Scottish Independence Referendum Bill [AS PASSED]

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Scottish Independence Referendum Bill [AS PASSED] Scottish Independence Referendum Bill [AS PASSED] CONTENTS Section Referendum 1 Referendum on Scottish independence Franchise 2 Those who are entitled to vote 2A Declarations of local connection and service declarations: further provision Voting etc. 3 Provision about voting etc. Conduct 4 Chief Counting Officer 5 Other counting officers 6 Functions of the Chief Counting Officer and other counting officers 7 Correction of procedural errors 8 Expenses of counting officers 9 Conduct rules Campaign 10 Campaign rules 11 Monitoring and securing compliance with the campaign rules 12 Inspection of Electoral Commission’s registers etc. 13 Campaign rules: general offences 14 Campaign offences: summary proceedings 15 Duty of court to report convictions to the Electoral Commission Referendum agents 16 Referendum agents Observers 17 Attendance of Electoral Commission at proceedings and observation of working practices 18 Accredited observers: individuals 19 Accredited observers: organisations 20 Attendance and conduct of accredited observers 20A Code of practice on attendance of observers Information, guidance, advice and encouragement 21 Information for voters SP Bill 25B Session 4 (2013) ii Scottish Independence Referendum Bill 22 Guidance 23 Advice 23A Encouraging participation Report on referendum 24 Report on the conduct of the referendum Electoral Commission: administrative provision 25 Reimbursement of Commission’s costs 26 Estimates of expenditure 27 Maladministration Offences 28 Offences 29 Offences by bodies corporate etc. Power to make supplementary etc. provision and modifications 30 Power to make supplementary etc. provision and modifications Legal proceedings 31 Restriction on legal challenge to referendum result Final provisions 32 Interpretation 33 Commencement 34 Short title __________ Schedule 1 —Form of ballot paper Schedule 2 —Further provision about voting in the referendum Part 1 —Manner of voting Part 2 —Registration Part 3 —Postal voting: issue and receipt of ballot papers Part 4 —Supply of Polling List etc. Part 5 —Supply of marked Polling List etc. Schedule 3 —Conduct rules Schedule 4 —Campaign rules Part 1 —Interpretation Part 2 —Permitted participants and designated organisations Part 3 —Referendum expenses Part 4 —Publications Part 5 —Control of donations Part 6 —Control of loans and credit Schedule 5 —Campaign rules: investigatory powers of the Electoral Commission Schedule 6 —Campaign rules: civil sanctions Part 1 —Fixed monetary penalties Part 2 —Discretionary requirements Part 3 —Stop notices Part 4 —Enforcement undertakings Part 6 —General and supplemental Scottish Independence Referendum Bill iii Part 7 —Interpretation Part 8 —Listed campaign offences Schedule 7 —Offences Schedule 8 —Interpretation Scottish Independence Referendum Bill 1 Amendments to the Bill since the previous version are indicated by sidelining in the right margin. Wherever possible, provisions that were in the Bill as introduced retain the original numbering. Scottish Independence Referendum Bill [AS PASSED] An Act of the Scottish Parliament to make provision, in accordance with paragraph 5A of Part 1 of Schedule 5 to the Scotland Act 1998, for the holding of a referendum in Scotland on a question about the independence of Scotland. Referendum 5 1 Referendum on Scottish independence (1) A referendum is to be held in Scotland on a question about the independence of Scotland. (2) The question is— ―Should Scotland be an independent country?‖. 10 (3) The ballot paper to be used for the purpose of the referendum is to be printed— (a) in the form set out in schedule 1, and (b) according to the directions set out in that schedule. (4) The date on which the poll at the referendum is to be held is 18 September 2014, unless before then an order is made under subsection (6). 15 (5) Subsection (6) applies if the Scottish Ministers are satisfied— (a) that it is impossible or impracticable for the poll at the referendum to be held on 18 September 2014, or (b) that it cannot be conducted properly if held on that date. (6) The Scottish Ministers may by order appoint a later day (being no later than 31 20 December 2014) as the day on which the poll at the referendum is to be held. (7) An order under subsection (6)— (a) may include supplementary or consequential provision, (b) may modify any enactment (including this Act), and (c) is subject to the affirmative procedure. SP Bill 25B Session 4 (2013) 2 Scottish Independence Referendum Bill Franchise 2 Those who are entitled to vote Provision about who is entitled to vote in the referendum is made by the Scottish Independence Referendum (Franchise) Act 2013. 