DOCSLIB.ORG

The Secret Journal of Zhao Ziyang Pdf, Epub, Ebook

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Secret Journal of Zhao Ziyang Pdf, Epub, Ebook PRISONER OF THE STATE: THE SECRET JOURNAL OF ZHAO ZIYANG PDF, EPUB, EBOOK Zhao Ziyang,Adi Ignatius,Bao Pu,Renee Chiang,Leroy B Williams Professor of History and Political Science and Professor of Government Roderick MacFarquhar | 306 pages | 18 May 2010 | SIMON & SCHUSTER | 9781439149393 | English | New York, NY, United States Prisoner of the State: The Secret Journal of Zhao Ziyang PDF Book It was also interesting to see how pr I'd never heard of Zhao Zhiyang and didn't know much about the events that led to the Tiananmen Square incident before I read this book. Get A Copy. He would have preferred to stay focused on economic issues as Premier. Although I personally found it riveting, I can certainly understand how non-China Hands might be bored by large parts of it discussing the negotiations of economic policy within the upper levels of the party. FYI, Li Peng is the at the age of 3 adopted son of Zhou Enlai; I would venture to guess that Premier Zhou did not have much quality time to spend with young Peng as his natural father was Li Shuoxun, this is the correct use of the name. The Student Protests Begin. All in all, Prisoner of the State: The Secret Journal of Premier Zhao Ziyang is an interesting insight of a Chinese political leader that was placed under house arrest for going against his party and standing up to his convictions. View all 3 comments. Zhao Ziyang on the West:. That was interesting to me, from the outside it looks like a lot of them are order-following drones; serried rows all dressing the same and all with the same haircuts. Help Learn to edit Community portal Recent changes Upload file. Rating details. Jun 11, Andrew rated it really liked it Recommends it for: PRC individual political rights activists. After the Congress. This book also clarifies how difficult is to spur democracy and voice dissent in despotic China. Throughout the book, I get the impression that Zhao was a communist in name only, for he tried to push for political reform such as freer media, and loosening up of political atmosphere. He died in His riveting, behind-the-scenes recollections form the basis of Prisoner of the State. More Details Well, not so! Zhao took a gamble on the political reform and unfortunately it didn't work out for him or China. Sep 07, Thomas C Regan rated it it was amazing. It's a fascianting look into the inner structures of the Chinese state in the late 80's. Though Deng Xiaoping created a Central Economic and Financial Leading Group with the intention that Zhao would keep his hold over the management of the economy while at the same time handling Party affairs, Zhao was sidelined and attacked by more conservative ideologues Li Xiannian, Wang Zhen, Hu Qiaomu and Deng Liqun. Bao Pu, a political commentator and veteran human rights activist, is a publisher and editor of New Century Press in Hong Kong. A man who, to all appearances, tried to avoid what would follow, and for his troubles was banished from Chinese political memory. Zhao produced his audio journals by recording over inconspicuous low-quality tapes which were readily available in his home: children's music and Peking Opera. There are no discussion topics on this book yet. In China, you tend to learn about this "Reform" that happened in and then it is all sunshine and rainbow Dewey Decimal. If Zhao had survived -- that is, if the hard-line hadn't prevailed during Tiananmen -- he might have been able to steer China's political system toward more openness and tolerance. Zhao never was released from house arrest, and very rarely left his home. Jul 13, Andy Miller rated it it was amazing. If it's not Zhang zi yang, this book will be so dry. I definitely emerged from this book with a better understanding of how the people in power thought and the way communism was operating in China during those years. Download as PDF Printable version. What's interesting is that it's much like the high level operations of any major organization -- a lot of maneuvering among the players, idealism and backstabbing all part of the equation. Reforms were retrenched. During the end part of life, he realized how political freedom is as important as the economic advances. Zhao blames others for poisoning Deng against