The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict
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Clash of Identities: Explorations in Israeli and Palestinian Societies
chapter ten Nationalism, Identity, and Citizenship An Epilogue to the Yehoshua-Shammas Controversy: A Non-Platonic Dialogue* On September 13, 1985, the eve of the Jewish New Year, Anton Shammas— the Christian Israeli-Arab writer, essayist, translator, journalist, and author of Arabesque,1 an autobiographical Hebrew novel of a youngster growing up as a hybrid of Jewish-Arab culture and identity in the village Fasuta— aroused bitter controversy among the Israeli elite. His brief article accused Israel of excluding Israeli Palestinians from participation in the common political, cultural, and collective identity and nationality.2 His accusations of extreme discriminatory policy against Israel’s Arab citizens were by no means a new issue on the Israeli political agenda. Be- tween 1949 and 1966 Israeli Arabs had been subject to crass military rule, which served as a useful umbrella for land confiscation, exclusion from the labor market, and de facto deprivation of most citizen and human rights. Since 1966 the situation has gradually improved, but no Jewish intellectual * Baruch Kimmerling, “Nationalism, Identity, and Citizenship: An Epilogue to Yehoshua-Shammas Controversy,” in Daniel Levy and Yfaat Weiss, eds., Citi- zenship and Identity: German and Israel in Comparative Perspective (New York: Berghahn, 2002). Nationalism, Identity, and Citizenship 223 would deny that Israeli Palestinians have remained an underprivileged eth- nic or national minority. Shammas’ claim, however, went far beyond the regular complaints and protests against discrimination of a minority group within a supposedly democratic and humanistic polity. Shammas called for space and participation for what he called Israeli Arabs within the Israeli collective identity and culture.3 Faced with such a provocation, even the liberal, so-called leftist, and dovish writer Abraham B. -
History of Israel
History of Israel FALL-Tuesday and Thursday, 9:30–10:45, CBA 4.340 Course Description Israel is a country of contrasts. Merely 263 miles long, one can drive from its northernmost point to the southernmost one in six hours, passing by a wide variety of landscapes and climates; from the snowy capes of Mount Hermon to the arid badlands of the Negev Desert. Along the way, she might come across a plethora of ethnic and religious groups – Jews originating in dozens of diasporas all over the world, Palestinians, Druze, Bedouins, Bahá'ís, Samaritans, Circassians, Armenians, Gypsies, Filipinos, Sudanese, Eritreans, and more – and hear innumerable languages and dialects. From the haredi stronghold of Bene-Beraq to the hedonistic nightclubs and sunny beaches of Eilat; from a relative Jewish-Arab coexistence in Haifa to the powder keg that is East Jerusalem; from the “Start-up Nation” in Ra’anana and Herzliya to the poverty-stricken “development towns” and unrecognized Bedouin settlements of the Negev; from the messianic fervor of Jewish settlers in the West Bank to the plight of African refugees and disadvantaged Jews in South Tel Aviv – all within an area slightly smaller than the State of Vermont. This is an introductory survey of Israel’s political, diplomatic, social, economic, ethnic, and cultural history, as well as an overview of Israeli society nowadays. We will start with a brief examination of the birth of the Zionist movement in nineteenth-century Europe, the growth of the Jewish settlement in Palestine, and the establishment of a modern Jewish State. Next, we will review a number of key moments and processes in Israeli history and discuss such crucial and often controversial topics as the Israeli-Arab and Israeli-Palestinian conflicts; ethnic and social stratification in Israel; civil-military relations and the role that the armed forces and other security agencies have played in everyday life in the country; Israel’s relations with the world and the Jewish diaspora; and more. -
The Pragmatic Dimension of the Palestinian Hamas: a Network Perspective