5 2A Declarations of local connection and service declarations: further provision (1) The Scottish Independence Referendum (Franchise) Act 2013 is amended as follows. (2) In section 7 (declaration of local connection: additional ground for young people), after subsection (5) insert— ―(6) For the purposes of section 5(1)(b), a declaration of local connection made by 10 virtue of this section is to be treated as having effect also for the purpose of meeting any residence requirement for registration in a register of local government electors.‖. (3) After section 7 insert— ―7A Children etc. of people with a service qualification 15 (1) This section applies for the purposes of sections 14 to 17 of the 1983 Act (service declarations), as applied by this Act in relation to registration in the register of young voters. (2) An eligible child has a service qualification for those purposes. (3) Accordingly, any reference in an applied enactment to a person having a 20 service qualification is to be read as including an eligible child. (4) An ―eligible child‖ is a person— (a) who will be aged 16 or 17 on the date on which the poll at an independence referendum is to be held, (b) a parent or guardian of whom has a service qualification under any of 25 paragraphs (a) to (e) of section 14(1) of the 1983 Act, and (c) who is residing at a particular place in order to be with that parent or guardian. (5) Section 16 of the 1983 Act (contents of service declaration), as applied by this Act, has effect for the purposes of a service declaration by an eligible child 30 subject to the following modifications— (a) the references in paragraphs (b) and (d) to the United Kingdom are to be read as references to Scotland, (b) the words from ―and (except where‖ to the end of the section are omitted. 35 (6) Regulation 15 of the Representation of the People (Scotland) Regulations 2001 (contents of service declaration), as applied by this Act, has effect for the purposes of a service declaration by an eligible child as if the references in paragraphs (2), (3) and (4) to the spouse or civil partner of a person included references to— 40 (a) a child of the person, (b) a child for whom the person acts as guardian, Scottish Independence Referendum Bill 3 (c) a child of the spouse or civil partner of the person, (d) a child for whom the spouse or civil partner of the person acts as guardian. (7) For the purposes of section 5(1)(b), a service declaration made by virtue of this 5 section is to be treated as having effect also for the purpose of meeting any residence requirement for registration in a register of local government electors.‖. (4) In Part 2 of schedule 1 (application of provisions of the 1983 Act), for the entry relating to section 16 of the 1983 Act, substitute— 10 ―Section 16 (contents of service For paragraph (f) substitute— declaration) ―(f) the declarant’s date of birth.‖‖. Voting etc. 3 Provision about voting etc. 15 Schedule 2 makes provision about voting in the referendum, including— (a) provision about the manner of voting (including provision for absent voting), (b) provision about the register of electors, (c) provision about postal voting, and (d) provision about the supply of certain documents. 20 Conduct 4 Chief Counting Officer (1) The Scottish Ministers must, in writing, appoint a Chief Counting Officer for the referendum. (2) The Chief Counting Officer is to be the person who, immediately before this section 25 comes into force, is the person appointed as the convener of the Electoral Management Board for Scotland by virtue of section 2 of the Local Electoral Administration (Scotland) Act 2011. (3) But subsection (2) does not apply if— (a) there is no person appointed as convener at that time, or 30 (b) that person is unable or unwilling to be appointed as the Chief Counting Officer. (4) The Chief Counting Officer may resign by giving notice in writing to the Scottish Ministers. (5) The Scottish Ministers may, by notice in writing, remove the Chief Counting Officer from office if— 35 (a) the Chief Counting Officer is convicted of any criminal offence, or (b) they are satisfied that the Chief Counting Officer is unable to perform the Chief Counting Officer’s functions by reason of any physical or mental illness or disability. 4 Scottish Independence Referendum Bill (6) If the Chief Counting Officer dies, resigns or is removed from office, the Scottish Ministers must appoint another person to be the Chief Counting Officer. (7) The Chief Counting Officer may, in writing, appoint deputies to carry out some or all of the officer’s functions and, so far as necessary for the purposes of carrying out those 5 functions, any reference in this Act to the Chief Counting Officer is to be read as including a deputy. (8) A person may be appointed to be— (a) the Chief Counting Officer, (b) a deputy of the Chief Counting Officer, 10 only if the person is or has been a returning officer appointed under section 41(1) of the 1983 Act. 5 Other counting officers (1) The Chief Counting Officer must, in writing, appoint a counting officer for each local government area.