him, but his own accidents in terms of the media with allowing that to happen. Community Reviews. His fair-minded account of the events during the crisis tracks with what is known from The Tiananmen Papers. At times the minutiae become tedious, the trees threatening to rise up and swallow the forest. Open Preview See a Problem? Prisoner of the State: The Secret Journal of Zhao Ziyang Writer Return to Book Page. May 31, Ben Truong rated it really liked it Shelves: politics , memoir , autobiography , cultural. Although Zhao now speaks from the grave in this moving and riveting memoir, his voice has the moral power to make China sit up and listen. It's a fascianting look into the inner structures of the Chinese state in the late 80's. The Campaign to Overthrow Zhao. Feb 14, Heman rated it it was ok Shelves: biography. Who Was. Be the first to ask a question about Prisoner of the State. To ask other readers questions about Prisoner of the State , please sign up. That was interesting to me, from the outside it looks like a lot of them are order-following drones; serried rows all dressing the same and all with the same haircuts. At times the minutiae become tedious, the trees threatening to rise up and swallow the forest. Zhao commented: "I refused to become the General Secretary who mobilized the military to crack down on students. I do wish that the publishers had kept it roughly in chronological order, instead of pushing Tiananmen to the front of the book. Zhao shows that Deng was an impulsive, sometimes contradictory decision-maker, whose political maneuvering could not prevent the widening split over the consequences of economic reform, a disagreement that broke into the open in Dec 26, Bill rated it really liked it. Photographic Insert. The Washington Post. Only during house arrest, says Zhao, did he come to believe that parliamentary democracy was the best form of government for China -- one under which, however, he thought the leading position of the Chinese Communist Party could be maintained "for a very long time. The tapes he produced were smuggled out of the country and form the basis for Prisoner of the State. It seems like China just went from a dirt poor country to getting rid of poverty, increasing life expectancy by 10 years and pulling off a 9. Oct 10, Bob Pearson rated it really liked it. Mentally, I was fully prepared, I knew that if I persistently upheld my view, I would ultimately be compelled to step down. He was a leader in Siquan province whose reforms in the aftermath of t Works of Biography, Memoirs, etc. The Student Protests Begin. Feb 14, Joseph rated it really liked it Shelves: china-books. But China scholars often lamented that Zhao never had his final say. Zhao produced his audio journals by recording over inconspicuous low-quality tapes which were readily available in his home: children's music and Peking Opera. All in all, Prisoner of the State: The Secret Journal of Premier Zhao Ziyang is an interesting insight of a Chinese political leader that was placed under house arrest for going against his party and standing up to his convictions. Zhao indicated the tapes' intended order by faint pencil markings, and no titles or notes on how Zhao intended the tapes to be otherwise interpreted or presented were ever recovered. That means two things: 1 In the vague, byzantine upper echelon of the Chinese government, he was essentially the number two If the CCP knew I read this book, they'd probably revoke my visa before I got on the plane. Prisoner of the State: The Secret Journal of Zhao Ziyang Reviews In this audio journal, Zhao provides intimate details about the Tiananmen crackdown; he describes the ploys and double crosses China's top leaders use to gain advantage over one another; and he talks of the necessity for China to adopt democracy in order to achieve long-term stability. After the Congress. Zhao began secretly recording his autobiography on children's cassette tapes in , and eventually completed approximately thirty tapes, each about six minutes in length. Although minor details of his life leaked out, China scholars lamented that Zhao's account of events was to remain unknown. The Guardian. After refusing to authorize the crackdown on student hunger strikers in Tiananmen Square in , Zhao Ziyang, then general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party, was placed under house