BIRN – Balkan Insight Disappointed Serbs Sell up and Go
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Republic of Nagorno Karabakh (Artsakh)
Armenian National Committee of America 1711 N Street NW | Washington DC 20036 | Tel: (202) 775-1918 | Fax: (202) 775-1918 [email protected] | www.anca.org Republic of Nagorno Karabakh (Artsakh) 1) Republic of Nagorno Karabakh (Artsakh) The Republic of Nagorno Karabakh (Artsakh) is an integral part of historic Armenia that was arbitrarily carved out in 1921 by Joseph Stalin and placed under Soviet Azerbaijani administration, but with autonomous status, as part of the Soviet divide- and-conquer strategy in the Caucasus. Nagorno Karabakh has never been part of an independent Azerbaijani state. Declassified Central Intelligence Agency reports confirm that Nagorno Karabakh is historically Armenian and maintained even more autonomy than the rest of Armenia through the centuries.1 To force Christian Armenians to be ruled by Muslim Azerbaijan would be to sanction Joseph Stalin's policies and ensure continued instability in the region. During seven decades of Soviet Azerbaijani rule, the Armenian population of Nagorno Karabakh was subjected to discriminatory policies aimed at its removal. Even after these efforts to force Armenians from their land, Nagorno Karabakh's pre-war population in 1988 was over 80% Armenian. In the late 1980's, the United States welcomed Nagorno Karabakh's historic challenge to the Soviet system and its leadership in sparking democratic movements in the Baltics and throughout the Soviet empire. Following a peaceful demand by Karabakh's legislative body to reunite the region with Armenia in 1988, Azerbaijan launched an ethnic cleansing campaign against individuals of Armenian descent with pogroms against civilians in several towns, including Sumgait and Baku. -
THE ROAD to INDEPENDENCE 1 | P a G E Des Palm the Road to Independence - Capexit BACKGROUND to DOCUMENT
THE ROAD TO INDEPENDENCE 1 | P a g e Des Palm The road to independence - CapeXit BACKGROUND TO DOCUMENT This document is written by ordinary people who share a common concern with the reader, unless the reader is very far removed from reality: the current situation in South Africa (RSA). We do not profess to be, neither are we, scholars of politics, politicians, advocates, barristers or professionals in economics, commerce and other institutions. The problem with most of the previously mentioned captains of industry and politics is a rather simple one - they forgot about the ordinary man in the street. Thus, it is time for the ordinary people of RSA, to stand up and say NO MORE. For long enough we had been spectators and had to watch how we, the minorities in RSA, became more irrelevant to decisions which directly impacts us, whilst our say in all matters of importance to our survival, culture, language, economic survival and human rights are being ignored. As taxpayers we are being milked to a slow death to keep on feeding the black hole of corruption, nepotism, greed and generally hopeless governance. The intention of this document is not to impress with fancy legal jargon or unpronounceable Latin phrases, but rather to emphasise that a claim to our independence is internationally recognized and it your human right !. Why Independence? Generally, a group of people would want to be independent and masters of their own fate when they see increasing threats to their well-being and existence as a group, both physical, emotional and psychological. -
The Referendum in FW De Klerk's War of Manoeuvre
The referendum in F.W. de Klerk’s war of manoeuvre: An historical institutionalist account of the 1992 referendum. Gary Sussman. London School of Economics and Political Science. Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Government and International History, 2003 UMI Number: U615725 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615725 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 T h e s e s . F 35 SS . Library British Library of Political and Economic Science Abstract: This study presents an original effort to explain referendum use through political science institutionalism and contributes to both the comparative referendum and institutionalist literatures, and to the political history of South Africa. Its source materials are numerous archival collections, newspapers and over 40 personal interviews. This study addresses two questions relating to F.W. de Klerk's use of the referendum mechanism in 1992. The first is why he used the mechanism, highlighting its role in the context of the early stages of his quest for a managed transition. -
Statement on the Southern Sudan Independence Referendum February 7, 2011
