However, the role of music in politics generally receives too little 1 © 2016 State University of New York Press, Albany 2 TRENDY FASCISM attention from scholars, politicians, and citizens—and white power music is no exception.
    [Show full text]
  • Jonas De Geer and the Negotiation of Religion Within Radical Nationalism Tomas Lundström
    “Let us build an ark!” Jonas De Geer and the negotiation of religion within radical nationalism tomas lundström Field of study · religion in peace and conflict 30 credits ma thesis · spring 2016 Supervisor · mattias gardell Department of Theology · uppsala university abstract This thesis illuminates meaning(s) of religion in a Swedish radical nationalist context. The empirical study is based on a critical text analysis of author Jonas De Geer, key ideology producer of Swedish radical nationalism. The research questions concern how the publications of Jonas De Geer, during the period 1996-2016, address issues related to religion and Christian imagery. The primary aim of the thesis – to study how the concept of religion is understood, negotiated and used in a Swedish radical nationalist context – is enunciated through an examination of how identity and antagonists are construed through the notions of religion in the material, and how these concepts change over time. An applied text analysis, informed by critical discourse analysis and corpus linguistics, constitutes the methodological framework of the study. The empirical analysis suggests that Christianity and national identity are construed as intertwined and natural, while Judaism is portrayed as the primary antagonist. Additionally, Islam and modernist ideals are depicted as weapons used by Jewish influence to dominate the West. Drawing on these empirical implications, the study concludes that religion functions as a racist configuration in De Geer's symbolic universe. Table of Contents
    [Show full text]
  • Metapedia and the Internationalization of Swedish Generic Fascism
    fascism 4 (2015) 194-208 brill.com/fasc Ikea Fascism: Metapedia and the Internationalization of Swedish Generic Fascism Henrik Arnstad Science journalist, specializing in modern history [email protected] Abstract Today’s European movements active within the spectrum of generic fascism have become sophisticated at internationalizing their ideology. This is illustrated in the present article through a study of the Swedish pan-European web encyclopaedia Metapedia, a fascist equivalent of the mainstream Wikipedia, working in the fields of metapolitics and gramscisme de Droite. The article argues that contemporary interna- tionalization goes hand-in-hand with the historical traditions of Swedish fascism since the 1940s and 1950s, and indeed can be interpreted as a part of Swedish national iden- tity. As such, the idea of Metapedia as ‘Ikea Fascism’ is not as far-fetched as it would seem, since there is a link between the founder of the multinational Swedish furniture company and the internationalization of Swedish fascism. Keywords Metapedia – metapolitics – gramscisme de droite – neo-fascism – internet – internationalization – Sweden In January 2009 the Swedish Justitiekanslern [Chancellor of Justice] inves- tigated the allegedly Nazi web encyclopaedia Metapedia,1 following allega- tions of criminal racial agitation in the article about Adolf Hitler. The investigation, however, did not lead to prosecution since, as the Chancellor stated, 1 http://en.metapedia.org/wiki/Main_Page. © Arnstad, 2015 | doi 10.1163/22116257-00402002 This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 Unported (CC-BY-NC 3.0) License. http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/Downloaded from Brill.com09/26/2021 10:49:32PM via free access <UN> Ikea Fascism 195 The reported article contains a biography of Adolf Hitler.