Mishal 569 The Pragmatic Dimension of the Palestinian Hamas: A Network Perspective SHAUL MISHAL n the wake of the 11 September attack on the World Trade Center in INew York and President Bush’s “war on terrorism,” it is important to try to understand the cultural, political, and social dimensions of such radical Islamic groups as the Palestinian Hamas. Within political and academic circles in the Western world, it is common to portray Islamic movements in categorical terms that utilize binary classifications that mark real or imaginary social attributes rather than relational patterns.1 Much of this perception derives from the violence accompanying Islamic reli- gious fervor and the fanaticism marking some of its groups and regimes, raising fears of “a clash of civilizations” and “a threat” to Western liberal democratic values and social order.2 Hamas, an abbreviation of Harakat al-Muqawama al-Islamiyya (Is- lamic Resistance Movement), did not escape the binary perception, and has been described solely as a movement identified with Islamic funda- mentalism and suicide bombings. The objectives at the top of its agenda are the liberation of Palestine through a holy war (jihad) against Israel, establishing an Islamic state on its soil, and reforming society in the spirit of true Islam. It is this Islamic vision, combined with its nationalist claims and militancy toward Israel, that accounts for the prevailing image of Hamas as a rigid movement, ready to pursue its goals at any cost, with no limits or constraints. Islamic and national zeal, bitter opposition to the SHAUL MISHAL teaches at the Department of Political Science at Tel Aviv University, where his research focuses on Arab and Palestinian politics. -
A Survey of Textbooks Most Commonly Used to Teach the Arab-Israeli
A Critical Survey of Textbooks on the Arab-Israeli and Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Working Paper No. 1 │ April 2017 Uzi Rabi Chelsi Mueller MDC Working Paper Series The views expressed in the MDC Working Paper Series are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies or Tel Aviv University. MDC Working Papers have not undergone formal review and approval. They are circulated for discussion purposes only. Their contents should be considered preliminary and are not to be reproduced without the authors' permission. Please address comments and inquiries about the series to: Dr. Chelsi Mueller Research Fellow The MDC for Middle Eastern and African Studies Tel Aviv University Ramat Aviv, 6997801 Israel Email: [email protected] Tel: +972-3-640-9100 US: +1-617-787-7131 Fax: +972-3-641-5802 MDC Working Paper Series Acknowledgements The authors would like to thank the research assistants and interns who have contributed significantly to this research project. Eline Rosenhart was with the project from the beginning to end, cataloging syllabi, constructing charts, reading each text from cover to cover, making meticulous notes, transcribing meetings and providing invaluable editorial assistance. Rebekka Windus was a critical eye and dedicated consultant during the year-long reading phase of the project. Natasha Spreadborough provided critical comments and suggestions that were very instrumental during the reading phase of this project. Ben Mendales, the MDC’s project management specialist, was exceptionally receptive to the needs of the team and provided vital logistical support. Last but not least, we are deeply grateful to Prof. -
Avi Shlaim How Israel Brought Gaza to the Brink of Humanitarian Catastrophe 1/4
Avi Shlaim How Israel brought Gaza to the brink of humanitarian catastrophe 1/4 How Israel brought Gaza to the brink of humanitarian catastrophe Avi Shlaim* Oxford professor of international relations Avi Shlaim served in the Israeli army and has never questi- oned the state's legitimacy. But its merciless assault on Gaza has led him to devastating conclusions A wounded Palestinian policeman gestures while lying on the ground outside Hamas police headquar- ters following an Israeli air strike in Gaza City. - Photograph: Mohammed Abed/AFP/Getty Images The only way to make sense of Israel's senseless war in Gaza is through understanding the historical context. Establishing the state of Israel in May 1948 involved a monumental injustice to the Palestini- ans. British officials bitterly resented American partisanship on behalf of the infant state. On 2 June 1948, Sir John Troutbeck wrote to the foreign secretary, Ernest Bevin, that the Americans were responsible for the creation of a gangster state headed by "an utterly unscrupulous set of leaders". I used to think that this judgment was too harsh but Israel's vicious assault on the people of Gaza, and the Bush administration's complicity in this assault, have reopened the question. I write as someone who served loyally in the Israeli army in the mid-1960s and who has never questi- oned the legitimacy of the state of Israel within its pre-1967 borders. What I utterly reject is the Zionist colonial project beyond the Green Line. The Israeli occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip in the aftermath of the June 1967 war had very little to do with security and everything to do with territori- al expansionism. -
The Origins of Hamas: Militant Legacy Or Israeli Tool?