Administration of Barack Obama, 2011 / Feb. 7 their country. After years of working at cross how to succeed. We are Americans, and as we purposes, the result was one of the most pro- have done throughout our history, I have every ductive collaborations between the public and confidence that once again we will rise to this private sectors in American history. occasion, that we can come together, we can Some, like the head of GM, hadn’t previous- adapt, and we can thrive in this changing econ- ly known the President and, if anything, had omy. And we need to look no further than the seen him as an adversary. But he gathered his innovative companies in this room. If we can family, and he explained that he was going to harness your potential and the potential of head up what would become the War Produc- your people across this country, I think there’s tion Board. And he said to his family, “This no stopping us. country has been good to me, and I want to pay So thank you. God bless you, and may God it back.” I want to pay it back. bless the United States of America. And in the years that followed, automobile factories converted to making planes and NOTE: The President spoke at 11:30 a.m. at tanks. And corset factories made grenade belts. U.S. Chamber of Commerce Headquarters. In A toy company made compasses. A pinball ma- his remarks, he referred to Thomas J. Dona- chine maker turned out shells. Nineteen forty- hue, president and chief executive officer, and one would see the greatest expansion of manu- Thomas D. -
The Religious Landscape in South Sudan CHALLENGES and OPPORTUNITIES for ENGAGEMENT by Jacqueline Wilson
The Religious Landscape in South Sudan CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES FOR ENGAGEMENT By Jacqueline Wilson NO. 148 | JUNE 2019 Making Peace Possible NO. 148 | JUNE 2019 ABOUT THE REPORT This report showcases religious actors and institutions in South Sudan, highlights chal- lenges impeding their peace work, and provides recommendations for policymakers RELIGION and practitioners to better engage with religious actors for peace in South Sudan. The report was sponsored by the Religion and Inclusive Societies program at USIP. ABOUT THE AUTHOR Jacqueline Wilson has worked on Sudan and South Sudan since 2002, as a military reserv- ist supporting the Comprehensive Peace Agreement process, as a peacebuilding trainer and practitioner for the US Institute of Peace from 2004 to 2015, and as a Georgetown University scholar. She thanks USIP’s Africa and Religion and Inclusive Societies teams, Matthew Pritchard, Palwasha Kakar, and Ann Wainscott for their support on this project. Cover photo: South Sudanese gather following Christmas services at Kator Cathedral in Juba. (Photo by Benedicte Desrus/Alamy Stock Photo) The views expressed in this report are those of the author alone. They do not necessarily reflect the views of the United States Institute of Peace. An online edition of this and related reports can be found on our website (www.usip.org), together with additional information on the subject. © 2019 by the United States Institute of Peace United States Institute of Peace 2301 Constitution Avenue NW Washington, DC 20037 Phone: 202.457.1700 Fax: 202.429.6063 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.usip.org Peaceworks No. 148. First published 2019. -
Should the UK Lower the Voting Age to 16? a Democratic Audit Collection – Edited by Richard Berry and Sean Kippin
Should the UK lower the voting age to 16? A Democratic Audit collection – edited by Richard Berry and Sean Kippin www.democraticaudit.com Should the UK lower the voting age to 16? Foreword Dr Andrew Mycock The proposition supporting the lowering of the voting age for all public elections across the United Kingdom has gained considerable political momentum over the past decade or so, largely due to the concerted campaigning of some leading youth organisations together with an increasing number of young people and politicians. With the majority of mainstream political parties now supporting the introduction of ‘votes at 16’, it is a proposal whose time appears to have come. That 16 and 17 year-olds will be able to vote on the constitutional future of Scotland in September 2014 suggests the ‘genie is out of the bottle’ and the move towards a universal lowering of the voting age to 16 across the UK is imminent. Such a view should however be tempered by a number of issues that might compromise the adoption of votes at 16. First, the Conservatives appear steadfastly opposed to its introduction and are unlikely to adopt the cause if they form the next government in 2015. Second, two noteworthy UK government-sponsored independent commissions on lowering the voting age over the past decade – The Russell Commission of 2004 and the Youth Citizenship Commission of 2008-9 - have both found against the proposition. Both commissions raised important questions about the increasingly fractured age limits for a range of rights and responsibilities and also questioned whether ‘votes at 16’ would induce greater youth political literacy and participation. -
Bosnia and Herzegovina Country Handbook 1
