VALDAI DISCUSSION CLUB REPORT

www.valdaiclub.com

BREXIT, THE CITY, AND THE CRISIS OF CONSERVATISM

Radhika Desai and Alan Freeman

MOSCOW, DECEMBER 2016 Author

Radhika Desai Professor at the Department of Political Studies and Director, Geopolitical Economy Research Group, University of Manitoba, Winnipeg, Canada Alan Freeman Co-Director of the Geopolitical Economy Research Group, University of Manitoba, Winnipeg, Canada

The views and opinions expressed in this Report are those of the authors and do not represent the views of the Valdai Discussion Club, unless explicitly stated otherwise. Contents

Cameron’s High Stakes Poker: Staking the Country for Party Gain ...... 3

The Campaign: Racism versus Fear...... 5

The Verdict: Protest Against Neoliberal Britain...... 7

The City’s Brexit Fears ...... 9

What have they done?! The Known Unknowns and the Unknown Unknowns ...... 12

British Society’s Neoliberal Faultlines ...... 15

A Broken Political System ...... 16

Conclusion ...... 17

References ...... 18 BREXIT, THE CITY, AND THE CRISIS OF CONSERVATISM

Thanks to the role of money and and European leaders were demanding an end entrenched class power in electoral processes, to the uncertainty. In September, as the eventful the history of liberal democracy is not exactly summer of Brexit drew to a close, and normal life littered with instances of the people springing resumed in London and Westminster, Mrs May nasty surprises on the powers in the land. That, announced on the opening day of the Conservative however, was precisely what the British electorate Party conference that Britain would trigger did on June 23, 2016 when it voted to leave Article 50 before March 2017, and that Parliament the European Union in the face of impressive would soon repeal the 1973 act of British ruling class and political establishment accession to become effective upon completion opposition. So far, notwithstanding these of the negotiations. powerful forces and currents seeking a reversal However, opening negotiations under or dilution of the referendum verdict – including Article 50 will only start the clock ticking on a two- practically all party leaderships, most year window. So it could be 2019 before Britain of the educated middle class, and the powerful exits from the EU and the intervening two and fi nancial sector that has historically dominated a half years will give those who would obstruct, British capitalism – it appears to be sticking. stall, divert or reverse the implementation True, in his resignation speech the day of the referendum verdict plenty of opportunities. after the referendum, Prime Minister Cameron So Mrs May’s announcement represents less a plan postponed Brexit implementation until after and timetable than a positioning in the potentially the Conservatives elected a new leader at gruelling struggles to come. It is not possible the autumn party conference. True also that to predict their outcome; there are simply too when Theresa May emerged as leader and Prime many forces at play, within Britain and the other Minister much sooner than expected, she further 27 EU countries and too many uncertainties, postponed the date when negotiations for Britain’s particularly economic ones. What we can do, exit from the EU would be triggered under Article however, is try to understand the forces at play, 50 of the Lisbon treaty until the following year. their strength and motivations. To do this, we must However, such stalling could only go on so long: begin by understanding why the referendum was the popular verdict had to be implemented called in the fi rst place.

Cameron’s High Stakes Poker: Staking the Country for Party Gain

The naïve might be forgiven for Two things came together to cause this imagining that an important referendum with problem. The fi rst is that, since it peaked in 1955, such a potentially damaging verdict would not the Conservative vote (Figu re 1) has shown a secular be called lightly, that such a move would be downward trend, in the share of the vote, and justified only if divisions over EU membership in absolute numbers despite a growing electorate. had become so acute as to overwhelm political Secondly, while EU membership and its terms life leaving no other way to resolve them. have regularly caused inner party conflict So it may come as something of a surprise in both major parties, the Conservatives have to many that the referendum was called been particularly prone to them. Unlike some in response to an entirely inner-party problem other European countries, where small and large of the Conservatives. property is politically represented by different

VALDAI DISCUSSION CLUB REPORT, DECEMBER 2016 3 BREXIT, THE CITY, AND THE CRISIS OF CONSERVATISM

parties, in Britain the Conservatives are the party over the EU brought down Mrs Thatcher, of property in general, small and large (Gamble contributed to the inner party wrangling that 1974). They are, therefore, particularly susceptible kept the Conservatives out of power for 13 years, to the chasm that separates the interests and ended Cameron’s political career, and could also perceptions of big and small capital, which the EU determine the longevity of Mrs May’s tenure at has widened further (Baker et al 1993). Differences Downing Street. Figure 1. THE CONSERVATIVE VOTE: ABSOLUTE NUMBERS AND SHARE OF THE VOTE Vote (Million) Share % 15 55 14 50 13 45 12 11 40 10 35 9 30 8 7 25 6 20 1955 1964 1970 1974 1983 1992 2001 2010

To make matters worse, the anti-European Cameron’s promise of a new referendum was an Independence Party (UKIP) began internal Tory affair and entirely based on electoral drawing votes away from the Conservatives’ right calculations. flank from the early 2000s onward, making it It worked. Having been rewarded with diffi cult for them to win parliamentary majorities a majority in 2015, he proceeded to re-negotiate despite the fi rst-past-the-post electoral system the terms of British membership, particularly which had hitherto bestowed parliamentary playing up his efforts to control immigration majorities on parties with little more than 40% to prepare the ground for winning the referendum of the popular vote. The result was that, despite all to come. Actually, he achieved very little in these Labour’s troubles, the Conservatives could only get negotiations. He secured some temporary limitations to Downing Street in 2010 by forming a coalition on immigrants’ access to social benefi ts. He extracted with the Liberal Democratic Party. an acknowledgement that the euro is not the only In 2015 was campaigning currency in the EU, but little else to protect the City to win a majority. His party was aware that the key from unwelcome EU regulation. He was given to winning the 2015 election was to win back those a vague commitment to lower the administrative Conservative voters for whom the EU and immigration burden of regulation on business, some assurances were major issues (Cowley and Kavanagh 2016). that Britain was not obliged to participate in ‘ever To this end, he promised a renegotiation of the terms closer union’ and a few concessions on sovereignty of EU membership followed by referendum on EU issues (Sparrow 2016). Nothing about the process membership on new terms as a way to entice voters or its outcome revealed that Cameron was doing back from UKIP. Though the need to placate anti-EU anything more than going through the motions sentiment in the Labour Party was undoubtedly part of renegotiation to propitiate anti-EU sentiment, of what motivated Wilson to call the 1975 referendum that he was worried about losing, or that his efforts on the EU, the link was not so direct and the EU issue made any difference to how the two sides lined up cut across party lines more cleanly. In contrast, against one another in the referendum that followed.