arrest. Hu Yaobang, in the chapter about his ouster, sounds politically tone deaf. An Early Setback. Today there were approximately , to , people. What's most interesting about this book is what it tells us about the history of the country after the Tianamen Square Protests and the following Masacres. I wonder, If Zhao held to power, will China be a genuine democracy, instead of a hybrid, Authoritarian-Free Market abomination it is today. I'd never heard of Zhao Zhiyang and didn't know much about the events that led to the Tiananmen Square incident before I read this book. Zhao's production of the memoir, in complete secrecy, is the only surviving public record of the opinions and perspectives Zhao held later in his life.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • China's Fear of Contagion
    China’s Fear of Contagion China’s Fear of M.E. Sarotte Contagion Tiananmen Square and the Power of the European Example For the leaders of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), erasing the memory of the June 4, 1989, Tiananmen Square massacre remains a full-time job. The party aggressively monitors and restricts media and internet commentary about the event. As Sinologist Jean-Philippe Béja has put it, during the last two decades it has not been possible “even so much as to mention the conjoined Chinese characters for 6 and 4” in web searches, so dissident postings refer instead to the imagi- nary date of May 35.1 Party censors make it “inconceivable for scholars to ac- cess Chinese archival sources” on Tiananmen, according to historian Chen Jian, and do not permit schoolchildren to study the topic; 1989 remains a “‘for- bidden zone’ in the press, scholarship, and classroom teaching.”2 The party still detains some of those who took part in the protest and does not allow oth- ers to leave the country.3 And every June 4, the CCP seeks to prevent any form of remembrance with detentions and a show of force by the pervasive Chinese security apparatus. The result, according to expert Perry Link, is that in to- M.E. Sarotte, the author of 1989: The Struggle to Create Post–Cold War Europe, is Professor of History and of International Relations at the University of Southern California. The author wishes to thank Harvard University’s Center for European Studies, the Humboldt Foundation, the Institute for Advanced Study, the National Endowment for the Humanities, and the University of Southern California for ªnancial and institutional support; Joseph Torigian for invaluable criticism, research assistance, and Chinese translation; Qian Qichen for a conversation on PRC-U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • The Political Repression of Chinese Students After Tiananmen A
    University of Nevada, Reno “To yield would mean our end”: The Political Repression of Chinese Students after Tiananmen A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History by Katherine S. Robinson Dr. Hugh Shapiro/Thesis Advisor May, 2011 THE GRADUATE SCHOOL We recommend that the thesis prepared under our supervision by KATHERINE S. ROBINSON entitled “To Yield Would Mean Our End”: The Political Repression Of Chinese Students After Tiananmen be accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS Hugh Shapiro, Ph.D, Advisor Barbara Walker, Ph.D., Committee Member Jiangnan Zhu, Ph.D, Graduate School Representative Marsha H. Read, Ph. D., Associate Dean, Graduate School May, 2011 i ABSTRACT Following the military suppression of the Democracy Movement, the Chinese government enacted politically repressive policies against Chinese students both within China and overseas. After the suppression of the Democracy Movement, officials in the Chinese government made a correlation between the political control of students and the maintenance of political power by the Chinese Communist Party. The political repression of students in China resulted in new educational policies that changed the way that universities functioned and the way that students were allowed to interact. Political repression efforts directed at the large population of overseas Chinese students in the United States prompted governmental action to extend legal protection to these students. The long term implications of this repression are evident in the changed student culture among Chinese students and the extensive number of overseas students who did not return to China.
