A Post-Great Recession Overview of Labor Market Trends in the Unites
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The Budgetary Effects of the Raise the Wage Act of 2021 February 2021
The Budgetary Effects of the Raise the Wage Act of 2021 FEBRUARY 2021 If enacted at the end of March 2021, the Raise the Wage Act of 2021 (S. 53, as introduced on January 26, 2021) would raise the federal minimum wage, in annual increments, to $15 per hour by June 2025 and then adjust it to increase at the same rate as median hourly wages. In this report, the Congressional Budget Office estimates the bill’s effects on the federal budget. The cumulative budget deficit over the 2021–2031 period would increase by $54 billion. Increases in annual deficits would be smaller before 2025, as the minimum-wage increases were being phased in, than in later years. Higher prices for goods and services—stemming from the higher wages of workers paid at or near the minimum wage, such as those providing long-term health care—would contribute to increases in federal spending. Changes in employment and in the distribution of income would increase spending for some programs (such as unemployment compensation), reduce spending for others (such as nutrition programs), and boost federal revenues (on net). Those estimates are consistent with CBO’s conventional approach to estimating the costs of legislation. In particular, they incorporate the assumption that nominal gross domestic product (GDP) would be unchanged. As a result, total income is roughly unchanged. Also, the deficit estimate presented above does not include increases in net outlays for interest on federal debt (as projected under current law) that would stem from the estimated effects of higher interest rates and changes in inflation under the bill. -
Asset and Debt Deflation in the United States: How Far Can Equity Prices Fall?
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Arestis, Philip; Karakitsos, Elias Research Report Asset and debt deflation in the United States: How far can equity prices fall? Public Policy Brief, No. 73 Provided in Cooperation with: Levy Economics Institute of Bard College Suggested Citation: Arestis, Philip; Karakitsos, Elias (2003) : Asset and debt deflation in the United States: How far can equity prices fall?, Public Policy Brief, No. 73, ISBN 1931493219, Levy Economics Institute of Bard College, Annandale-on-Hudson, NY This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/54323 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu ® The Levy Economics Institute of Bard College Public Policy Brief ASSET AND DEBT DEFLATION IN THE UNITED STATES How Far Can Equity Prices Fall? PHILIP ARESTIS AND ELIAS KARAKITSOS INSTITUTE VY No. -
Downward Nominal Wage Rigidities Bend the Phillips Curve
FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF SAN FRANCISCO WORKING PAPER SERIES Downward Nominal Wage Rigidities Bend the Phillips Curve Mary C. Daly Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco Bart Hobijn Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco, VU University Amsterdam and Tinbergen Institute January 2014 Working Paper 2013-08 http://www.frbsf.org/publications/economics/papers/2013/wp2013-08.pdf The views in this paper are solely the responsibility of the authors and should not be interpreted as reflecting the views of the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco or the Board of Governors of the Federal Reserve System. Downward Nominal Wage Rigidities Bend the Phillips Curve MARY C. DALY BART HOBIJN 1 FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF SAN FRANCISCO FEDERAL RESERVE BANK OF SAN FRANCISCO VU UNIVERSITY AMSTERDAM, AND TINBERGEN INSTITUTE January 11, 2014. We introduce a model of monetary policy with downward nominal wage rigidities and show that both the slope and curvature of the Phillips curve depend on the level of inflation and the extent of downward nominal wage rigidities. This is true for the both the long-run and the short-run Phillips curve. Comparing simulation results from the model with data on U.S. wage patterns, we show that downward nominal wage rigidities likely have played a role in shaping the dynamics of unemployment and wage growth during the last three recessions and subsequent recoveries. Keywords: Downward nominal wage rigidities, monetary policy, Phillips curve. JEL-codes: E52, E24, J3. 1 We are grateful to Mike Elsby, Sylvain Leduc, Zheng Liu, and Glenn Rudebusch, as well as seminar participants at EIEF, the London School of Economics, Norges Bank, UC Santa Cruz, and the University of Edinburgh for their suggestions and comments. -
Understanding the Historic Divergence Between Productivity
Understanding the Historic Divergence Between Productivity and a Typical Worker’s Pay: Why It Matters and Why It’s Real By Josh Bivens and Lawrence Mishel | September 2, 2015 Introduction and key findings Wage stagnation experienced by the vast majority of American workers has emerged as a central issue in economic policy debates, with candidates and leaders of both parties noting its importance. This is a welcome development because it means that economic inequality has become a focus of attention and that policymakers are seeing the connection between wage stagnation and inequality. Put simply, wage stagnation is how the rise in inequality has damaged the vast majority of American workers. The Economic Policy Institute’s earlier paper, Raising America’s Pay: Why It’s Our Central Economic Policy Challenge, presented a thorough analysis of income and wage trends, documented rising wage inequality, and provided strong evidence that wage stagnation is largely the result of policy choices that boosted the bargaining power of those with the most wealth and power (Bivens et al. 2014). As we argued, better policy choices, made with low- and moderate-wage earners in mind, can lead to more widespread wage growth and strengthen and expand the middle class. This paper updates and explains the implications of the central component of the wage stagnation story: the growing gap between overall productivity growth and the pay of the vast majority of workers since the 1970s. A careful analysis of this gap between pay and productivity provides several important insights for the ongoing debate about how to address wage stagnation and rising inequality. -
