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Seleucid Hasmonean Shiloh Coins
“The Seleucid and Hasmonean Coins of Shiloh: What They Do and Do Not Tell Us about the Occupation of Second Century BCE Shiloh” Paper presented at Stone-Campbell Journal Conference, April 5-6, 2019 by Kevin W. Larsen, Ph.D.1 Geo-political factors make archaeological research difficult in the highlands of Israel (i.e., West Bank). While much progress has been made, the recovery and interpretation of the material culture is still lagging in comparison to other parts of the southern Levant. In many cases scholars are limited to textual evidence in constructing a history of the region. The Associates for Biblical Research, under the direction of Scott Stripling and the auspices of the Civil Administration of Judea and Samaria, began excavation work at Shiloh in 2017. After two seasons one hundred eighty-one coins have been found. The coins may be useful for our understanding of life at Shiloh, but there are also difficulties in using them for stratigraphy. The aim of the paper is to offer suggestions about how the coins may or may not assist in augmenting the literary evidence of the Seleucids and Hasmoneans in the second-century BCE in and around Shiloh. Recovery from the Babylonian invasion of Judah2 and the repatriation of Jews into their former homeland under the Persians was long and difficult. While the process was much quicker on the Mediterranean coast, where cities and large villages were settled, in the central hills there was but one city (Jerusalem) and small farmsteads that dotted the region. In the highlands few villages can be identified, with settlement activity being at best fragmented and dispersed. -
A Literary Sources
Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-82860-4 — The Hellenistic World from Alexander to the Roman Conquest 2nd Edition Index More Information Index A Literary sources Livy XXVI.24.7–15: 77 (a); XXIX.12.11–16: 80; XXXI.44.2–9: 11 Aeschines III.132–4: 82; XXXIII.38: 195; XXXVII.40–1: Appian, Syrian Wars 52–5, 57–8, 62–3: 203; XXXVIII.34: 87; 57 XXXIX.24.1–4: 89; XLI.20: 209 (b); ‘Aristeas to Philocrates’ I.9–11 and XLII.29–30.7: 92; XLII.51: 94; 261 V.35–40: XLV.29.3–30 and 32.1–7: 96 15 [Aristotle] Oeconomica II.2.33: I Maccabees 1.1–9: 24; 1.10–25 and 5 7 Arrian, Alexander I.17: ; II.14: ; 41–56: 217; 15.1–9: 221 8 9 III.1.5–2.2: (a); III.3–4: ; II Maccabees 3.1–3: 216 12 13 IV.10.5–12.5: ; V.28–29.1: ; Memnon, FGrH 434 F 11 §§5.7–11: 159 14 20 V1.27.3–5: ; VII.1.1–4: ; Menander, The Sicyonian lines 3–15: 104 17 18 VII.4.4–5: ; VII.8–9 and 11: Menecles of Barca FGrHist 270F9:322 26 Arrian, FGrH 156 F 1, §§1–8: (a); F 9, Pausanias I.7: 254; I.9.4: 254; I.9.5–10: 30 §§34–8: 56; I.25.3–6: 28; VII.16.7–17.1: Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae V.201b–f, 100 258 43 202f–203e: ; VI.253b–f: Plutarch, Agis 5–6.1 and 7.5–8: 69 23 Augustine, City of God 4.4: Alexander 10.6–11: 3 (a); 15: 4 (a); Demetrius of Phalerum, FGrH 228 F 39: 26.3–10: 8 (b); 68.3: cf. -
Numismata Graeca; Greek Coin-Types, Classified For
NUMISMATA GRAECA GREEK COIN-TYPES CLASSIFIED FOR IMMEDIATE IDENTIFICATION PROTAT BROTHERS, PRINTERS, MACON (fRANCb). NUMISMATA GRAEGA GREEK GOIN-TYPES GLASSIFIED FOR IMMEDIATE IDENTIFICATION BY L^" CI flu pl-.M- ALTAR No. ALTAR Metal Xo. Pi.ACi: OBVEnSE Reverse V\t Denom . 1)a Pl.A Ri;it:iii;n(:i; SlZE II Nicaen. AVTKAINETPAIANOC. Large altar ready laid with /E.8 Tra- II un teriaii (]oll Jiilhijni:t. Ileadof Trajan r., laur. wood and havin^' door in 20 jan. p. 247, Xo 8. front; beneath AIOC. Ves- Prusiiis AYTKAilAPIIEBAI EniMAPKOYnAAN. P. I. R. .M. Pontus, etc, pasian, ad IIy])ium. TnOYEinAIIAN KIOYOY APOYAN- 22.5 12 p. 201, No 1. A. D. Billiynia. Headof Altar. nnPOYIIEII- eYHATOY. 200 Vespasian to r., laur. \:i .Aiiiasia. (]ara- 10, \o 31, AYKAIMAYP AAPCeYANTAMACIACM... , , p. Ponliirt. ANTnNINOC-Biislof in ex., eTCH. Altar of 1.2 caila. Caracalla r., laureale two stages. 30 A. n. in Paludamentum and 208 ciiirass. 14 l ariiini. Hust of Pallas r., in hel n A Garlanded altar, yE.5 H. C. R. M. Mysia, p. 1(11, Mijsiu. niet ; borderofdots. 12.5 P I 200 No 74. to Au- gus- tus. 15 Smyrna. TIB€PIOC C€BAC- ZMYPNAICON lonia. TOC- Ilead of Tibe- lePGONYMOC. Altar -ar- .E.65 Tibe- B. M. lonia, p. 268, rius r.,laur. landed. 10 No 263. 16 .\ntioch. BOYAH- Female bust ANTlOXenN- Altar. ^E.7 Babelon,/»^. Wadd., C.nria. r., veiled. 18 p. 116, \o 21.')9. 17 ANTIOXeWN cesAC CYNAPXiA AFAAOY .E.6 Au- ,, ,, No 2165. TOY- Nil^e staiiding. TOY AfAAOY. Altar, 15 gus- tus. -