Bosnia and Herzegovina Country Handbook 1. This handbook provides basic reference information on Bosnia and Herzegovina, including its geography, history, government, military forces, and communications and transportation networks. This information is intended to familiarize military personnel with local customs and area knowledge to assist them during their assignment to Bosnia and Herzegovina. 2. This product is published under the auspices of the U.S. Department of Defense Intelligence Production Program (DoDIPP) with the Marine Corps Intelligence Activity designated as the community coordinator for the Country Handbook Program. This product reflects the coordinated U.S. Defense Intelligence Community position on Bosnia and Herzegovina. 3. Dissemination and use of this publication is restricted to official military and government personnel from the United States of America, United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, NATO member countries, and other countries as required and designated for support of coalition operations. 4. The photos and text reproduced herein have been extracted solely for research, comment, and information reporting, and are intended for fair use by designated personnel in their official duties, including local reproduction for training. Further dissemination of copyrighted material contained in this document, to include excerpts and graphics, is strictly prohibited under Title 17, U.S. Code. Contents KEY FACTS. 1 U.S. MISSION . 2 U.S. Embassy. 2 U.S. Consulate . 2 Entry Requirements . 3 Currency . 3 Customs . 3 GEOGRAPHY AND CLIMATE . 4 Geography . 4 Topography . 5 Vegetation . 8 Effects on Military Operations . 9 Climate. 10 TRANSPORTATION AND COMMUNICATION . 13 Transportation . 13 Roads . 13 Rail . 15 Air . 16 Maritime . 17 Communication . 18 Radio and Television . 18 Telephone and Telegraph . -
When the Demos Shapes the Polis - the Use of Referendums in Settling Sovereignty Issues
When the Demos Shapes the Polis - The Use of Referendums in Settling Sovereignty Issues. Gary Sussman, London School of Economics (LSE). Introduction This chapter is a survey of referendums dealing with questions of sovereignty. This unique category of referendum usage is characterized by the participation of the demos in determining the shape of the polis or the nature of its sovereignty. The very first recorded referendums, following the French Revolution, were sovereignty referendums. Though far from transparent and fair, these votes were strongly influenced by notions of self- determination and the idea that title to land could not be changed without the consent of those living on that land. Since then there have been over two hundred and forty sovereignty referendums. In the first part of this chapter I will briefly review referendum usage in general. This international analysis of 1094 referendums excludes the United States of America, where initiatives are extensively used by various states and Switzerland, which conducted 414 votes on the national level from 1866 to 1993. This comparative analysis of trends in referendum usage will provide both a sketch of the geographical distribution of use and a sense of use by issue. In the second section of this chapter I examine the history and origins of the sovereignty referendum and identify broad historical trends in its use. It will be demonstrated there have been several high tides in the use of sovereignty referendums and that these high tides are linked to high tides of nationalism, which have often followed the collapse of empires. Following this historical overview a basic typology of six sub-categories, describing sovereignty referendums will be suggested. -
TA-MON-02 FS 400 Kv Dalekovod Lastva Grbaljska
Albani ja Bosn a i Hrvatska BJR Mak edoni ja Kosovo Crna Gora Srbija Hercegovina Infrastrukturni projekat Zapadnog Balkana TA-MON-02 FS 400 kV Dalekovod Lastva Grbaljska - Pljevlja Procjena uticaja na društvo i životnu sredinu - Plan angažovanja zainteresovanih strana - Decembar 2011. godine TA-MON-02 Decembar 2011 400 kV dalekovod Lastva Grbaljska – Pljevlja WYG International Ltd SEP – 400 kV dalekovod Lastva Grbaljska - Pljevlja 2 Izvještaj o projektu Naslov projekta: 400 kV DALEKOVOD LASTVA GRBALJSKA - PLJEVLJA Broj projekta: TA-MON-02 Naslov izvještaja: PLAN ANGAŽOVANJA ZAINTERESOVANIH STRANA Broj: DRAFT- 03 Revizija 1 2 3 12. decembar 2011. Datum 30. oktobar 2011.god 30. novembar 2011. god god Detalj Konstantin Siderovski, Konstantin Siderovski, Konstantin Siderovski, Pripremio MSc MSc MSc Garth Entwistle Garth Entwistle Garth Entwistle Božidar Radović / Božidar Radović / Božidar Radović / Provjerio Martyn Osborn Martyn Osborn Martyn Osborn Odobrio TA-MON-02 Decembar 2011 400 kV dalekovod Lastva Grbaljska – Pljevlja WYG International Ltd SEP – 400 kV dalekovod Lastva Grbaljska - Pljevlja 3 Sadržaj: Skraćenice ............................................................................................................................. 4 Uvod ............................................................................................................................. 5 1 Lokacija projekta………………………………………………………………………………………………………….…7 2 Zahjtevi za angažovanjem zainteresovanih strana .................................................................. -
Why the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict Is Still Not Resolved