America's Peacetime Inflation: the 1970S
This PDF is a selection from an out-of-print volume from the National Bureau of Economic Research Volume Title: Reducing Inflation: Motivation and Strategy Volume Author/Editor: Christina D. Romer and David H. Romer, Editors Volume Publisher: University of Chicago Press Volume ISBN: 0-226-72484-0 Volume URL: http://www.nber.org/books/rome97-1 Conference Date: January 11-13, 1996 Publication Date: January 1997 Chapter Title: America’s Peacetime Inflation: The 1970s Chapter Author: J. Bradford DeLong Chapter URL: http://www.nber.org/chapters/c8886 Chapter pages in book: (p. 247 - 280) 6 America’s Peacetime Inflation: The 1970s J. Bradford De Long In a world organized in accordance with Keynes’ specifications, there would be a constant race between the printing press and the business agents of the trade unions, with the problem of unemploy- ment largely solved if the printing press could maintain a constant lead. Jacob Viner, “Mr. Keynes on the Causes of Unemployment” 6.1 Introduction Examine the price level in the United States over the past century. Wars see prices rise sharply, by more than 15% per year at the peaks of wartime and postwar decontrol inflation. The National Industrial Recovery Act and the abandonment of the gold standard at the nadir of the Great Depression gener- ated a year of nearly 10% inflation. But aside from wars and Great Depres- sions, at other times inflation is almost always less than 5% and usually 2-3% per year-save for the decade of the 1970s. The 1970s are America’s only peacetime outburst of inflation. -
Retirement Implications of a Low Wage Growth, Low Real Interest Rate Economy
NBER WORKING PAPER SERIES RETIREMENT IMPLICATIONS OF A LOW WAGE GROWTH, LOW REAL INTEREST RATE ECONOMY Jason Scott John B. Shoven Sita Slavov John G. Watson Working Paper 25556 http://www.nber.org/papers/w25556 NATIONAL BUREAU OF ECONOMIC RESEARCH 1050 Massachusetts Avenue Cambridge, MA 02138 February 2019 This research was supported by the Alfred P. Sloan Foundation through grant #G-2017-9695. We are grateful for helpful comments from John Sabelhaus and participants at the 2018 SIEPR Conference on Working Longer and Retirement. We thank Kyung Min Lee for excellent research assistance. The views expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the National Bureau of Economic Research. At least one co-author has disclosed a financial relationship of potential relevance for this research. Further information is available online at http://www.nber.org/papers/w25556.ack NBER working papers are circulated for discussion and comment purposes. They have not been peer-reviewed or been subject to the review by the NBER Board of Directors that accompanies official NBER publications. © 2019 by Jason Scott, John B. Shoven, Sita Slavov, and John G. Watson. All rights reserved. Short sections of text, not to exceed two paragraphs, may be quoted without explicit permission provided that full credit, including © notice, is given to the source. Retirement Implications of a Low Wage Growth, Low Real Interest Rate Economy Jason Scott, John B. Shoven, Sita Slavov, and John G. Watson NBER Working Paper No. 25556 February 2019 JEL No. D14,H55,J26 ABSTRACT We examine the implications of persistent low real interest rates and wage growth rates on individuals nearing retirement. -
Wage Repression, Asset Price Inflation, and Structural Change
1 Wage Repression, Asset Price Inflation, and Structural Change Caused Rising Macroeconomic Inequality for Fifty Years from Reagan to Trump Lance Taylor* * Over half a century – from Reagan to Trump -- American economic inequality worsened. At least three macroeconomic developments mattered. Wage repression was the principal driving force. The share of primary income from production going to profits rose by eight percentage points. The bulk of this windfall went to the richest one percent of American households. Many more households are dependent on wages. With the wage share falling by eight points, the middle class was hit twice. At the top of the size distribution, the one percent raked in higher labor income, interest, dividends, business proprietors’ income, and capital gains created by profits. At the bottom, low income households received stable wages and rising fiscal transfers. In terms of income shares, households in the middle got the squeeze. On the side of wealth, capital gains due to rising asset prices are a major contributor to top incomes. High saving rates of prosperous households feed into more wealth. Capital gains expand in response to higher profits and lower interest rates. Even with a rising profit share, wages still make up more than half of costs. Lower money wage growth means that current price inflation slows down. Driven in part by monetary policy, interest rates have come down along with slow inflation, pushing up asset prices in tandem with higher profits. A dual economic structure emerged, with jobs destroyed in manufacturing and other activities in which high wages combine with rising profits and productivity. -
Economic Crisis, Whether They Have a Pattern?