    [Show full text]
  • China's Democratic Legacy and the Schism Of
    Department of History University of Wisconsin – Eau Claire Chasing Liberty: China’s Democratic Legacy and the Schism of the Chinese Communist Party History 489: Research Seminar Professor: Dr. Louisa Rice Cooperating Professor: Dr. Katherine Lang Derek Schneider Fall 2012 Table of Contents Abstract……………………………………………………………………………...i Chronology…………………………………………………………………………ii Introduction………………………………………………………………………...1 Historiography……………………………………………………………………...9 The Spark to Ignite the Flame: the Death of Hu Yaobang………………………..18 Turmoil in the Politburo…………………………………………………………..24 The Editorial in Question…………………………………………………………30 Fallout……………………………………………………………………………..35 Beware the Ides of May…………………………………………………………...39 China’s Under Martial Law……………………………………………………….43 China Since Tiananmen…………………………………………………………...49 Appendix………………………………………………………………………….52 Bibliography………………………………………………………………………54 Abstract Despite the seizure of power by the Chinese Communist Party in 1949, Communist China has a long democratic heritage throughout the Communist Era. This paper explores three democratic movements prior to their culmination in 1989, and does not focus on the innumerable smaller protests that individuals and small groups undertook. As time progressed these movements grew larger, more boisterous, and more frequent. The government had been putting these movements down with a relative lack of violence, but as the public yearnings for democracy kept being revived with each movement, something had to be done. Thus, it was only a matter of time before
    [Show full text]
  • Practice Forum: Building the Financial Case for Sustainability March 5-6, 2018
    Practice Forum: Building the Financial Case for Sustainability March 5-6, 2018 44 West 4th Street, New York, NY 10012 Kaufman Management Center, Room 1-100 (Gardner Commons) Sponsor: Bloomberg LP | Media Partner: Harvard Business Review DAY 1: Monday, March 5, 2018 1:00-1:30 PM | Registration | Room 1-100 (Gardner Commons) 1:30 – 1:35 PM | Welcoming Remarks Rangarajan (Raghu) Sundaram, Richard R. West Dean, Leonard N. Stern School of Business, and Edward I. Altman Professor of Credit & Debt Markets and Professor of Finance 1:35-2:00 PM | Opening Address Tensie Whelan, Clinical Professor of Business and Society, and Director, NYU Stern Center for Sustainable Business 2:00-2:40 PM | Fireside Chat: “Mars Investing $1 Billion in Sustainability: What is the Payback?” Adi Ignatius, Editor-in-Chief, Harvard Business Review Barry Parkin, Chief Sustainability Officer, Mars 2:40-3:40 PM | Panel: “Business Case in Action: Discussion Regarding the Analysis of the ROI of Sustainability” Moderator: o Tensie Whelan, Clinical Professor of Business and Society, and Director, NYU Stern Center for Sustainable Business Speakers: o Jim Bath, Director, Global Environmental Services, Kimberly-Clark o Maureen Kline, Vice President, Public Affairs & Sustainability, Pirelli Tire North America o Jeff Senne, Corporate Responsibility Strategy and Implementation Leader, PwC o James Sullivan, Head of Global Sustainability Center of Excellence, SAP o David J. Tulauskas, Director, Sustainability, General Motors Company 3:40-4:00 PM |Break 4:00-5:00 PM |Panel: “Sustainable
    [Show full text]
  • Reclaiming Tiananmen: the Politics of Space Within Tiananmen Square, 1989
    History in the Making Volume 9 Article 7 January 2016 Reclaiming Tiananmen: The Politics of Space within Tiananmen Square, 1989 Amanda Castro CSUSB Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/history-in-the-making Part of the Asian History Commons Recommended Citation Castro, Amanda (2016) "Reclaiming Tiananmen: The Politics of Space within Tiananmen Square, 1989," History in the Making: Vol. 9 , Article 7. Available at: https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/history-in-the-making/vol9/iss1/7 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the History at CSUSB ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in History in the Making by an authorized editor of CSUSB ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Reclaiming Tiananmen: The Politics of Space within Tiananmen Square, 1989 By Amanda Castro Abstract: The word Tiananmen in any context now brings to mind the 1989 protests and their goals rather than evoking thought of a center for Chinese Communist Party Power. The 1989 Tiananmen Square activists chose to alter their surroundings in two distinct ways in order to create a space that would serve as a tangible representation of their feelings as a whole. The first way in which they chose to alter the Square came at the start of the protests when students systematically transformed the Monument to the People’s Heroes in the middle of the square to memorialize Hu Yaobang’s death. The creation of the statue named the “Goddess of Democracy” was the second way in which protestors reclaimed the space in the Square.