THE ORIGINS OF HAMAS: MILITANT LEGACY OR ISRAELI TOOL? JEAN-PIERRE FILIU Since its creation in 1987, Hamas has been at the forefront of armed resistance in the occupied Palestinian territories. While the move- ment itself claims an unbroken militancy in Palestine dating back to 1935, others credit post-1967 maneuvers of Israeli Intelligence for its establishment. This article, in assessing these opposing nar- ratives and offering its own interpretation, delves into the historical foundations of Hamas starting with the establishment in 1946 of the Gaza branch of the Muslim Brotherhood (the mother organization) and ending with its emergence as a distinct entity at the outbreak of the !rst intifada. Particular emphasis is given to the Brotherhood’s pre-1987 record of militancy in the Strip, and on the complicated and intertwining relationship between the Brotherhood and Fatah. HAMAS,1 FOUNDED IN the Gaza Strip in December 1987, has been the sub- ject of numerous studies, articles, and analyses,2 particularly since its victory in the Palestinian legislative elections of January 2006 and its takeover of Gaza in June 2007. Yet despite this, little academic atten- tion has been paid to the historical foundations of the movement, which grew out of the Muslim Brotherhood’s Gaza branch established in 1946. Meanwhile, two contradictory interpretations of the movement’s origins are in wide circulation. The !rst portrays Hamas as heir to a militant lineage, rigorously inde- pendent of all Arab regimes, including Egypt, and harking back to ‘Izz al-Din al-Qassam,3 a Syrian cleric killed in 1935 while !ghting the British in Palestine. -
Political Expectations and Cultural Perceptions in the Arab-Israeli Peace Negotiations
Political Psychology, Vol. 23, No. 2, 2002 Political Expectations and Cultural Perceptions in the Arab-Israeli Peace Negotiations Shaul Mishal and Nadav Morag Department of Political Science Tel Aviv University In the various Arab-Israeli peace negotiations that have taken place since the late 1970s, each party entered the process, and continues to function within it, from the vantage point of different political expectations and cultural perceptions. These differences derive from the political features and social structures of the Arab parties and the Israeli side, which range from hierarchical to networked. Israel leans toward hierarchical order, whereas the Arab parties are more networked; these differences in the social and political environments influence the negotiating culture of each party. Hierarchical states develop goal-oriented negotiating cultures, whereas networked states have process-oriented negotiating cultures. The expectations that each side has of the other side to fulfill its part of the bargain are different as well; in hierarchical states such expectations are based on contracts, whereas in networked states such expectations are based on trust. Because it is unlikely that different cultural perceptions and the gap between the parties can be significantly bridged, it may be possible to cope with mutual problems if all parties were willing to accept a reality of perceptional pluralism (i.e., negotiating asymmetric arrangements, rather then each party insisting on mutual accommodation based on its own perspective). KEY WORDS: hierarchical states, networked states, goal-oriented negotiating cultures, process-oriented negotiating cultures, contract, trust, perceptional pluralism Much of the history of Arab-Israeli peace negotiations can be described in terms of mistrust and a lack of understanding by each side with respect to the psychological and political needs of the other. -
ABSTRACT Arab American Racialization and Its Effect
ABSTRACT Arab American Racialization and its Effect oniAmerican Islamophobiaa in the United States Catherine Haseman Director: Dr. Lisa Lacy, Ph.D. Over the past few years, anti-Muslim and anti-Arab rhetoric and discrimination has surged. Prejudice against Arabs and Muslims has moved from the fringes of American society to the mainstream. The American Islamophobic discourse is so deeply rooted in U.S. history, culture, and society that we often misunderstand its origins as well as its manifestations. This paper proposes a critical dialogue about how to understand one contested concept (Islamophobia) by using another contested one (racialization). This paper seeks to understand if--and if so, to what extent--racialization is central to understanding America’s pernicious brand of Islamophobia. In addition to reviewing the historical connection between racialization and Islamophobia, this paper analyzes the results of a survey of Texans’ views of Islam and Muslims. The survey results are used to understand how racialized conceptions of Arab Muslims correspond with Islamophobic tropes. APPROVED BY DIRECTOR OF HONORS THESIS: ____________________________________________ Dr. Lisa Lacy, Department of History APPROVED BY THE HONORS PROGRAM: __________________________________________________ Dr. Elizabeth Corey, Director DATE: _________________________________ ARAB AMERICAN RACIALIZATION AND ITS EFFECTS ON AMERICAN ISLAMOPHOBIA A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Baylor University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Honors Program -
NATO SCHOOL POLARIS Special Issue August 2008