    [Show full text]
  • Jessica Garpvall, Master's Thesis
    “I’m tired of being sh-t on for being white” Collective identity construction in the Alt-Right movement by Jessica Garpvall Master’s thesis in Political Science (15 ECTS) Swedish Defence University Department of Security, Strategy and Leadership Supervisor: Ronnie Hjorth Semester: Spring 2017 Abstract This thesis examines collective identity construction within the extreme right movement Alt-Right that gained public recognition during the 2016 US presidential campaign. Despite it being an increasingly stigmatized practice to openly articulate racist ideas in contemporary society, the Alt-Right movement managed to gain a following by doing just that. As collective identity funds collective action, a discourse analysis in line with Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe’s strand of discourse theory was conducted to understand what encourages and facilitates participation in the movement’s activities. The material consisted of articles connected to three different factions of the Alt-Right published online and the subsequent comments generated by these. The findings indicate that the collective identity constructed in the Alt-Right is white, masculine and heterosexual. This identity is constructed and reified through contrasting themselves against racialized and gendered Others. It is also reinforced by signs of intelligence, enlightenment, bravery and a sense of rebelliousness and fun linked to the collective identity. The Others are primarily constructed as the Jewish community, non-white groups, women and the LGBTQ community. The use of new
    [Show full text]
  • Pro-Violence and Anti-Democratic
    Foreword The standard media image of violent extremism may seem to be far from the ordinary work of the Swedish Media Council. While extremism is often described in dramatic terms of terrorism, attacks and riots, the Council’s work concerns more everyday things, such as age limits for cinema films and media awareness teaching in pre-school. But no person is born to be a perpetrator of violence for political or religious purposes. Being recruited to and radicalised within the framework of pro- violence and anti-democratic extremist groups is a question of adopting, more or less uncritically, an image of the world where hate is the driving force and violence the legitimate means. In today’s information society, the Internet has become, to an ever increasing extent, the tool for spreading anti-democratic messages for the purpose of recruiting new members. This fact places great demands on people young and old to retain a critical view of information and sometime sharply angled messages that we come across in both traditional and digital media. In October 2011, the Government mandated the Swedish Media Council to describe the presence of anti-democratic messages on the Internet and in social media. The focus is on messages aimed at young persons, and that encourage violence for political or ideological reasons. The aim is to create broader knowledge about extremist Internet milieux, their content, and how recruitment strategies are formulated and communicated. The overall purpose is to strengthen young persons in preparation for encounters with such messages. To carry out the work, the Swedish Media Council has employed three researchers, each of whom has contributed one constituent study about three different extremist Internet milieux.
    [Show full text]
  • Learning from the Unfathomable: an Analysis of Anders Behring Breivik
    Learning From the Unfathomable: An Analysis of Anders Behring Breivik Pelle Billing1 and Kristian Stålne2 Abstract: The Norwegian mass murderer Anders Behring Breivik and his manifesto are analyzed from different perspectives by employing various models from the field of adult development psychology; we analyze Breivik and the movement he claims to represent with respect to hierarchical complexity, ego development theory according to Jane Loevinger and Robert Kegan, and value systems according to Clare W Graves. The specific values of the Scandinavian culture in which Breivik was raised – and that he wanted to attack – are also analyzed in order to understand this terrible deed. We conclude that Breivik can be regarded as a complex thinker who is also fairly mature from an ego development perspective, and his terrorist act can be seen as traditional values attacking the postmodern values that dominate in Scandinavia. With regard to motive we argue that his attack was fueled by a fragile gender identity due to paternal abandonment issues and a less than male friendly culture. This fragile gender identity then latched onto double standards in the intersection of gender politics and multiculturalism. We also argue that while the deed itself was hideous and repulsive, these double standards need to be exposed and addressed. Keywords: Anders Behring Breivik, ego development theory, gender identity, gender politics, model of hierarchical complexity, multiculturalism, Spiral Dynamics. Introduction On July 22nd 2011, Norway and perhaps also Europe witnessed its worst terrorist attack in modern times, when Anders Behring Breivik detonated a homemade bomb next to a government building in central Oslo, and then continued directly to the island of Utöya to open fire at a youth camp.