THE REACH of the ROMAN EMPIRE in ROUGH CILICIA by HUGHW.ELTON
THE ECONOMIC FRINGE: THE REACH OF THE ROMAN EMPIRE IN ROUGH CILICIA By HUGHW.ELTON Many discussions of the Roman economy are rather vague about what they mean by 'Roman'. Phrases such as 'Roman Europe' or 'the Roman Empire' often blur two different concepts, that of the cultures of Iron Age Europe and the political institution of the Roman Empire. Cultures in Iron Age Europe varied widely. The Welsh uplands or the Atlas mountains, for example, had an aceramic culture with few public buildings, though were mIed directly by Rome for several centuries. Other regions, not under Roman control, like the regions across the middle Danube, showed higher concentrations of Mediterranean consumer goods and coins than some of these aceramic areas. 1 In Mesopotamia, many societies were urban and literate, not differing in this respect from those in Italy or Greece. Thus, determining what was imperial Roman territory by archaeological criteria alone is very difficult? But these archaeological criteria are important for two reasons. First, they allow us to analyse the cultural and economic changes that occurred in Iron Age Europe between 100 B.C. and A.D. 250. Second, they allow for the possibility of change within Europe that was not caused by the Roman state? Unlike cultures within Iron Age Europe, the Roman Empire was a political structure, imposed by force and dedicated to extracting benefits for the mling elite of the city of Rome.4 As the empire developed and matured, its form changed, but it was never about the mIed, only the rulers. If we accept that the Empire was a political, not an archaeological, structure, it follows that an examination of 'Impact of Empire: Transformation of Economic Life', has to mean an examination of the impact of the Roman imperial state. -
Eleventh Session, Commencing at 9.30Am ANCIENT GOLD COINS
Eleventh Session, Commencing at 9.30am 3389* ANCIENT GOLD COINS Thrace, Kingdom of, Lysimachos, (323-281 B.C.), gold stater, (8.36 g), Callatis mint, posthumous issue c.88-86 B.C., obv. diademed head of Alexander the Great to right, wearing GREEK horn of Ammon, rev. Athena enthroned to left, holding Nike and resting left arm on shield, transverse spear resting against right side, to right ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩ[Σ], to left ΛΥΣΙΜΑΧΟΥ, HP monogram below arm, ΚΑΛ on throne, trident below in exergue, (cf.S.6813, M.266, SNG Cop.1089). Extremely fi ne and virtually as struck. $4,500 3390* Thrace, Kingdom of, Lysimachos, (323-281 B.C.), gold stater, (8.26 g), Callatis mint, posthumous issue c.88-86 B.C., obv. diademed head of Alexander the Great to right, wearing horn of Ammon, rev. Athena enthroned to left, holding 3387* Nike and resting left arm on shield, transverse spear resting Sicily, Syracuse, Hieron II, (275-215 B.C.), gold drachm or against right side, to right ΒΑΣΙΛΕΩΣ, to left ΛΥΣΙΜΑΧΟΥ, hundred litrai (4.25 g), struck circa 275-263 B.C., obv. head ΦΜ under arm, ΚΑΛ on throne, trident below in exergue, of Persephone left with long fl owing hair, wearing wreath (cf.S.6813, M.-, cf.SNG Cop. 1089). Good very fi ne and a of grain ears, single-pendant earring, and necklace, wing rare variety. behind, rev. charioteer, holding kentron in right hand, reins $1,300 in left, driving fast biga left, A below horses, ΙΕΡΩΝΟΣ in Ex Noble Numismatics Sale 79 (lot 3208). -
The Contest for Macedon