    [Show full text]
  • “A Community of Shared Destiny” How China Is Reshaping Human Rights in Southeast Asia
    ema Awarded Theses 2018/2019 Álvaro Gómez del Valle Ruiz “A Community of Shared Destiny” How China Is Reshaping Human Rights in Southeast Asia ema, The European Master’s Programme in Human Rights and Democratisation ÁLVARO GÓMEZ DEL VALLE RUIZ “A COMMUNITY OF SHARED DESTINY” HOW CHINA IS RESHAPING HUMAN RIGHTS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA ÁLVARO GÓMEZ DEL VALLE RUIZ FOREWORD The European Master’s Degree in Human Rights and Democratisation (EMA) is a one-year intensive programme launched in 1997 as a joint initiative of universities in all EU Member States with support from the European Commission. Based on an action- and policy-oriented approach to learning, it combines legal, political, historical, anthropological and philosophical perspectives on the study of human rights and democracy with targeted skills- building activities. The aim from the outset was to prepare young professionals to respond to the requirements and challenges of work in international organisations, field operations, governmental and non-governmental bodies, and academia. As a measure of its success, EMA has served as a model of inspiration for the establishment of six other EU-sponsored regional master’s programmes in the area of human rights and democratisation in different parts of the world. These programmes cooperate closely in the framework of the Global Campus of Human Rights, which is based in Venice, Italy. Ninety students are admitted to the EMA programme each year. During the first semester in Venice, students have the opportunity to meet and learn from leading academics, experts and representatives of international and non-governmental organisations. During the second semester, they relocate to one of the 41 participating universities to follow additional courses in an area of specialisation of their own choice and to conduct research under the supervision of the resident EMA Director or other academic staff.
    [Show full text]
  • The Real Leadership Lessons of Steve Jobs
    The Real Leadership Lessons of Steve Jobs KEY LEARNING SUMMARY featuring Walter Isaacson May 7, 2012 Brought to you by secure content sharing and collaboration box.com/cio © 2012 Harvard Business School Publishing. Created for Harvard Business Review by BullsEye Resources www.bullseyeresources.com. The Real Leadership Lessons of Steve Jobs May 7, 2012 The Real Leadership Lessons of Steve Jobs Walter Isaacson, Author of Steve Jobs; President and CEO, Aspen Institute, Adi Ignatius (Moderator), Editor-in-Chief, Harvard Business Review Group OVERVIEW unpleasant bosses in the world. Jobs was different because he was compelling, charismatic, and inspired people to achieve Steve Jobs is one of the most compelling business leaders of great things. While Jobs was tough on people, he was fun to our time and it is impossible to replicate his success. Valuable work with, interesting, and engendered tremendous loyalty lessons can be learned from how Jobs created products and among those who worked for him. ran his companies. These lessons can be reapplied by leaders within their own contexts and styles. “He was tough and pushed people to their limits, Among these lessons: Put great, beautiful products before but he inspired them." profits; sit at the intersection of art, technology, and business; —Walter Isaacson focus on both the big picture and the small details; simplify; and bend reality by not accepting the status quo. Leadership lessons can be learned from Steve Jobs and applied by each person based on their context and style. CONTEXT The leadership lessons extracted from Jobs are not a how-to guide and don’t represent a formula for success.