4 VALDAI DISCUSSION CLUB REPORT, DECEMBER 2016 BREXIT, THE CITY, AND THE CRISIS OF CONSERVATISM

The Campaign: Racism versus Fear

The Remain side expected the referendum back from the EU was read largely as control over to be a walkover, with all major parties campaigning immigration. Finally, the Brexiteers had no qualms for it, nearly the whole of the quality press about making fantastical claims about the amount in favour, the support of most of the corporate of money which was being drained out to Brussels. sector and with the fi nancial sector, the sector Their claims that Brexit would save this money and with the most skin in the game, fervently backing that it would be used to improve social services, them. Instead it became a bruising campaign that particularly the National Health Service, wore claimed the life an MP. a little thin given the domination of the Brexit Probably sensing that Cameron’s campaign by the hard right of the Conservative renegotiation had not really worked, especially party. on the issue of immigration, the buffoonish but For its part, the Remain side focused on two popular former London Mayor, Boris Johnson, main things: it fulminated against the racism never known for his anti-European views and of the Brexiteers, seeking to discredit their position hitherto one of the party’s most vocal advocates for on that ground, and sought to bolster its case City interests, decided to campaign on the Leave with fearful projections about the consequences side. The previous year, he had decided against of Brexit. The precise numbers that such running for a third term as Mayor to concentrate projections included made them less, not more on his parliamentary ambitions which appeared credible, calling to mind Tom Nairn’s scathing to include leadership of the Conservative party. comment on Britain’s previous internal battle Clearly, he had now decided that the shortest route over EU membership: ‘Politicians who in offi ce had there, and eventually to 10 Downing Street, was as been consistently unable to estimate the balance one of the key leaders of the Leave campaign. of payments correctly to within £100m now knew Working on ground well-prepared by what the price of butter would be in fi ve years’ Cameron during the 2015 elections and during time.’ (Nairn 1972). The Trades Union Congress the negotiations with the EU that followed, published a report claiming that the average the Brexit campaign highlighted the immigration British worker would lose 38 pounds per week from issue, liberally peppering it with racism and it, while panic in the Remain campaign two weeks Islamophobia. Racism found a voice; the Brexit before the referendum prompted campaigners gave racism a legitimacy which fi fty to threaten that he would be forced to impose years of heroic anti-racist struggles, in which black £30bn in taxes and spending cuts if Brexit won and minority Britons played prominent leadership (Asthana et al 2016). roles, had denied it. Racist attacks spiralled, with Though both sides sought to incite fear, a marked rise in violent attacks on the persons there was some justice in Boris Johnson labelling and property of blacks, Muslims and recent the Remain campaign ‘Project Fear’ – ironically European immigrants (Paaveen and Sherwood a label originally used to describe the No side 2016). Labour MP, Jo Cox, a bright young star in the 2014 Scottish referendum. The fact was that of the party, campaigning for Remain and against the Remain campaign had very little else to campaign this increasingly racist platform, was murdered on. In the midst of multiple crises, the EU hardly in public by a mentally ill man with ties to right cut an attractive fi gure. Since the Eurozone crisis wing and neo-Nazi groups. erupted, the power of Germany and bankers was Immigrants, the Brexit campaign claimed, rampant. The ‘troika’ of the European Central Bank, particularly those from the EU, were taking the European Commission and the International scarce jobs and stretching Britain’s social Monetary Fund was imposing punishing austerity and health services to the limit and, as long as on the EU’s periphery and subjecting Greece Britain remained in the EU, it could not control to a recession comparable in its effects to the Great immigration. The Brexit slogan of taking control Depression in the US. And Mrs Merkel’s ham-handed

VALDAI DISCUSSION CLUB REPORT, DECEMBER 2016 5 BREXIT, THE CITY, AND THE CRISIS OF CONSERVATISM

attempt to appear less monstrous and more angelic British opt-outs from EU arrangements. Equally, by letting in a million Syrian refugees as atonement while it was true that fi nancialization in Europe for suffering imposed elsewhere had triggered had caused the Eurozone crisis, Britain was not a full blown refugee and migration crisis that now in the Eurozone and had a fi nancial sector which, threatened to tear Europe apart in ways that even while benefitting precisely from its ‘one foot the Eurozone crisis had not. Given this, the Remain in, one foot out’ position, as we discuss in greater side was reduced to predicting disaster: Leaving detail below, perpetuated a pattern of unbalanced the EU would make British society less cosmopolitan economic growth accompanied by a social and and tolerant, the economy weaker and isolated, and regional maldistribution of wealth which was adversely affect science, culture and the arts and economically and socially unsustainable. Those who practically everything the British might hold dear. voted to leave were its victims. Practically the only If neither side seemed to touch on essential major current in touch with these discontents, with matters, this was because, on the one hand, some idea of what it would take to address them, the referendum had been called not to address any was the leadership that crystallised real problem the British faced but as part of a bid around Jeremy Corbyn and John McDonnell. to restore the Conservative vote. On the other Corbyn’s resonance with the victims of austerity hand, the plethora of problems the British did face found astonishing confi rmation in both in the infl ux was largely home grown. of new Labour Party members following his election, While it was true that the EU was a supra- taking membership to 500,000 in three months from national structure that enforces neoliberalism and its post-war low of 180,000 under Blair (Figure 2). austerity on its members to levels far beyond those This was reflected in popular support, contrary national political systems could get away with, to the extraordinary heights of distortion attained Britain’s neoliberalism was both more extreme and by the anti-Corbyn media in their attempts to paint more home grown, a result, in part, of the numerous a picture of an ‘unelectable Corbyn’.