    [Show full text]
  • The Importance of Music to Anders Behring Breivik Joe Stroud*
    The Importance of Music to Anders Behring Breivik Joe Stroud* Abstract: This article considers the significance of popular music to the Norwegian terrorist Anders Behring Breivik, particularly the people he names in his manifesto: Helene Bøksle, Clint Mansell and Saga. Breivik saw these musicians, operating outwith the mainstream music industry, as conforming to his ideology, therefore playing a crucial role in making him feel part of a community during his period of isolation in preparation for his attack. This music also helped to motivate Breivik and maintain his morale. This article considers why this music in particular appealed to Breivik, and what he saw in it to confirm his ideology. Introduction On 22 July 2011, Anders Behring Breivik became one of the world’s most notorious perpetrators of lone-wolf terrorism, killing eight people with a car-bomb in central Oslo, then moving to the island of Utøya, where he shot dead 69 attendees—mostly teenagers—at the summer camp of the Workers’ Youth League (the youth wing of the Norwegian Labour party). While Breivik conducted these actions alone, (BBC, 2011) he was motivated by an ideology that had been acquired and influenced by a community of like-minded individuals connected through a variety of media. One medium of particular significance to Breivik was music. This article considers the various significances of music for Breivik, particularly in allowing him to visualise his attacks, in making him feel part of a community, and in being sufficiently malleable to be adapted to his ideology. More fundamentally, these functions fed into a broader role of music for Breivik, in motivating him and in maintaining his morale.
    [Show full text]
  • Pedlars of Hate: the Violent Impact of the European Far Right
    Pedlars of hate: the violent impact of the European far Right Liz Fekete Published by the Institute of Race Relations 2-6 Leeke Street London WC1X 9HS Tel: +44 (0) 20 7837 0041 Fax: +44 (0) 20 7278 0623 Web: www.irr.org.uk Email: [email protected] ©Institute of Race Relations 2012 ISBN 978-0-85001-071-9 Acknowledgements We would like to acknowledge the support of the Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust and the Open Society Foundations in the researching, production and dissemination of this report. Many of the articles cited in this document have been translated into English by over twenty volunteers who assist the IRR’s European Research Programme. We would especially like to thank Sibille Merz and Dagmar Schatz (who translate from German into English), Joanna Tegnerowicz (who translates from Polish into English) and Kate Harre, Frances Webber and Norberto Laguía Casaus (who translate from Spanish into English). A particular debt is due to Frank Kopperschläger and Andrei Stavila for their generosity in allowing us to use their photographs. In compiling this report the websites of the Internet Centre Against Racism in Europe (www.icare.to) and Romea (www.romea.cz) proved invaluable. Liz Fekete is Executive Director of the Institute of Race Relations and head of its European research programme. Cover photo by Frank Kopperschläger is of the ‘Silence Against Silence’ memorial rally in Berlin on 26 November 2011 to commemorate the victims of the National Socialist Underground. (In Germany, white roses symbolise the resistance movement to the Nazi
    [Show full text]
  • AFTER the 22 JULY TERROR in NORWAY: Media Debates on Freedom of Expression and Multiculturalism
    Special Issue Article • DOI: 10.2478/njmr-2013-0011 NJMR • 3(4) • 2013 • 187-196 AFTER THE 22 JULY TERROR IN NORWAY: Media debates on freedom of expression and multiculturalism Abstract This article analyses the mainstream press coverage of the terror in Norway Elisabeth Eide*, Maria Kjølstad & Anja Naper post 22.07.2011 and discusses how and in what context the concepts of freedom of expression and multiculturalism occur. The aim has been to map Oslo and Akershus University College of Applied Sciences (HiOA), Norway important discursive trends in the aftermath of the terror. A clear division between different victim positions is identified. One blames majority society for not granting enough space to extreme right wing views on Islam and diversity/ multiculturalism; another one sees the terror connected to a majority society that already has demonstrated a high degree of hostility towards migrants and Muslims. Thus, two different understandings of the status for freedom of expression in Norway occur, linked to differing positions on the diversity society. Keywords Multiculturalism • terrorism • freedom of expression journalism • opinion Received 31 January 2013; Accepted 16 September 2013 1 Introduction: contested concepts In the first weeks after the 22.7.2011 terror attacks, politicians, the • Which main discourses may be identified in news coverage clergy and the royal family stated the need for more openness and and opinion material focusing on “freedom of expression” and democracy. A “positive cohesion” of sorts occurred as Norway’s “multiculturalism” during the first 100 days of national press immediate response to the terror. But a “negative cohesion” also coverage post-22 July? emerged, especially in some of the social media, where the terrorist’s • Which genres were the most frequent, and what kind of people extremist and hateful views found some support.