Recommended publications
  • Republic of Nagorno Karabakh (Artsakh)
    Armenian National Committee of America 1711 N Street NW | Washington DC 20036 | Tel: (202) 775-1918 | Fax: (202) 775-1918 [email protected] | www.anca.org Republic of Nagorno Karabakh (Artsakh) 1) Republic of Nagorno Karabakh (Artsakh) The Republic of Nagorno Karabakh (Artsakh) is an integral part of historic Armenia that was arbitrarily carved out in 1921 by Joseph Stalin and placed under Soviet Azerbaijani administration, but with autonomous status, as part of the Soviet divide- and-conquer strategy in the Caucasus. Nagorno Karabakh has never been part of an independent Azerbaijani state. Declassified Central Intelligence Agency reports confirm that Nagorno Karabakh is historically Armenian and maintained even more autonomy than the rest of Armenia through the centuries.1 To force Christian Armenians to be ruled by Muslim Azerbaijan would be to sanction Joseph Stalin's policies and ensure continued instability in the region. During seven decades of Soviet Azerbaijani rule, the Armenian population of Nagorno Karabakh was subjected to discriminatory policies aimed at its removal. Even after these efforts to force Armenians from their land, Nagorno Karabakh's pre-war population in 1988 was over 80% Armenian. In the late 1980's, the United States welcomed Nagorno Karabakh's historic challenge to the Soviet system and its leadership in sparking democratic movements in the Baltics and throughout the Soviet empire. Following a peaceful demand by Karabakh's legislative body to reunite the region with Armenia in 1988, Azerbaijan launched an ethnic cleansing campaign against individuals of Armenian descent with pogroms against civilians in several towns, including Sumgait and Baku.
    [Show full text]
  • THE ROAD to INDEPENDENCE 1 | P a G E Des Palm the Road to Independence - Capexit BACKGROUND to DOCUMENT
    THE ROAD TO INDEPENDENCE 1 | P a g e Des Palm The road to independence - CapeXit BACKGROUND TO DOCUMENT This document is written by ordinary people who share a common concern with the reader, unless the reader is very far removed from reality: the current situation in South Africa (RSA). We do not profess to be, neither are we, scholars of politics, politicians, advocates, barristers or professionals in economics, commerce and other institutions. The problem with most of the previously mentioned captains of industry and politics is a rather simple one - they forgot about the ordinary man in the street. Thus, it is time for the ordinary people of RSA, to stand up and say NO MORE. For long enough we had been spectators and had to watch how we, the minorities in RSA, became more irrelevant to decisions which directly impacts us, whilst our say in all matters of importance to our survival, culture, language, economic survival and human rights are being ignored. As taxpayers we are being milked to a slow death to keep on feeding the black hole of corruption, nepotism, greed and generally hopeless governance. The intention of this document is not to impress with fancy legal jargon or unpronounceable Latin phrases, but rather to emphasise that a claim to our independence is internationally recognized and it your human right !. Why Independence? Generally, a group of people would want to be independent and masters of their own fate when they see increasing threats to their well-being and existence as a group, both physical, emotional and psychological.
    [Show full text]
  • The Referendum in FW De Klerk's War of Manoeuvre
    The referendum in F.W. de Klerk’s war of manoeuvre: An historical institutionalist account of the 1992 referendum. Gary Sussman. London School of Economics and Political Science. Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Government and International History, 2003 UMI Number: U615725 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615725 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 T h e s e s . F 35 SS . Library British Library of Political and Economic Science Abstract: This study presents an original effort to explain referendum use through political science institutionalism and contributes to both the comparative referendum and institutionalist literatures, and to the political history of South Africa. Its source materials are numerous archival collections, newspapers and over 40 personal interviews. This study addresses two questions relating to F.W. de Klerk's use of the referendum mechanism in 1992. The first is why he used the mechanism, highlighting its role in the context of the early stages of his quest for a managed transition.