1 Figure 2. LABOUR PARTY MEMBERSHIP SINCE 1979

700

600

500

400

in thousands 300

200

100

0 1979 1985 1990 1995 2000 2005 2010 2016

Source: House of Commons Library and https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/User:Rwendland

1 NB: Figures are quarterly and are all from the House of Commons In fact, between Labour’s 2015 general Library except the last, for September 2016. It is from http://labourl- election defeat and Corbyn’s election as leader, ist.org/2016/07/post-referendum-boost-means-labour-now-has-over- Labour’s standing in the polls fell from 35% to 30%, half-a-million-members/. The Labour Party site says ‘380,000’ but this cannot be relied on because the figure is not regularly updated. lower than under Brown, and then recovered almost

6 VALDAI DISCUSSION CLUB REPORT, DECEMBER 2016 BREXIT, THE CITY, AND THE CRISIS OF CONSERVATISM

entirely over the next six months.2 The subsequent of the Tory party and not Labour voters who swung decline in Labour’s poll numbers to just below the balance in favour of Brexit. On the other hand, 30% was directly correlated with a crescendo it was seven years of Labour support for Tory of attacks on Corbyn from within the Labour austerity policies, followed by a ferocious and Party, culminating in an unprecedented vote of no public campaign against the very leader who sought confi dence by 172 MPs immediately after the Brexit to reverse this stand, that deprived the Remain vote on the trumped up charge that Corbyn had campaign of the one force which might have led failed to campaign suffi ciently zealously for Remain. it to victory: an anti-austerity Labour Party united This was simply not true. It was the betrayed base behind its leader.

The Verdict: Protest Against Neoliberal Britain

On the morning of 24 June 2016, The one exit poll that was taken (Ashcroft 2016) the British political establishment woke does, however, broadly confi rm the picture that with a serious hangover. The previous night, emerged in public discussion both before and the unthinkable had happened. Despite after the campaign. It would seem that there throwing its collective political weight against were majorities for Remain among the young it, despite warning of the economic, political (of whom relatively few voted), the employed, and social disasters that would issue from it, the university educated, those renting (rather and despite their smug confidence in the British than owning) their homes, the non-white, non- people’s willingness to follow their lead, Christian and Labour, Scottish Nationalist, Plaid the referendum the previous day had delivered Cymru and Green supporters. The majorities for a clear verdict in favour of leaving the EU after Exit were found among older voters, particularly 43 years of membership: 52% to 48% on a very pensioners, the unemployed, home owners, respectable turnout of over 70%. non-university educated, white, Christian and This result was a jolt, since polls taken Conservative and UKIP supporters. since late 2015 had consistently shown a majority It is all too easy to read this pattern of voting for Remain and though it dipped below Leave as demonstrating that the less educated and less in the fi nal two weeks of the campaign, it was skilled, and the older generation, more accustomed back above it by referendum day (Financial to an imperial rather than European Britain, had Times 2016). When the votes were tallied some voted against tolerance and cosmopolitanism. very clear patterns emerged. Scotland, Northern And there is no dearth of commentary Ireland, London and some other major cities on how those who voted to leave were those voted to Remain, the rest of the country leaned whom ‘globalization’ left behind. However, the fi rst toward leaving. reading is condescending and the second assumes, No major media organization conducted wrongly, that globalization was something that exit polls and so detailed knowledge about who made state economic policy powerless (Hay 2014) were Leavers and who were Remainers is based whereas it was in fact the ideology of the Clinton only on pre-election polls, though the unexpected administration’s economic strategy and its world- result is not exactly a vote of confi dence in them. wide drive against capital controls (Desai 2013). What this pattern really reveals is that those who 2 Four week moving average of all pollsters, Source: http://ukpoll- ingreport.co.uk/voting-intention-2. voted for Brexit were not provincial and racist

VALDAI DISCUSSION CLUB REPORT, DECEMBER 2016 7 BREXIT, THE CITY, AND THE CRISIS OF CONSERVATISM

bigots who lost from ‘globalization’ but those of the neoliberal status quo comparable to support who had lost from Britain’s highly fi nancialized for Sanders in the USA, Podemos in Spain, Cinque pattern of growth. They are geographically, socially Stelle in Italy and in its own way, Syriza in Greece. and culturally so deeply divided from those A similar eruption had elected Jeremy Corbyn as the ‘Remainers’ – largely those who had benefi tted Labour leader. In Scotland, the only country given from that pattern of growth – that there is little an anti-austerity option in the 2015 election, it more than mutual incomprehension between was responsible for the Scottish Nationalists’ them and that the former are considerably more sweep of practically all Scottish seats (Desai and numerous. Freeman 2015). Mrs May’s ear was definitely The protest vote of the ‘losers’ was no fl ash close to the ground of the referendum’s verdict in the pan. A YouGov poll at the end of September when she delivered to the 2016 Tory conference indicated that the majority for Leave remained the most left-wing rhetoric the party has ever solid more than three months after the referendum heard, , speaking of the need for a government (YouGov 2016). Nor, it would appear, has ‘capable of delivering a programme of serious it been in vain. It was a sweeping rejection social reform’.

The evidence of this need has been known to us for a long time. If you’re born poor, you will die on average nine years earlier than others. If you’re black, you’re treated more harshly by the criminal justice system than if you’re white. If you’re a white, working-class boy, you’re less likely than anybody else to go to university. If you’re at a state school, you’re less likely to reach the top professions than if you’re educated privately. If you’re a woman, you still earn less than a man. If you suffer from mental health problems, there’s too often not enough help to hand. If you’re young, you’ll fi nd it harder than ever before to own your own home. These are all burning injustices, and – as I did with the misuse of stop and search and deaths in police custody and modern slavery – I am determined to fi ght against them (May 2016).