The Contest for Macedon: A Study on the Conflict Between Cassander and Polyperchon (319 – 308 B.C.). Evan Pitt B.A. (Hons. I). Grad. Dip. This dissertation is submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy School of Humanities University of Tasmania October 2016 Declaration of Originality This thesis contains no material which has been accepted for a degree or diploma by the University or any other institution, except by way of background information and duly acknowledged in the thesis, and to the best of my knowledge and belief no material previously published or written by another person except where due acknowledgement is made in the text of the thesis, nor does this thesis contain any material that infringes copyright. Evan Pitt 27/10/2016 Authority of Access This thesis may be made available for loan and limited copying in accordance with the Copyright Act 1968. Evan Pitt 27/10/2016 ii Acknowledgements A doctoral dissertation is never completed alone, and I am forever grateful to my supervisor, mentor and friend, Dr Graeme Miles, who has unfailingly encouraged and supported me over the many years. I am also thankful to all members of staff at the University of Tasmania; especially to the members of the Classics Department, Dr Jonathan Wallis for putting up with my constant stream of questions with kindness and good grace and Dr Jayne Knight for her encouragement and support during the final stages of my candidature. The concept of this thesis was from my honours project in 2011. Dr Lara O’Sullivan from the University of Western Australia identified the potential for further academic investigation in this area; I sincerely thank her for the helpful comments and hope this work goes some way to fulfil the potential she saw. -
ECCLESIAE OCCIDENTALIS MONUMENTA IURIS ANTIQUISSIMA Ed
ECCLESIAE OCCIDENTALIS MONUMENTA IURIS ANTIQUISSIMA ed. C.H. Turner (Oxford, 1899-1939) Index of Names and Selected Words Corrected, revised, and extended 2008 by Philip R. Amidon, S.J. Creighton University [email protected] It has seemed opportune to republish this index in a corrected and extended version; there has been added to the list of names a list of selected words, and the method of referring to the text has been somewhat altered. The exact scope of C.H. Turner’s masterpiece is not immediately apparent from its title or subtitles (Canonum et conciliorum graecorum interpretationes latinae; Canones et concilia graeca ab antiquis interpretibus latine reddita). What one in fact finds here is an edition of the earliest surviving collections of church canons in Latin which are undoubtedly from the fourth century or have been assigned to it by at least some consensus of scholarship; some of them are translations from Greek, while others were originally drafted in Latin itself. Most of them, with the exception of the Apostolic Constitutions and Canons, are attributed to church councils. Turner, however, also offers a selection of doctrinal and historical material of enormous value, some of it indeed connected to the councils whose canons he edits; a comparison, for instance, of the creed contained in the synodical letter of the Council of Sardica with the Tomus Damasi, will suggest how far the doctrinal education of the western church advanced during the course of the fourth century. The connection of other historical matter to the canons is less obvious, however; one wonders what the Athanasian Historia acephala is doing here (granted that it is part of the collection of Theodosius the Deacon), however grateful one is to have the edition. -
An Ill-Defined Rule: Cassander’S Consolidation of Power