POLARIS SPECIAL ISSUE AUGUST 2008 N A T O S C H ISRAEL AND HAMAS O OPPORTUNITIES, OPTIONS AND RISKS By Bjoern Budde O Visiting Fellow, NATO School L NATO SCHOOL POLARIS Special Issue August 2008 POLARIS STAFF NATO SCHOOL Commandant: Research Department COL James Tabak, USA-MC Am Rainenbichl 54 Dean of Academics: 82487 Oberammergau GERMANY LTC Gerald Conrad, CAN-AF URL: www.natoschool.nato.int Editors: E-mail: [email protected] Liliana Serban, ROU-Civ Phillip Cornell, USA-Civ Subscription is free of charge. Please provide us with your contact information. Disclaimer: The NATO School (NSO) is not responsible for the factual validity of the articles covered in POLARIS. The opinions and analyses expressed in POLARIS are those of the individual authors. Publication of articles does not constitute approval or endorsement by the NSO, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, the Partnership for Peace Program, member states, or partner governments. The NSO respects individual opinions and protects academic freedom. 2 Editorial the necessity of outside involvement to any lasting regional solution. He also considers NATO’s potential role, and comments on allied initiatives which seek to enhance its Hamas’ 2006 electoral victory and its defacto partnerships with the Middle East region. grip over the Gaza Strip since June 2007 have created policy dilemmas for the Palestinian Authority, Israel, the wider international Incremental improvements in Gaza’s security – community, and also for Hamas itself. intensifying the fight against corruption or gradually containing warlords - are not enough if Hamas wants to become a legitimate political Bjoern Budde analyzes the implications of actor. -
Notes on Middle East for Government 35, World Politics
Notes on Middle East for Government 35, World Politics 1. Important to note that there is much more diversity of opinion regarding Palestine in Israel than there is in the United States. For example, according to Haaretz, a leading English language newspaper’s recent poll, 64% of Israelis believe direct negotiations with Hamas should be undertaken, which is contrary to the opinion of the Israeli and U.S. governments. a. Decades ago, articles by noted Jewish intellectuals Hans Morgenthau and Hannah Arendt, in Commentary Magazine, argued that the consistency of American Jews’ support for Israel was based upon guilt that they lived in a relatively peaceful America, while Israeli’s peaceful existence was under the constant threat of war and terrorism. Then, the magazine was considered an organ of the American Jewish Committee. Now, Commentary Magazine’s website, http://www.commentarymagazine.com/, lists its importance to the neoconservative movement in American politics. 2. The main lobbying organization for Israel over the years has been the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, which some believe was initially funded by Mossad, the Israeli intelligence service, although not so today so far as we know. a. The site can be found at: http://www.aipac.org/ i. (You can note that it lists itself as “America’s Pro-Israel Lobby.”) 3. Recently, another group has been formed to counter some of the influence of AIPAC: Jstreet a. The site can be found at: http://www.jstreet.org/ i. (You can note that it lists itself as “A new pro-peace, pro-Israel political voice.”) 4. -
Manifestations of Antisemitism in the EU 2002 - 2003
Manifestations of Antisemitism in the EU 2002 - 2003 Based on information by the National Focal Points of the RAXEN Information Network Manifestations of Antisemitism in the EU 2002 – 2003 Based on information by the National Focal Points of the EUMC - RAXEN Information Network EUMC - Manifestations of Antisemitism in the EU 2002 - 2003 2 EUMC – Manifestations of Antisemitism in the EU 2002 – 2003 Foreword Following concerns from many quarters over what seemed to be a serious increase in acts of antisemitism in some parts of Europe, especially in March/April 2002, the EUMC asked the 15 National Focal Points of its Racism and Xenophobia Network (RAXEN) to direct a special focus on antisemitism in its data collection activities. This comprehensive report is one of the outcomes of that initiative. It represents the first time in the EU that data on antisemitism has been collected systematically, using common guidelines for each Member State. The national reports delivered by the RAXEN network provide an overview of incidents of antisemitism, the political, academic and media reactions to it, information from public opinion polls and attitude surveys, and examples of good practice to combat antisemitism, from information available in the years 2002 – 2003. On receipt of these national reports, the EUMC then asked an independent scholar, Dr Alexander Pollak, to make an evaluation of the quality and availability of this data on antisemitism in each country, and identify problem areas and gaps. The country-by-country information provided by the 15 National Focal Points, and the analysis by Dr Pollak, form Chapter 1 and Chapter 2 of this report respectively. -
Helping to Shape the Policy Discourse on Palestine
Helping to Shape the Policy Discourse on Palestine Al-Shabaka in 2016 and into 2017 Al-Shabaka, The Palestinian Policy Network, is an independent, non- partisan, and non-profit organization whose mission is to educate and foster public debate on Palestinian human rights and self- determination within the framework of international law. Contents Letter from the Executive Director 1 1. Policy Insights and Options 2 2. Fielding the Policy Team in Strategic Locations 5 3. Expanding the Global Palestinian Think Tank 9 4. Outreach & Engagement 11 5. Financial Report and List of Donors 13 6. List of Publications 2010 - 2016 15 7. List of Al-Shabaka Analysts 22 Letter from the Executive Director With key anniversaries for Palestine and The network has grown by 30% since the Palestinians on the calendar in 2017 2015, with new policy members reinforcing and 2018, Israel’s aim to consolidate its existing areas of expertise as well as occupation went into overdrive. Over the providing coverage in additional geographic past year this has included a ramped- areas (see Section 3). Al-Shabaka’s reach up effort to erase the use of the term has also expanded through well-placed op- “occupation” from the public discourse eds in both the Arabic and English media, while multiplying settlement activity; the increased use of English and Arabic social drive to occupy key positions on United media, speaking engagements in many Nations committees while violating different locales, and translation of policy international law; and cracking down on free content into French and Italian, among speech and non-violent activism.