    [Show full text]
  • Statement on the Southern Sudan Independence Referendum February 7, 2011
    Administration of Barack Obama, 2011 / Feb. 7 their country. After years of working at cross how to succeed. We are Americans, and as we purposes, the result was one of the most pro- have done throughout our history, I have every ductive collaborations between the public and confidence that once again we will rise to this private sectors in American history. occasion, that we can come together, we can Some, like the head of GM, hadn’t previous- adapt, and we can thrive in this changing econ- ly known the President and, if anything, had omy. And we need to look no further than the seen him as an adversary. But he gathered his innovative companies in this room. If we can family, and he explained that he was going to harness your potential and the potential of head up what would become the War Produc- your people across this country, I think there’s tion Board. And he said to his family, “This no stopping us. country has been good to me, and I want to pay So thank you. God bless you, and may God it back.” I want to pay it back. bless the United States of America. And in the years that followed, automobile factories converted to making planes and NOTE: The President spoke at 11:30 a.m. at tanks. And corset factories made grenade belts. U.S. Chamber of Commerce Headquarters. In A toy company made compasses. A pinball ma- his remarks, he referred to Thomas J. Dona- chine maker turned out shells. Nineteen forty- hue, president and chief executive officer, and one would see the greatest expansion of manu- Thomas D.
    [Show full text]
  • The Religious Landscape in South Sudan CHALLENGES and OPPORTUNITIES for ENGAGEMENT by Jacqueline Wilson
    The Religious Landscape in South Sudan CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES FOR ENGAGEMENT By Jacqueline Wilson NO. 148 | JUNE 2019 Making Peace Possible NO. 148 | JUNE 2019 ABOUT THE REPORT This report showcases religious actors and institutions in South Sudan, highlights chal- lenges impeding their peace work, and provides recommendations for policymakers RELIGION and practitioners to better engage with religious actors for peace in South Sudan. The report was sponsored by the Religion and Inclusive Societies program at USIP. ABOUT THE AUTHOR Jacqueline Wilson has worked on Sudan and South Sudan since 2002, as a military reserv- ist supporting the Comprehensive Peace Agreement process, as a peacebuilding trainer and practitioner for the US Institute of Peace from 2004 to 2015, and as a Georgetown University scholar. She thanks USIP’s Africa and Religion and Inclusive Societies teams, Matthew Pritchard, Palwasha Kakar, and Ann Wainscott for their support on this project. Cover photo: South Sudanese gather following Christmas services at Kator Cathedral in Juba. (Photo by Benedicte Desrus/Alamy Stock Photo) The views expressed in this report are those of the author alone. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Institute of Peace. An online edition of this and related reports can be found on our website (www.usip.org), together with additional information on the subject. © 2019 by the United States Institute of Peace United States Institute of Peace 2301 Constitution Avenue NW Washington, DC 20037 Phone: 202.457.1700 Fax: 202.429.6063 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.usip.org Peaceworks No. 148. First published 2019.
    [Show full text]
  • Should the UK Lower the Voting Age to 16? a Democratic Audit Collection – Edited by Richard Berry and Sean Kippin
    Should the UK lower the voting age to 16? A Democratic Audit collection – edited by Richard Berry and Sean Kippin www.democraticaudit.com Should the UK lower the voting age to 16? Foreword Dr Andrew Mycock The proposition supporting the lowering of the voting age for all public elections across the United Kingdom has gained considerable political momentum over the past decade or so, largely due to the concerted campaigning of some leading youth organisations together with an increasing number of young people and politicians. With the majority of mainstream political parties now supporting the introduction of ‘votes at 16’, it is a proposal whose time appears to have come. That 16 and 17 year-olds will be able to vote on the constitutional future of Scotland in September 2014 suggests the ‘genie is out of the bottle’ and the move towards a universal lowering of the voting age to 16 across the UK is imminent. Such a view should however be tempered by a number of issues that might compromise the adoption of votes at 16. First, the Conservatives appear steadfastly opposed to its introduction and are unlikely to adopt the cause if they form the next government in 2015. Second, two noteworthy UK government-sponsored independent commissions on lowering the voting age over the past decade – The Russell Commission of 2004 and the Youth Citizenship Commission of 2008-9 - have both found against the proposition. Both commissions raised important questions about the increasingly fractured age limits for a range of rights and responsibilities and also questioned whether ‘votes at 16’ would induce greater youth political literacy and participation.