The self-evident conflict between France, Italy and Spain) and outperforms only these promises and the accompanying – and Italy. Britons are poorer relative to the EU 15 than alarming – deepening of the Party’s racist stance they were in 2000. Their productivity performance on immigration refl ected in another speech by Mrs is near the bottom of the league table of major May just four days later only serves to illustrate EU economies. They work longer hours than their that the leopard does not easily change its spots. counterparts in these economies except Spain. Their The ‘losers’’ cause is only now beginning wages lag those in France and Germany. Britons to receive the attention that the rudely-shocked are also less educated and skilled and British intelligentsia should have been giving it for decades. governments have failed to invest in infrastructure. As Simon Tilford points out in his recent report Two other things stand out in Tilford’s for the Centre for European Reform (2016), while report. First, London, home of Britain’s fi nancial British unemployment remains lower than in other sector, practically the only economic sector major EU economies chiefl y, one might add, thanks to fl ourish in recent decades, is also the country’s to a service sector that provides chiefl y low-paid, richest city by far. Secondly, barring Spain, Britain low-skill and insecure jobs, and while British real has experienced the largest increase in its working economic growth since 2000 appears better than age population among major EU economies. other EU economies when measured in sterling, Essentially, the British economy is working for once properly adjusted for price differences both very few people outside the fi nancial sector; it absolute and per capita growth has been lower than is now time for a closer look at it, and its stakes nearly all other major EU economies (Germany, in the referendum.

8 VALDAI DISCUSSION CLUB REPORT, DECEMBER 2016 BREXIT, THE CITY, AND THE CRISIS OF CONSERVATISM

The City’s Brexit Fears

Ironically for the home of the Industrial the high-powered Mergers and Acquisitions and Revolution, Britain’s manufacturing capitalists asset management business in Mayfair and points were never the dominant fraction of the capitalist west (Agnew and Jenkins 2016), making ‘The City’ class. Thanks to the earlier 16th Century capitalist strictly speaking a misnomer, though we continue revolution in agriculture, that privilege was to use it here as a convenient shorthand. reserved for an originally agrarian capitalist class It should therefore cause little wonder which later diversifi ed into and came to dominate that Britain’s relations with the EU have hitherto finance, commerce, and landed property, been governed by the perceptions and interests cultivating a ‘gentlemanly’ disdain for industry. of the City, not those of the British economy, leave The vast British Empire converted the City alone the interests of its working people. of London – the Square Mile in which London’s If Britain was always the most reluctant fi nancial business used to be concentrated until of EU members and its infamous ‘awkward partner’ the 1970s – into the financial and commercial (George 1998), this status is in large part due centre of the 19th Century world, aided by to the need to adapt Britain’s relation to the EU sterling’s role as the world’s currency (Anderson to the interests of the City. Churchill, who had 1964, Ingham 1984). This dominance facilitated spoken of a ‘United States of Europe’, had kept the world-wide market for British manufactures Britain out of the EEC when the Treaty of Rome in the high noon of British industrial supremacy was signed in 1957. This in turn was conditioned in the mid-19th Century. by the way the USA, with its doomed ambition However, as this supremacy was challenged to replace Britain as the world’s pre-eminent and steadily encroached upon by new competitors imperial power (Desai 2013), restructured Britain’s such as Germany and the USA in the late 19th relationship to it after the war through the ‘special century, the City’s dominance within the British relationship’, a military alliance that traded vassal capitalist class also frustrated and doomed status for privileged – but subordinated – access all efforts to address the relative decline to resources, notably oil and minerals and offered of British industry that has continued more or military bases which the USA aspired to control less uninterrupted since (Gamble 1990; Leys 1990). (Freeman 2014). Britain’s, and the City’s, world See also Desai 2013, 32; Burke 2016). Such efforts, role was defined by the still vast, if shrinking, requiring as they would protection, a high degree system of ‘Imperial Preferences’, euphemistically of economic regulation, and a signifi cant state role designated the British Commonwealth, and its in support of domestic industrial production, cut special relationship with the USA. athwart the City and its allied imperial interests. In the 1950s and 1960s, this special The City suffered a crisis when sterling relationship revived the City (Ingham 1984) lost its world role after 1914 and it recovered only after its existential crisis during the Thirty Years’ in the post-war period by re-defi ning its position Crisis (1914-45). Though sterling’s world role in the world economy. However, the essential continued to decline, the City fl ourished through constraints the City represented for Britain’s a combination of old business lines – bullion and productive and industrial economy did not change. currency markets, secondary markets in stocks Low regulation and fi scal and monetary policies issued in other jurisdictions and insurance – and designed to keep the pound high served to entrench some new ones, above all, the Eurodollar market the City’s dominance and perpetuated the decline (Strange 1971) in good part by using its political of industry that lies at the core of the economic power to bend both legislation and economic problems described above. The City’s dominance policy in its favour. In the process, the City also has also ensured the expansion of the British subjected the British economy to the infamous ‘go- fi nancial sector to include the towers of Canary stop’ cycles which repeatedly interrupted growth Wharf, home to large UK and foreign banks and prematurely and lengthened stagnation.