WHY IS THE NAGORNO-KARABAKH CONFLICT STILL NOT RESOLVED? Shavarsh Kocharyan Yerevan 2016 Shavarsh Kocharyan Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Armenia since 2008. Associate professor at the faculty of International Relations and Diplomacy of the Yerevan State University. In 1971 he graduated from the State Engineering University (Yerevan), Faculty of Technical Cybernetics, with specialization as Mathematician-Engineer. In 1975 completed his postgraduate studies at the All-Union Scientifi c Research Institute of Genetics (Moscow). In 1977 defended his PhD thesis on Biological sciences. From 1976 to 1990 he worked in the Scientifi c Institutions of Armenia, holding the positions of Associate Scientist, Senior Scientist, Head of Laboratory and Head of Department. He is the author of more than 150 scientifi c works and more than 30 inventions licensed in dozens of countries. In 1990, 1995, 1999 and 2003 he was elected as Member of the National Assembly of the Republic of Armenia. In the National Assembly he was the member of the Committee on Social, Health and Environmental issues,Committee on European Integration, was elected the Deputy Chairman of Committee on Foreign Relations (1990-1995) and the Chairman of Committee on Scientifi c, Educational, Cultural and Youth issues (1999-2003). He was a member of the delegations of the National Assembly of Armenia to the CIS Parliamentary Assembly (1992-1995 and 1999-2003), the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly (1999-2003) and the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe (2003-2005). He was Chairman of the National Democratic Unity (1992-1993), Head of the Parliamentary Group “National Democrats” (1990-1995). -
Independence Referendum 1
British Social Attitudes 31 | Independence referendum 1 Independence referendum A question of identity, economics or equality? The most immediate challenge to the cohesion of the UK as currently constituted is the referendum being held in September on whether or not Scotland should become an independent country. What appears to be inclining voters to vote Yes or No? Is it simply a question of asserting their sense of being Scottish or British? Or does it depend on their view of the practical consequences of independence, such as whether they think it would enable Scotland to become a more prosperous or more equal country? Not just a question of identity Most people in Scotland feel a mixture of Scottish and British identity and even those with a strong Scottish identity do not necessarily support independence 25% YES 6% 53% 62% 25% say they feel ‘Scottish, not British’, while just 6% state that Even among those who say they are ‘Scottish, not British’ they are ‘British, not Scottish’. 62% acknowledge being some only 53% say they intend to vote Yes to independence in mixture of the two. the referendum. Economics matters Opinion is divided on whether independence would result in Scotland becoming more or less prosperous. Which view a voter takes sharply discriminates between Yes and No voters. ECONOMY: A LOT BETTER YES 86% ECONOMY: A LOT WORSE YES 2% 30% 34% 86% of those who think the economy would be ‘a lot better’ are 30% think that Scotland’s economy would be better under inclined to vote Yes, compared with just 2% of those who think it independence, while 34% believe it would be worse. -
New Caledonia's Independence Referendum
New Caledonia’s independence referendum: Local and regional Denise Fisher May 2019 implications NEW CALEDONIA’S INDEPENDENCE REFERENDUM: LOCAL AND REGIONAL IMPLICATIONS The Lowy Institute is an independent policy think tank. Its mandate ranges across all the dimensions of international policy debate in Australia — economic, political and strategic — and it is not limited to a particular geographic region. Its two core tasks are to: • produce distinctive research and fresh policy options for Australia’s international policy and to contribute to the wider international debate • promote discussion of Australia’s role in the world by providing an accessible and high-quality forum for discussion of Australian international relations through debates, seminars, lectures, dialogues and conferences. Lowy Institute Analyses are short papers analysing recent international trends and events and their policy implications. The views expressed in this paper are entirely the author’s own and not those of the Lowy Institute. NEW CALEDONIA’S INDEPENDENCE REFERENDUM: LOCAL AND REGIONAL IMPLICATIONS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY After a long history of difference, including civil war, over independence, New Caledonia’s 4 November 2018 referendum began a self-determination process, but ended 30 years of stability under peace accords. Persistent ethnic division over independence revealed by this first vote may well be deepened by May 2019 local elections. Two further referendums are possible, with discussion about future governance, by 2022, amid ongoing social unease. Bitter areas of difference, which had been set aside for decades, will remain front and centre while the referendum process continues. Key strategic interests are at stake for France, whose Pacific territories add ballast to its global leadership status.