    [Show full text]
  • BIRN – Balkan Insight Disappointed Serbs Sell up and Go
    BIRN – Balkan Insight Disappointed Serbs Sell Up And Go 23 06 2006 Angry over the referendum result and fearful for the future, many Serbs are emigrating to central Serbia. By Bojana Stanisic in Pljevlja (Balkan Insight, 23 June 06) The villagers of Seoce, near Andrijevica, in northern Montenegro, are angry. The reason is the outcome of the May 21 referendum on independence, which Montenegrin separatists won by a large margin. Such is the indignation in Seoce, which voted "en masse" against sovereignty, that many locals have decided to sell up and emigrate to Sumadija, in central Serbia. They plan to move the whole village over the border and rename their new home Seoce. Villagers have made it clear that if any one buyer is interested in buying up the entire village, they would offer a substantial discount of up to 15 per cent. One would-be ex-Montenegrin is Stanoje Stijovic. "As soon as I sell my property I will move to Serbia," he said. "We plan to buy a whole village in Serbia and rename it Seoce out of love for our native land." The villagers protest that their departure is not a sign of indifference to the place many were born in, and in which many invested all their savings. "I invested my entire capital in my native village," said Vujica Mitrovic, who came all the way from Denmark, where he works, to vote in the referendum. "But I am deeply disappointed with the result, which is why I have decided to sell my whole estate - three houses in Andrijevica, a house in Seoce, another in Sutomore on the Adriatic coast and a country home in the Balja Mountain." Thirty-five villagers from Beranselo, near the town Berani in the north of Montenegro, have also put up their land and houses for sale, hoping for Albanian buyers.
    [Show full text]
  • When the Demos Shapes the Polis - the Use of Referendums in Settling Sovereignty Issues
    When the Demos Shapes the Polis - The Use of Referendums in Settling Sovereignty Issues. Gary Sussman, London School of Economics (LSE). Introduction This chapter is a survey of referendums dealing with questions of sovereignty. This unique category of referendum usage is characterized by the participation of the demos in determining the shape of the polis or the nature of its sovereignty. The very first recorded referendums, following the French Revolution, were sovereignty referendums. Though far from transparent and fair, these votes were strongly influenced by notions of self- determination and the idea that title to land could not be changed without the consent of those living on that land. Since then there have been over two hundred and forty sovereignty referendums. In the first part of this chapter I will briefly review referendum usage in general. This international analysis of 1094 referendums excludes the United States of America, where initiatives are extensively used by various states and Switzerland, which conducted 414 votes on the national level from 1866 to 1993. This comparative analysis of trends in referendum usage will provide both a sketch of the geographical distribution of use and a sense of use by issue. In the second section of this chapter I examine the history and origins of the sovereignty referendum and identify broad historical trends in its use. It will be demonstrated there have been several high tides in the use of sovereignty referendums and that these high tides are linked to high tides of nationalism, which have often followed the collapse of empires. Following this historical overview a basic typology of six sub-categories, describing sovereignty referendums will be suggested.
    [Show full text]
  • Why the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict Is Still Not Resolved
    WHY IS THE NAGORNO-KARABAKH CONFLICT STILL NOT RESOLVED? Shavarsh Kocharyan Yerevan 2016 Shavarsh Kocharyan Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Armenia since 2008. Associate professor at the faculty of International Relations and Diplomacy of the Yerevan State University. In 1971 he graduated from the State Engineering University (Yerevan), Faculty of Technical Cybernetics, with specialization as Mathematician-Engineer. In 1975 completed his postgraduate studies at the All-Union Scientifi c Research Institute of Genetics (Moscow). In 1977 defended his PhD thesis on Biological sciences. From 1976 to 1990 he worked in the Scientifi c Institutions of Armenia, holding the positions of Associate Scientist, Senior Scientist, Head of Laboratory and Head of Department. He is the author of more than 150 scientifi c works and more than 30 inventions licensed in dozens of countries. In 1990, 1995, 1999 and 2003 he was elected as Member of the National Assembly of the Republic of Armenia. In the National Assembly he was the member of the Committee on Social, Health and Environmental issues,Committee on European Integration, was elected the Deputy Chairman of Committee on Foreign Relations (1990-1995) and the Chairman of Committee on Scientifi c, Educational, Cultural and Youth issues (1999-2003). He was a member of the delegations of the National Assembly of Armenia to the CIS Parliamentary Assembly (1992-1995 and 1999-2003), the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly (1999-2003) and the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (2003-2005). He was Chairman of the National Democratic Unity (1992-1993), Head of the Parliamentary Group “National Democrats” (1990-1995).