VALDAI DISCUSSION CLUB REPORT, DECEMBER 2016 9 BREXIT, THE CITY, AND THE CRISIS OF CONSERVATISM

Though Macmillan applied for membership directly benefitted holders of government in the 1960s, which De Gaulle vetoed primarily debt and indirectly permitted the City to enjoy because France was still denied access to British stable exchange rates without having to join and US-controlled military nuclear technology the European Exchange Rate Mechanism (ERM). (Freeman 2014), it did not matter so much: ‘the By the time these policies reached the limits wish of some important elements of British of their ability to contain inflation in the late capitalism to get into the Common Market had 1980s, Mrs Thatcher treated the City to the ‘Big only a moderate weight. It was enough to incline Bang’ reforms of 1986. They removed a swath governments definitely towards Europe, but of traditional restrictions on trading in stocks and never enough to make them give the project securities – fi xed commissions, the distinction the absolute priority and risk the sharp break between brokers and ‘jobbers’ who traded on their with tradition which it required.’ (Nairn 1972, 21). own account and the restriction of foreign fi rms What changed by the early 1970s was the closing in the London Stock Exchange. These practices of the gold window and the pervasive uncertainties could persist as long as the City’s business about the international monetary order and was traditional banking. That, however, had the role of the dollar in it that followed.3 These suffered a series of shocks over the 1970s and new circumstances required ‘a rapid acceleration 1980s, including high inflation and the Third of the hitherto dignified and portly ‘imperial’ World debt crisis, and would now be displaced approach to the matter. The gentlemanly by the increasing securitization of lending. perambulation turned into a run’ (Nairn 1972, 24). The accompanying rise in international portfolio Prime Minister Heath brought Britain investments in foreign stocks also made its fi rst into the EU in 1973, a decision confirmed major mark in the 1987 US stock market crash. through a referendum called by Prime Minister Lawson’s doomed attempt to bring the pound into Wilson in 1975. However, it was the Thatcher the ERM crashed and burned, casting sharp light government, which came to power in 1979, on the underlying disparities between Britain’s that cemented the City’s relations with the EU. economy and those of its European partner-rivals, Practically her first act in power was to lift and fortuitously leaving Britain in the unique capital controls. Combined with the general position of operating a minor reserve currency deregulatory thrust of her government, which from within the Common Market. benefitted finance disproportionately, this gave With the ‘Big Bang’ reforms, the City was the City a lead over other European financial ideally positioned to establish a new relation centres in the vast, largely dollar-denominated, with New York. The world’s two premier fi nancial financializations to come. centres now surfed the international capital fl ows In the 1980s, however, European that increased in size and speed in the Anglo- integration was languishing and the City’s American dominated world fi nancial system. These prosperity relied on the ‘monetarist’ high interest fl ows caused the stock market crashes, banking rate policies of the fi rst half of the 1980s. They and currency crises that would be witnessed in the decades to follow (Costello, Michie and Milne 1989, Bordo and Eichengreen 2002). 3 Contrary to those who have retrospectively taken to seeing it as some sort of ‘master-stroke’ to maintain the dollar’s world role with- The process of European monetary out the burdens of the gold link, the closing of the gold window was integration – which began in the early 1970s forced on the Nixon administration amidst multiple crises and led, in reaction to the volatility that followed immediately, to the dollar diving so low as to require the US govern- ment to borrow in order to intervene in markets. The dollar’s world the closing of the gold window and the US refusal role since then has relied on a series of volatile dollar-denominated to cooperate in the creation of a multilateral international financializations, each of which failed and had to be international monetary order – was essentially replaced by another, to which the City’s contributions has been in- valuable. See Desai 2013 for further details of this argument. an effort to shield Europe from these instabilities

10 VALDAI DISCUSSION CLUB REPORT, DECEMBER 2016 BREXIT, THE CITY, AND THE CRISIS OF CONSERVATISM

by creating a non-dollar fi nancial world of its in international fi nancial fl ows but also ensured own. In the three decades that followed, Britain that their recovery remained over 60% short remained outside the ERM and later the Eurozone, of their pre-crisis peak (McKinsey 2013). Second, leaving the City free to position itself strategically, it is clear that Britain’s’ business with both the US and become the critical link, between two very and the EU has declined. Thirdly, and moreover, different fi nancial worlds. On the one hand was the City’s articulating role between the two, one the already highly deregulated Anglo-American of the most lucrative over the previous decade, has financial world in which dollar-denominated been cast into doubt because it was through this capital fl ows dominated. On the other was that link that the Eurozone became exposed to the US of Europe engaged in achieving ever higher housing and credit bubbles, making it the part levels of financial integration culminating of the world outside the US to suffer most from in the adoption of the euro. The Eurozone’s the 2008 crisis when they burst. highly regulated structures, and its still national Over the 2000s, financial links between banking systems, increased the importance these two worlds, particularly between Germany of the ‘passporting’ rights the City enjoyed, and the Anglo-American world, had increased thanks to its membership of the EU’s single massively as capital fl ows from an increasingly market. The City also became ‘a bridgehead (and late) financializing EU economy, led by to non-EU financial institutions wanting German and French fi nancial institutions poured to serve the wider European market … [and] … into the US credit bubble of the 2000s. Until continental European banks … concentrate[ing] German unifi cation, France had managed to keep most of their wholesale activities in London. Germany within the distinctly more productivist, (Wholesale finance consists of lending, statist and welfarist continental model (van der borrowing and trading between financial Pijl, et al, 2011). Thereafter, however, Germany’s institutions, rather than between banks and increased weight within the EU made this diffi cult. their customers.)’ (Springford and Whyte 2014). Over the next decade, Germany turned away Thus, it was the interests of the City that from the productivist corporatism that had kept dictated the timing of British accession and its manufacturing sector so robust for so long. the peculiar nature of the British relationship German unifi cation had provided, in the absorption with the EU, with its leaders constantly railing of East Germany, a ‘model’ for the subordinated against EU centralism, unaccountability and absorbtion of former comunist countries which alleged socialist tendencies, electing to stay out began in the late 1990s while the simultaneous of the Eurozone and negotiating the most opt launching of the euro and accompanying fi nancial outs, including famously, from the ‘social chapter’ integration placed its older southern periphery of the Maastricht Treaty, of any EU member in a similarly subordinated position. from its major treaties and agreements. Britain Now, German capital no longer needed also demanded and received a rebate on its the high degree of regulation and politcal contributions to the EU kitty which ‘still exists and compromise with labour that had hitherto has been worth nearly €90 billion and established characterised its very productive economy; itself as one of the ‘red lines’ present in every EU eastward expanion and finanancial integration budget negotiation’ (Fox 2013). trumped French advocacy of a social-democratic Developments since the 2008 financial and dirigiste deepening within the EU. As these crisis and the Eurozone crisis that began in 2010 processes gave a great fillip to neoliberalism have, however, rudely interrupted practically all and financialization, two distinct avenues of these fl ourishing fi nancial activities. First, both opened for European financial investment. tighter regulation and changes in private sector The better known of the two is the (as we now behaviour have not only led to a massive decline know, only apparently) safe avenue of purely