    [Show full text]
  • The Turner Diaries' Ties to Extremists
    THE TURNER DIARIES’ TIES TO EXTREMISTS THE TURNER DIARIES’ TIES TO EXTREMISTS Key Points: • William Luther Pierce wrote The Turner Diaries in 1978. White nationalists have described the book as a “Handbook for White Victory.” • The book has directly influenced at least three terror attacks—in the United States, Norway, and the United Kingdom—resulting in the deaths of 248 people. The most deadly of these attacks is the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing, which killed 168. • The Turner Diaries inspired the creation of a domestic white nationalist militia called The Order, which carried out a series of bank robberies and murders in the 1980s. • The book continues to act as a source of inspiration and propaganda for white nationalists, who quote the material online and threaten violence depicted in the book. Norwegian terrorist Anders Behring Breivik and Oklahoma City bomber Timothy McVeigh committed heinous acts of terrorism in their respective countries. Though their respective attacks were 16 years apart, Breivik and McVeigh drew inspiration for their malicious acts from the same source: The Turner Diaries, a 1978 novel about a race war that results in the murder of non-white minorities and the creation of a white nation. The seminal work by white nationalist William Luther Pierce, written under the pseudonym Andrew Macdonald, has influenced transnational acts of murder, robbery, and terrorism. Writing in the London Review of Books in 1997, John Sutherland described The Turner Diaries as “not the work of a Holocaust-denier (although Pierce gives us plenty of that) so much as a would-be Holocaust-repeater.”1 The Turner Diaries has become an influential work among white nationalists, inspiring violent attacks and propaganda.
    [Show full text]
  • Right-Wing Extremists and Anti-Islam Activists in Norway: Constraints Against Violence
    w C-REX WORKING PAPER SERIES w NO. 3 / 2017 Right-Wing Extremists and anti-Islam Activists in Norway: Constraints against Violence Tore Bjørgo and Ingvild Magnæs Gjelsvik, Norwegian Police University College and Center for Research on Extremism (C-REX), University of Oslo C-REX - Center for Research on Extremism The Extreme Right, Hate Crime and Political Violence Published December 2017 Editorial board/Editor Professor Tore Bjørgo Professor Katrine Fangen Professor Torkel Brekke Associate Professor Inger Skjelsbæk Deputy Director Anders Ravik Jupskås Publisher Center for Research on Extremism, The Extreme Right, Hate Crime and Political Violence, University of Oslo Center for Research on Extremism:The Extreme Right, Hate Crime and Political Violence (C-REX) www.sv.uio.no/c-rex/english University of Oslo P.O.Box 1097 Blindern 0317 Oslo Norway Email: [email protected] Right-Wing Extremists and anti-Islam Activists in Norway: Constraints against Violence Tore Bjørgo and Ingvild Magnæs Gjelsvik1 Norwegian Police University College and Center for Research on Extremism: The Extreme Right, Hate Crime and Political Violence (C-REX), University of Oslo Contact: [email protected] Given the abundance of violent ideologies and rhetoric among different strands of right-wing extremism and anti-Islamism in Norway, most activists never engage in actual violence and most of them distance themselves from violent methods. Even some of those with very extreme views have some limits to the kinds of violent acts they would actually commit. What restrains most of these activists from engaging in actual violence? Whereas most research on radicalisation processes focus on those few who actually engage in terrorist violence, the large majority of people who radicalize into accepting violence as a legitimate option but for various reasons never make use of violence.
    [Show full text]