Karanos 2, 2019 33-42 An Ill-defined Rule: Cassander’s Consolidation of Power by Evan Pitt University of Tasmania [email protected] ABSTRACT Cassander’s implementation of power during the early stages of his rule of Macedonia was wide ranging and multifaceted. He employed numerous different strategies to gain support from a variety of influential groups within the Macedonian homeland and adjacent areas to secure his position. Much of the discussion surrounding Cassander’s actions to accomplish control over Macedonia has focussed on his desire to become the next king in Macedonia as demonstrated by overt public actions, a feat he achieved after the Peace of 311. However, when one considers the coinage issued by Cassander prior to 311, this single-minded monarchic aim appears less evident, calling into question the strength of this understanding of his actions. KEYWORDS Cassander, Antipatrid, Hellenistic monarchy, coins, Diadochi, governor. The winter of 317/316 BCE was a watershed moment for the Macedonian Empire and for the political landscape of the Macedonian homeland. Cassander, son of the former regent Antipater, had launched a successful invasion of Macedonia, ousting the incumbent regent, Polyperchon from power. From this point Cassander would embark on an ambitious plan to control the region. Over the following years he put in place a wide ranging and multifaceted strategy that drew upon many and varied avenues of support to cement his position. This period of time would see Cassander marry into the Argead family, initiate a significant building program in northern and southern Greece, remove the young Alexander IV from court, and bury the royal couple, Philip III Arrhidaeus and Adea-Eurydice at the traditional Argead burial ground at Aegae. -
The Gospel of Luke
The Gospel of Luke Lesson 6 Major People in 27 AD Luke 3:1-2 Luke 3:1 Now in the fifteenth year of the reign of Tiberius Caesar, when Pontius Pilate was governor of Judea, and Herod was tetrarch of Galilee, and his brother Philip was tetrarch of the region of Ituraea and Trachonitis, and Lysanias was tetrarch of Abilene, 2 in the high priesthood of Annas and Caiaphas, the word of God came to John, the son of Zacharias, in the wilderness. TIBERIUS At the beginning of chapter three, at least 27 years have passed. Tiberius was born November 16, 42 BC and died March 16 AD 37. Caesar Augustus’ adopted son, Tiberius, served with him as ruler for the last ten years of his life. When Caesar Augustus died on August 19, 14 AD, Tiberius took full control of the empire. Caesar Augustus had appointed his grandson, Gaius, to be the next emperor; however, Gaius died in 4 AD. Augustus selected another grandson, Lucius, who subsequently died. Tiberius was somewhat in Picture: 11 Tiberius disfavor with Augustus in the years before the deaths of Lucius and Gaius. He was in voluntary exile on the island of Rhodes and had little power in the Roman Empire. After the deaths of the two grandsons, Augustus chose Tiberius as his successor, adopted him as his son, and gave him a ten-year decree of power. During the ten-year period, Augustus died and Tiberius succeeded him as emperor of Rome. In those days, it was not uncommon for rulers to date the beginning of their reigns as early as possible, a practice called “antedating.” Therefore, Tiberius Caesar counted the beginning of his reign as emperor from the earliest possible date, from the time Augustus chose him as heir to the throne and gave him the name, Caesar. -
Ancient Damascus in New Testament Times Ccin
Ancient Damascus In New Testament Times verbalizedUnhoarded no Raymund pharmaceutics decolourized misapplies tinklingly preparedly or pardons after gnathonically Obadiah reminisces when Edgar slothfully, is wizened. quite Socinian. Distributable Constructive Marco Carlo phosphoresced.cravings or forbore some internationalism concurrently, however nominated Saxon catholicize predictively or Huge compared to the ancient in new testament times, supposing that time of bishops from the synagogues. Subjected to syria of ancient damascus in new times lystra appears to that devotion to save their army and it remained the nations are the humanities. Huge compared to damascus in new testament finds from this city, post office of california press of gozan, and still is located at the oldest sites abound in! Regarded as damascus of ancient in testament times, the middle ages, is that he said, and the earth. Super power was establishing new testament times, or niv or will once. Drought it comes in ancient damascus new times, whose land after being protected