    [Show full text]
  • Independence Referendum 1
    British Social Attitudes 31 | Independence referendum 1 Independence referendum A question of identity, economics or equality? The most immediate challenge to the cohesion of the UK as currently constituted is the referendum being held in September on whether or not Scotland should become an independent country. What appears to be inclining voters to vote Yes or No? Is it simply a question of asserting their sense of being Scottish or British? Or does it depend on their view of the practical consequences of independence, such as whether they think it would enable Scotland to become a more prosperous or more equal country? Not just a question of identity Most people in Scotland feel a mixture of Scottish and British identity and even those with a strong Scottish identity do not necessarily support independence 25% YES 6% 53% 62% 25% say they feel ‘Scottish, not British’, while just 6% state that Even among those who say they are ‘Scottish, not British’ they are ‘British, not Scottish’. 62% acknowledge being some only 53% say they intend to vote Yes to independence in mixture of the two. the referendum. Economics matters Opinion is divided on whether independence would result in Scotland becoming more or less prosperous. Which view a voter takes sharply discriminates between Yes and No voters. ECONOMY: A LOT BETTER YES 86% ECONOMY: A LOT WORSE YES 2% 30% 34% 86% of those who think the economy would be ‘a lot better’ are 30% think that Scotland’s economy would be better under inclined to vote Yes, compared with just 2% of those who think it independence, while 34% believe it would be worse.
    [Show full text]
  • New Caledonia's Independence Referendum
    New Caledonia’s independence referendum: Local and regional Denise Fisher May 2019 implications NEW CALEDONIA’S INDEPENDENCE REFERENDUM: LOCAL AND REGIONAL IMPLICATIONS The Lowy Institute is an independent policy think tank. Its mandate ranges across all the dimensions of international policy debate in Australia — economic, political and strategic — and it is not limited to a particular geographic region. Its two core tasks are to: • produce distinctive research and fresh policy options for Australia’s international policy and to contribute to the wider international debate • promote discussion of Australia’s role in the world by providing an accessible and high-quality forum for discussion of Australian international relations through debates, seminars, lectures, dialogues and conferences. Lowy Institute Analyses are short papers analysing recent international trends and events and their policy implications. The views expressed in this paper are entirely the author’s own and not those of the Lowy Institute. NEW CALEDONIA’S INDEPENDENCE REFERENDUM: LOCAL AND REGIONAL IMPLICATIONS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY After a long history of difference, including civil war, over independence, New Caledonia’s 4 November 2018 referendum began a self-determination process, but ended 30 years of stability under peace accords. Persistent ethnic division over independence revealed by this first vote may well be deepened by May 2019 local elections. Two further referendums are possible, with discussion about future governance, by 2022, amid ongoing social unease. Bitter areas of difference, which had been set aside for decades, will remain front and centre while the referendum process continues. Key strategic interests are at stake for France, whose Pacific territories add ballast to its global leadership status.
    [Show full text]
  • Self-Determination Movements in the Former Soviet Union
    SOVEREIGNTY AFTER EMPIRE Self-Determination Movements in the Former Soviet Union Galina Starovoitova UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE CONTENTS Key Points v Foreword ix 1 Introduction 1 2 Contemporary Nationalism and the Problem of Self-Determination 3 3 Hopes and Disappointments: Case Studies 9 4 Approaches of Decision Makers: Interviews with Mikhail Gorbachev, Jack Matlock, Sam Nunn, and Margaret Thatcher 30 5 Criteria for Self-Determination 36 6 Conclusion 39 Notes 41 Acknowledgments 43 About the Author 45 About the Institute 47 v on case studies and the observations of political lead- ers and top-level foreign policy officials. THE SIGNIFICANCE OF CONTEMPORARY NATIONALISM Contrary to the scenarios of global integration, nation- alism has not weakened in global society, but has, in KEY POINTS fact, gained strength. National feelings are rooted in the idea of a linguistic, religious, and psychological community based on the ancient kinship of the mem- bers of a given ethnic group. Only a powerful internal security apparatus could maintain the Soviet Union’s facade of a multinational socialist federation, so it is not surprising that the em- pire disintegrated upon communism’s discreditation. The Soviet republics exercised their right to secede soon after the August 1991 putsch. Holding a status below the union republics in the Soviet hierarchical system, autonomous territories were not so privileged. INTRODUCTION THE UNATTAINABLE RIGHT TO SELF- DETERMINATION The “right” to self-determination has recently reemerged as the focus of much debate, as its fulfill- At a time when ethnic groups are striving to affirm ment—or denial—quite often results in mass violence.
    [Show full text]