The 2nd ICVHE The 2nd International Conference on Vocational Higher Education (ICVHE) 2017 “The Importance on Advancing Vocational Education to Meet Contemporary Labor Demands” Volume 2018 Conference Paper Economic Crisis, Whether They Have a Pattern?—A Historical Review Rahmat Yuliawan Study Program of Secretary and Office Management, Faculty of Vocational Studies Airlangga University Abstract Purpose: The global economic recession appeared several times and became a dark history and tragedy for the world economy; the global economic crisis emerged at least 15 times, from the Panic of 1797, which lasted for recent years, to the depression in 1807, Panics of 1819, 1837, 1857, 1873, or the most phenomenal economic crisis known as the prolonged depression. This depression sustained for a 23-year period since 1873 to 1896. The collapse of the Vienna Stock Exchange caused the economic depression that spread throughout the world. It is very important to note that this phenomenon is inversely proportional to the incident in the United States, where at this period, the global industrial production is increasing rapidly. In the United States, for Corresponding Author: example, the production growth is over four times. Not to mention the panic in 1893, Rahmat Yuliawan Recession World War I, the Great Depression of 1929, recession in 1953, the Oil Crisis of Received: 8 June 2018 1973, Recession Beginning in 1980, reviewer in the early 1990s, recession, beginning Accepted: 17 July 2018 in 2000, and most recently, namely the Great Depression in 2008 due to several Published: 8 August 2018 factors, including rising oil prices caused rise in the price of food around the world, Publishing services provided by the credit crisis and the bankruptcy of various investor banks, rising unemployment, Knowledge E causing global inflation. -
Decoupling of Wage Growth and Productivity Growth? Myth and Reality
Decoupling of Wage Growth and Productivity Growth? Myth and Reality João Paulo Pessoa Centre for Economic Performance, London School of Economics John Van Reenen Centre for Economic Performance, London School of Economics, NBER and CEPR January 29th 2012 – Preliminary Abstract It is widely believed that in the US wage growth has fallen massively behind productivity growth. Recently, it has also been suggested that the UK is starting to follow the same path. Analysts point to the much faster growth of GDP per hour than median wages. We distinguish between “net decoupling” – the difference in growth of GDP per hour deflated by the GDP deflator and average compensation deflated by the same index ‐ and “gross decoupling” – the difference in growth of GDP per hour deflated by the GDP deflator and median wages deflated by a measure of consumer price inflation (CPI). We would expect that over the long‐run real compensation growth deflated by the producer price (the labour costs that employers face) should track real labour productivity growth (value added per hour), so net decoupling should only occur if labour’s share falls as a proportion of gross GDP, something that rarely happens over sustained periods. We show that over the past 40 years that there is almost no net decoupling in the UK, although there is evidence of substantial gross decoupling in the US and, to a lesser extent, in the UK. This difference between gross and net decoupling can be accounted for essentially by three factors (i) wage inequality (which means the average wage is growing faster than the median wage), (ii) the wedge between compensation (which includes employer‐provided benefits like pensions and health insurance) and wages which do not and (iii) differences in the GDP deflator and the consumer price deflator (i.e. -
The Spectre of Monetarism
The Spectre of Monetarism Speech given by Mark Carney Governor of the Bank of England Roscoe Lecture Liverpool John Moores University 5 December 2016 I am grateful to Ben Nelson and Iain de Weymarn for their assistance in preparing these remarks, and to Phil Bunn, Daniel Durling, Alastair Firrell, Jennifer Nemeth, Alice Owen, James Oxley, Claire Chambers, Alice Pugh, Paul Robinson, Carlos Van Hombeeck, and Chris Yeates for background analysis and research. 