VALDAI DISCUSSION CLUB REPORT, DECEMBER 2016 11 BREXIT, THE CITY, AND THE CRISIS OF CONSERVATISM

financial profit-making for German and French protestations of the Obama administration was capital by lending to the periphery, which one such, casting a new light on the percieved also accommodated persistent German export attractiveness of the traditional Anglo-American surpluses without any corresponding obligations financial linkages and the new ones to the east. such as fiscal transfers. The second is less well In these diminished circumstances, known: via the City, the bridge between the EU during and even after the referendum campaign, and the US, this newly financialised European the City was certainly more or less completely capital – and not, as often claimed, some united in favour of staying. Not doing so putatively over-saving Asian capital (Borio and would lose it what remained of the European Disyatat 2011, Nesvetailova and Palan 2008) business it enjoyed thanks to ‘passporting became heavily invested in the ‘toxic’ securities rights’ into the rest of the EU. There was, generated by the US housing and credit bubbles moreover, the threat that the numerous foreign of the early 2000s; consequently, they suffered firms that had elected to come to Britain most from it (Serfati 2015, Montalbano 2016). to enjoy its access to the EU would leave for The City’s business with both the EU and other financial centres within the Eurozone, the US has declined. There is little doubt that a possibility rival European financial centres the City is divided and likely a little rudderless. were already lining up to expoit. Finally, In the window of time between the 2008 financial emerging markets, many of whose firms used crisis and the 2010 Eurozone crisis there was the City as a gateway to the rest of the EU, could much talk about British entry into the Eurozone no longer be expected to open new businesses and much self-congratulation about the wisdom there. However, for the fi rst time in practically of staying our after the Eurozone crisis erupted. centuries, it faced a threat which had so far Today, City opinion is divided over whether been successfully managed: that of democracy. Europe or the rest of the world – particularly And it did so at a time when the very changes the emerging markets and especially China that had made it boom – the arrival of foreign and the other BRICs – offer the best prospects, fi rms, the displacement of the old gentlemanly because it is simply too difficult to call. investment banks with large corporate fi rms, its Meanwhile the City is buying all the insurance multicultural character – all conspired against policies it can: the announcement of British its ability to act as a unified agent. We are membership of China’s Asian Infrastructure now in a position to understand events since Investment Bank (AIIB) against loud the referendum.

What have they done?! The Known Unknowns and the Unknown Unknowns

It should now provoke little wonder that is not the least reason for Mrs May’s insistence that no sooner was the decisive referendum verdict ‘Brexit means Brexit’. It is not, as some have averred, in than voices emerged to seek to reverse it. merely a circular statement which means nothing. The problem is, having coaxed the democratic It is a strong signal that she does not favour, or genie out of the lamp by calling a referendum, rather, will not be seen to favour, ongoing attempts it could be politically suicidal to try to put it back to reverse or dilute the referendum’s verdict. That in, or at least to be seen as trying to do so. That is also the spirit in which she has announced that

12 VALDAI DISCUSSION CLUB REPORT, DECEMBER 2016 BREXIT, THE CITY, AND THE CRISIS OF CONSERVATISM

she will trigger Article 50 before March 2017. That and Leave camps replete with betrayals within both. is why she has placed four leading Brexiteers in her The Labour party’s establishmentarian Parliamentary cabinet – Boris Johnson, the foreign secretary, Liam Party accused its leader, Jeremy Corbyn, long known Fox the minister for international trade, David Davis, for his Eurosceptical views, of having campaigned in the newly created position of secretary of state for with insuffi cient enthusiasm for the Remain side exiting the European Union and Priti Patel, secretary and sought to trigger a leadership contest, an effort of state for international development – in positions which, it was fairly plain to see, was prompted more critical to negotiating Brexit. by the parliamentary party’s long-standing and still- That is also why Philip Hammond, Chancellor unfl agging antipathy to Corbyn. of the Exchequer (a quaint British term for fi nance If these existential struggles in the two major minister), traditionally the representative of the City parties were not enough, the fate of the United in government, is not among them: the City and Kingdom also hung in the balance. Scotland and Philip Hammond’s pro-EU views are too well Northern Ireland had bucked the national trend and known. Instead he has been charged with coming Scotland’s Scottish Nationalist First Minister, Nicola up with ideas about increasing public investment, Sturgeon, declared that Scotland would explore building social housing and postponing balancing options for remaining in the EU if Brexit was carried the budget – all proposals likely to improve out, including separation from the United Kingdom. Britain’s productive economy but unlikely to appeal For its part, Sinn Fein declared, in a moment of both to the City – to help tide the British economy over irony and truth, that the re-unifi cation of Ireland was the shock of Brexit and, presumably, re-engineer it now on the cards, and would give the North of Ireland for its unexpected new future. the option of exercising its nominal sovereignty by As will presently become clear, Mrs May’s remaining in Europe instead of Britain. words and actions are not signs that she favours The referendum verdict may have been Brexit. She did, after all, campaign to Remain. Nor defi nite, momentous and historic. It may have been are they bluffs from someone who does not think she the fi rst time any country had voted to leave one will have to go through with them. Rather they are of the more successful experiments in regional calculated to position her advantageously no matter integration, the problems of the Eurozone, of which what the outcome of the genuinely unpredictable Britain was not a member, notwithstanding. It may struggles to come. If exit is forced upon Britain have seemed – disastrously or felicitously, depending simply as the only way to save the Conservative on your point of view – to promise a drastic and Party (or, less probably, thanks to missteps or more or less immediate change to a pattern miscalculations on the part of her EU counterparties of social, political and economic life that had, over in the complex negotiations to come), she will appear the previous four decades, become increasingly close as the leader who followed the democratic verdict to the continent which, until then, Britain with her despite how hard it was. If she manages to keep imperial preoccupations, had avoided. It may have Britain in the EU by making compromises, she can caused stock markets to take their deepest plunge say she tried her best to honour the democratic ever, sent the pound sterling down to a 31-year low, verdict but was overwhelmed by circumstances. given the Governor of the Bank of England his worst There are simply too many unknowns – known and day ever, prompted the Prime Minister to resign and unknown – that will affect the outcome. caused leadership changes and crises in Britain’s Not least among these are the series major parties. It may even have put the future of political crises which the referendum result has of the United Kingdom itself into jeopardy. catalysed. David Cameron’s resignation kicked off However, going as it did against the wishes a Conservative Party leadership contest whose more of virtually the entire political establishment, likely contenders – Boris Johnson, Michael Gove – fell proposals to undo the unwelcome verdict began to the bloodletting that ensued between Tory Remain emerged almost as soon as it was delivered.