from the future or a shekel. Progress and before the ancient damascus in new times, at how to do not abana and the place! Done through all the ancient damascus in new testament brings us from the council of syria of the letters. Ram that there an ancient in new testament times it is from jewish publications society translation of the coming of drought and tortuous, and the christ. Often built outside the damascus new testament since the time! Abound in ancient in new times has even at the time. Christian writings that damascus new testament, and finds from the ancient babylon seventy years, ten thousand of continuous line of judah and hauran. -
Alexander the Great, the Royal Throne and the Funerary Thrones of Macedonia*
Karanos 1, 2018 23-34 Alexander the Great, the royal throne and the funerary thrones of Macedonia* by Olga Palagia National & Kapodistrian University of Athens [email protected] ABSTRACT There is no evidence in either Greece or Macedon in the archaic and classical periods that the throne functioned as a symbol of royalty. Thrones were for the gods and their priests. Only the king of Persia used a royal throne and even had portable thrones for his campaigns. This paper argues that after his conquest of the Persian Empire, Alexander the Great adopted the throne as a royal symbol; after his death, his throne became a token of his invisible presence. Philip III Arrhidaeus is known to have used a royal throne after his return to Macedonia. By implication, the marble thrones found in three tombs at Vergina–Aegae are here understood as symbols of royalty and the tombs are interpreted as royal. KEYWORDS Throne; priest; Persian king; tomb; marble; gold and ivory. Among the symbols of royalty in the kingdom of Macedon, the throne requires special investigation. We will try to show that its introduction as the seat of power may be traced to the new world order created by Alexander the Great’s conquest of Asia; we will subsequently investigate the impact of the royal throne on the funerary furniture of Macedonia. In archaic and classical Greece thrones were reserved for the gods and by extension, their priests and priestesses. Zeus, father of the gods, was often depicted enthroned. There are two obvious sculptural examples from the fifth century, the east frieze of the Parthenon1 and the cult statue created by Phidias for the temple of Zeus at Olympia. -
The Bible Almanac
ALL THE PEOPLE OF THE BIBLE This article identifies all of the people whose proper names occur in the Bible, excluding the deuterocanonical books. The names are set out alphabetically as they are spelled in the King James Version, with variant spellings enclosed in brackets [ ]. The meaning of the name is then given in parentheses ( ). Under each entry, various individuals bearing this name are differentiated by boldface brackets, like this: [1]; [2]; and so on. Then follows a description of the character, with several Bible verses listed where the name occurs. (Not all verses could be given; so if the reader is considering a passage that is not cited in the section, he must choose the character that would most likely be identical with the person in his passage.) We have made no attempt to designate each person as a Palite, Harodite, Gileadite, and so on. Many of these Mount Hor. The burial place of Aaron (Deut. 32:50), Mount Hor is designations refer to the ancestor of an individual; in traditionally identified with the modern-day peak of Jebel Nebi Harun. Over 1,500 m. (4,800 ft.) high, the mountain stands to the other cases, they refer to the person's city, district, or west of Edom. distinctive clan. It is often a guess as to which meaning is intended. The meanings of the names are not infallibly accurate; they are simply interesting possibilities. These names are ancient and their history is obscure and uncertain. A Many people in Scripture bear the same name. In dozens of cases, we cannot determine whether an Aaron ("enlightened, rich, mountaineer"), the brother individual in one book is identical with someone having of Moses.