1 All speeches are available online at www.bankofengland.co.uk/publications/Pages/speeches/default.aspx Real incomes falling for a decade. The legacy of a searing financial crisis weighing on confidence and growth. The very nature of work disrupted by a technological revolution. This was the middle of the 19th century. Liverpool was in the midst of a golden age; its Custom House was the national Exchequer’s biggest source of revenue. And Karl Marx was scribbling in the British Library, warning of a spectre haunting Europe, the spectre of communism. We meet today during the first lost decade since the 1860s. In the wake of a global financial crisis. And in the midst of a technological revolution that is once again changing the nature of work. Substitute Northern Rock for Overend Gurney; Uber and machine learning for the Spinning Jenny and the steam engine; and Twitter for the telegraph; and you have dynamics that echo those of 150 years ago. Then the villains were the capitalists. Should they today be the central bankers? Are their flights of fancy promoting stagnation and inequality? Does the spectre of monetarism haunt our economies?i These are serious charges, based on real anxieties. -
Output and Expenditure in the Last Three UK Recessions Economic & Labour Market Review | Vol 4 | No 8 | August 2010
Economic & Labour Market Review | Vol 4 | No 8 | August 2010 ARTICLE Output and Graeme Chamberlin Offi ce for National Statistics expenditure in the last three UK recessions SUMMARY he latest Preliminary estimate of Gross incomplete science, and here much depends Domestic Product (GDP) reported on the defi nition being applied. Data This article describes the main features that the UK economy grew by 1.1 per revisions can also complicate matters by of the last three UK recessions using the T cent in the second quarter of 2010 – the changing the perceived history of economic output and expenditure measures of Gross third successive quarter of positive growth. time series, meaning that dates of past Domestic Product (GDP) to refl ect supply Th is follows the severest recession since the cycles may also change over time. For these and demand activity in the economy. The Second World War, when between 2008 reasons dating business cycles is oft en most recent recession saw a similar peak Q1 and 2009 Q3, GDP contracted for six a precarious task, even with the benefi t to trough fall in GDP as the early 1980s successive quarters as the level of output of hindsight. Th e Business Cycle Dating recession. Both these recessions, which fell from peak to trough by 6.4 per cent. Committee, based at the National Bureau coincided with a period of downturn in Now that it appears a recovery is underway, of Economic Research (NBER) which is the the global economy, were more severe and following recent publication of the leading association of academic economists than the early 1990s recession where the Blue Book where National Accounts are in the US and considered to be a global peak to trough fall in output was relatively benchmarked to more reliable annual data authority on business cycle dating, still modest. -
Why Is Wage Growth So Slow?
FRBSF ECONOMIC LETTER 2015-01 January 5, 2015 Why Is Wage Growth So Slow? BY MARY C. DALY AND BART HOBIJN Despite considerable improvement in the labor market, growth in wages continues to be disappointing. One reason is that many firms were unable to reduce wages during the recession, and they must now work off a stockpile of pent-up wage cuts. This pattern is evident nationwide and explains the variation in wage growth across industries. Industries that were least able to cut wages during the downturn and therefore accrued the most pent-up cuts have experienced relatively slower wage growth during the recovery. A prominent feature of the Great Recession and subsequent recovery has been the unusual behavior of wages. In standard economic models, unemployment and wage growth are tightly connected, moving at nearly the same time in opposite directions: As unemployment rises, wage growth slows, and vice versa. Since 2008 this relationship has slipped. During the recession, wage growth slowed much less than expected in response to the sharp increase in unemployment (Daly, Hobijn, and Lucking 2012). And so far in the recovery, wage growth has remained slow, despite substantial declines in the unemployment rate (Daly, Hobijn, and Ni 2013). One explanation for this pattern is the hesitancy of employers to reduce wages and the reluctance of workers to accept wage cuts, even during recessions, a behavior known as downward nominal wage rigidity. Daly and Hobijn (2014) argue that this behavior affected the aggregate relationship between the unemployment rate and wage growth during the past three recessions and recoveries and has been especially pronounced during and after the Great Recession.