VALDAI DISCUSSION CLUB REPORT, DECEMBER 2016 13 BREXIT, THE CITY, AND THE CRISIS OF CONSERVATISM

Protesters, most of them young and middle might of rest of the City, which had united behind class, marched in London demanding a second the Remain campaign, could not out-do this. referendum. A petition making the same demand Was it a mark of a new ambivalence in the City? garnered 2.5 million signatures and crashed A sign of its reduced fi nancial might or political the House of Commons website within three will? The latter was not out of the question given days of the result (Tapper 2016). Others who the transformation of the old City of London with sought to reverse the verdict pointed out that its old boys’ networks and family fi rms into a new the referendum was not binding but only international headquarters of anonymous fi nancial consultative, and the government could and corporations whose denizens had little personal should ignore it. Eminent international jurists stake in them and viewed them as ‘platforms produced persuasive cases against the legality on which to build their career’ and in which banker of the referendum (Allott 2016). A thousand and brokers had lost infl uence to policy-makers barristers signed a letter to the Prime Minister (Agnew and Jenkins 2016). urging that Parliament consider the question Anti-Brexit impulses are not confined of EU membership after an extensive commission to Britain. When Mrs May ignored calls from her of inquiry because, inter alia, per own MPs to further delay the invocation of Article the British constitution (in all its unwritten glory), 50 until after elections in Europe’s two main it is parliament, not the people, who are sovereign countries, Germany and France, a former Eurocrat (Bowcott 2016). Such a vote would surely reverse pointed out that all would not be lost even if it was the verdict of the referendum given that, thanks invoked early in 2017. Britain could simply change to professionalization of politics in recent decades, its mind even after the clock started ticking most MPs belong to the professional middle classes, on the two-year window since that article involves not the classes their parties are socially based only the indication of an ‘intention’ to leave not ‘a in. Knowing this, Mrs May, in so far as she wishes ‘fi nal and irreversible decision’ and ‘Legally, you may to appear as the champion of Britons’ democratic withdraw an intention, or change it, or transform it verdict, would be unwise to risk it. It is far wiser into a decision’ (Piris 2016). to take the flak from an enraged parliament as These are the powerful forces already at she did at the October party conference. Given play in resisting the referendum verdict. The spirit that the split on the EU largely runs through of Mrs May’s Conservative party, made up of its the Conservative Party, moreover, Mrs May would City and business backers, may be willing to go be risking the very thing she is manoeuvring along with this but its fl esh, composed of its fragile to protect and strengthen by subjecting the country electoral base, is defi nitely weak. Unless it was to a tortuous process whose outcome could be clear throughout the complex negotiations to come a wrenching break with the EU. that the party leadership was doing all it could In a culture which, in recent decades, to implement the verdict, the Conservative Party had cultivated an astonishing cynicism about could fi nd itself permanently bereft of the capacity democracy (Mair 2006), some even complained to win power. And without that capacity, the spirit about the referendum having been ‘bought by might as well leave its mortal coil and ascend billionaires’ (Monbiot 2016), though the slightly to the heaven beyond Britain’s politics. The danger better funding of the ‘leave’ side was explained lies precisely in the possibility that, in seeking entirely by the largest single donation to show that they are implementing the verdict, of the campaign, the £3.2m that the city maverick, they may end up doing so. The reason why Peter Hargreaves of Hargreaves Lansdown, one the Conservatives fi nd themselves at this pass, of the largest financial firms in the City, gave and why they have so recklessly dragged the rest to the leave campaign (Electoral Commission of the country along, is more than four decades 2016). The real question is why the collective of neoliberalism.

14 VALDAI DISCUSSION CLUB REPORT, DECEMBER 2016 BREXIT, THE CITY, AND THE CRISIS OF CONSERVATISM

British Society’s Neoliberal Faultlines

Neoliberalism has divided British society low-skill, low-productivity employment in many as deeply as, if not more deeply than, when parts of the UK. The only sector her deregulatory Disraeli wrote his Sybil or the Two Nations and policies encouraged was, as we have seen, a broad swath of the intellectual classes came over fi nance – whose favoured policies compounded to the side of reforming capitalism (Desai 1994). the misfortunes of British industry. The record The inequalities – of income, wealth, cultural of Thatcherism in both its original form, and competence, skills, health and longevity inter its Blairite and Cameronite continuations, is an alia – that disfi gure British society may not have unmitigated economic and social catastrophe; been the creation of neoliberalism alone but it the Brexit vote is but a down payment has vastly exacerbated them. Mrs Thatcher took on the political returns due to it. offi ce with her free market, ‘monetarist’ and anti- Thus Britain’s Gini coeffi cient, the measure trade union ideology claiming that they were of its inequality, has risen from about 0.26 key to reviving the British economy, solving its in 1979 to over 0.4 today. It has divided Britain long-standing productivity and competitiveness geographically into a prosperous London and problems that had, over the previous decade and South East, an especially depressed North a half, become matters of increasing concern. with its deindustrialized run-down cities, However, rather than reviving and a mildly more social democratic Scotland the productive and industrial economy, Mrs able to avoid some of the worst of the social Thatcher imposed the greatest contraction breakdown visited on the north of England, with of the manufacturing sector ever seen in an the rest of the country performing indifferently. industrial economy – 25% – and after an initial No wonder then that among those who voted surge, presided over a continuing secular in the referendum, those with lower incomes and decline in investment (Figure 3) that has fatally lower education and skills, along with pensioners, undermined both Britain’s productive capacity and among the greatest losers from neoliberal reform its competitiveness. of the welfare state, voted to leave. The greatest British industrial decline, and its effects, support for Remain came from the professional were further exacerbated as her frontal attacks middle classes and the ‘chatterati’ who are among on the unions weakening their bargaining those who gained suffi ciently during the neoliberal position and contributing to income inequality decades to enjoy all that the EU and neoliberal and and persistently high levels of unemployment or fi nancialised Britain had to offer: high incomes,

Figure 3. UK INVESTMENT AS A SHARE OF GROSS DOMESTIC PRODUCT

24% 22% 20% 18% 16% 14% 12% 10% 1948 1953 1958 1963 1968 1973 1978 1983 1988 1993 1998 2003 2008 2013

Source: ONS National Income Accounts series NPQS (Gross Fixed Investment), BKTL (GDP), author calculations

VALDAI DISCUSSION CLUB REPORT, DECEMBER 2016 15 BREXIT, THE CITY, AND THE CRISIS OF CONSERVATISM

including from fi nancial investments, expensive of neoliberalism, in Labour’s case in the guise houses, high quality consumer goods to fill of globalization, openness and cosmopolitanism. them with, access to high culture and expansive These divides underlie the broken political education, fi ne foods and wine and opportunities system, one of whose parts, the Conservative Party, to travel, work and study in the EU for themselves has brought Britain to the Brexit pass – through and their children. In recent decades, these which Britain could lose its unity, international classes have formed the leadership of both parties, role and infl uence and, depending on how things moving both to the right, under Thatcher and Blair unfold, its social stability – and whose fortunes respectively, committing them to some version promise to infl uence its outcome strongly.

A Broken Political System

Because of the fault lines that now The Brexit voters, however, are divide British society after nearly four decades overwhelmingly those who have lost out of neoliberalism, the main political parties in the neoliberal decades. In the Remain have become unmoored from their respective campaign, particularly the overwhelming bulk mass bases, dominated by their professional of the parliamentary , a laudable middle class parliamentary wings and highly if skin-deep cosmopolitanism and a flag-of- centralised in the leaders’ offi ces. Tory MPs failed convenience anti-racism were irredeemably to express the concerns of smaller business and entangled in a root-and-branch blindness the skilled working classes that moved to them to the real issues facing the campaigners’ natural in during the Thatcher years, while Labour proved working class constituency, and how little this unable to articulate the working class suffering, constituency benefi tted from the EU. particularly outside London. The only articulations While it was the Conservatives’ political which these discontents were offered were that crisis that underlies the movement towards Brexit, represented by Nigel Farage’s UKIP which was the issue has opened an equally fundamental largely taken up by Conservative voters, and by divide in Labour. West European Socialist or Corbyn’s ‘remain and reform’ message without social-democratic parties have typically been which the ‘leave’ vote could have been even alliances between the manual working class and greater. The irony of the Parliamentary party’s the professional and intellectual element, of what accusation against Corbyn that he did not the Fabians, with their eccentric directness, campaign enthusiastically enough, is that had his called ‘brains and numbers’, though in reality party united behind his anti-austerity message, the working classes were never without brains the Remain side may very well have won. and the professional and intellectual classes were Notwithstanding the steep rise in racist never as few. rhetoric, violence and abuse, those who voted This alliance was never easy: it was to leave are not all racists. When Labour has a major element in practically every major campaigned under clear anti-austerity leadership, crisis of the labour party – from the divides whilst making no concessions to the anti- over nuclear disarmament in the 1950s to those immigration lobby as in the Sheffi eld Brightside over the rise of the Bennite left in the 1970s bye-election of May 2016, UKIP’s vote share which resulted in a major current of Labour’ actually fell, and Labour’s rose. intellectual elements leaving the Labour party

16 VALDAI DISCUSSION CLUB REPORT, DECEMBER 2016 BREXIT, THE CITY, AND THE CRISIS OF CONSERVATISM

in 1981 to form the Social Democratic party Scottish National Party leader, Alex Salmond, (Desai 1994). Neoliberalism has, however, called a ‘disgusting coup’ against Corbyn. It transformed the alliance into a deep, social, failed and Corbyn was re-elected leader with an cultural as well as political divide within even greater majority in September; however, the party. The party’s ‘New Labour’ professional all the signs are that Labour MPs are not elements, the backbone of Blairism, dominate about to give up seeking new avenues against the parliamentary caucus while Jeremy Corbyn a leader they hate even more than the Tories. was elected leader with massive support To the extent that they succeed, Corbyn, the one from Labour’s union and working class public leader capable of expressing the interests base. Never comfortable with this outcome of the marginalised majority in a manner that of the 2015 leadership contest, the former leads towards a more productive, egalitarian sought to use the Brexit verdict to unseat and culturally inclusive Britain, will be hobbled Corbyn in an unseemly process that former from expressing this alternative.

Conclusion

Naturally, the outcome of the negotiations It remains impossible to predict whether over Brexit – whether the ultimate outcome Article 50 will be triggered in March 2017 and is that Britain leaves the EU or that it re- if it is, whether it will actually lead to Brexit by negotiates the terms of its membership – will 2019 as the Article requires. Nor is it possible also be determined by the imperatives and to predict whether the UK will remain united actions of the EU’s key leaders. And they too in the process. It has been the burden of this face numerous uncertainties: Both German article to show that so far, the process has Chancellor Angela Merkel and French President driven by the needs of a party in crisis. These Francois Holland face elections in late 2017 and needs are likely to continue to dominate a goodly part of the positions they take will the process for two key reasons. First, Britain’s be determined by the need to shore up their financial sector, whose needs and perceptions flagging popularity. Thanks to their own need have so far governed Britain’s relations with for labour, and therefore to keep the eastern the EU may well be too weakened, corporatized periphery in, they are unlikely to compromise and uncertain about where its future lies on the one point which could most easily lead to provide strong enough motivation in favour to a compromise with the UK: free movement. of remaining. Secondly, the rest of the political At the same time, they are only too aware system is too broken to afford an alternative that compromising with the British to keep and will remain so unless, somehow, Corbyn them in could set a dangerous example. This can overcome the deep-seated hostility of an prompts them to threaten heavy penalties entrenched closet neoliberal establishment, on Britain for pursuing exit to make British extending deep into his own party apparatus, capitulation the price of remaining merely in favour of the crying needs of that party’s to prevent other countries from following suit. working class supporters. It remains to be seen whether they can impose these penalties and whether they will have Authors’ Note: This essay was the desired deterrent effect. completed on 6 October 2016.

VALDAI DISCUSSION CLUB REPORT, DECEMBER 2016 17 BREXIT, THE CITY, AND THE CRISIS OF CONSERVATISM

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