    [Show full text]
  • On the Rise of China, the Reconfiguration of Global Power, and the Collapse of the Modern Liberal Order
    ON THE RISE OF CHINA, THE RECONFIGURATION OF GLOBAL POWER, AND THE COLLAPSE OF THE MODERN LIBERAL ORDER A thesis submitted to the Kent State University Honors College in partial fulfillment of the requirements for Departmental Honors By Logan Brosius December, 2015. Thesis written by Logan Brosius Approved by _________________________________________________________________, Advisor _______________________________________________, Chair, Department of Political Science Accepted by _____________________________________________________, Dean, Honors College ii Table of Contents Acknowledgements iv Introduction 1 I. History 5 II. Contradictions 31 a. Transition After the 1990s 31 b. Contradictions 42 III. Players 56 a. The Liberals 56 b. The New Left 65 IV. The Establishment 87 a. The Chinese Establishment and Survival 88 b. Corruption and the State 95 V. The Neoliberal Order 113 a. The Context and Limits of China’s Rise 114 b. The Previous Order and Its Major Features 123 c. China, the Modern Order, and the Reconfiguration of Global Power 138 Conclusion 170 Bibliography 175 iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This paper is something of a story and a testament to both my mentors and my experiences since high school graduation. As someone who grew up in a remarkably small rural town, my early intellectual development owes largely to my blissful ignorance of the astonishing labors and successes of my phenomenal parents, James and Denise Brosius. They have provided me their endless support, a place to grow, and, perhaps most importantly, grounded me from becoming hopelessly detached. Were it not for their support, I understand rather strongly what other options awaited me. My primary mentors during the course of this paper ultimately changed over time due to my own problems – something I hope dearly to have addressed.
    [Show full text]
  • A Championship a Championship
    Dr. Thomas A. Farley ’77 Professor Ying Li Norman Hill ‘55 Campaigning for Helping students find Living history public health their inner artist The Magazine of Haverford College SPRING/SUMMER 2011 AA CHAMPIONSHIPCHAMPIONSHIP ATHLETICSATHLETICS PROGRAM PROGRAM DECADESDECADES ININ THETHE MAKINGMAKING 10 18 Michael Kiefer Contributing Writers DEPARTMENTS Vice President for Samantha Drake Institutional Advancement Sari Harrar Allie Kandel ’14 4 Main Lines Chris Mills ’82 Katherine Unger ’03 Faculty Profile Director of College Communications Justin Warner ’93 13 Eils Lotozo David McKay Wilson 18 Mixed Media Communications Editor Contributing Photographers 22 Ford Games Rebecca Raber Stephen Faust Associate Communications Editor Dan Z. Johnson Henry Rome 50 Roads Taken and Not Taken Tracey Diehl Jim Roese Giving Back/Notes From Graphic Design Peter Tobia 51 Eye D Communications Jon Wasserman the Alumni Association Jonathan Yu ’12 57 Class News Correction: The Winter 2011 issue of Haverford magazine 65 Then and Now should have credited Natasha Cohen-Carroll ’13 for her photographs of Newark, N.J., Mayor Cory Booker’s visit to campus (p. 7) and the Oxford Blues reunion concert (p. 59). On the cover: Some of the faces of Haverford athletics over the decades. Photo illustration by John Bruszewski. The Best of Both Worlds! Go to our photo key, p. 31, to see the names that go with Haverford magazine is now available those faces. in a digital edition. It preserves the look and page-flipping readability of the print edition while letting you search names and keywords, share pages of the magazine via email or social networks, as well as print to your personal computer.
    [Show full text]
  • The Tiananmen Square Protests of 1989
    The Tiananmen Square Protests of 1989 - China’s Shattered Enlightenment Kendall Zhu Senior Division Individual Paper 1 Mao’s communist revolution was a product of the collective efforts of the peasants and workers of China, in an effort to create a fairer and more just society. During the Mao era, however, attempts to implement communism led to famine, and the devastation of the Cultural Revolution. After Mao’s death, Deng Xiaoping’s new economic policies brought a better life to the people, and gave them hope that economic freedom could soon translate to western-style democratic freedoms. Their hope for political reforms to accompany economic growth manifested themselves in the Tiananmen protests of 1989, in which they expressed their dissatisfaction with the authoritarian regime, and demanded democracy as a solution to the increasing corruption in the government. Students felt this was a necessary step to help better the development of the nation. However, the government feared that they would lose power altogether, and that civil war could occur. They decided to crack down on the demonstrations, which not only prolonged the political suppression of Chinese society through to tightened security and conservative purges, but led to a continuation of many of the problems that the students had been fighting. The Tiananmen Square Protest of 1989 was a student-led movement that embodied the people's political hopes entering China’s period of reform. However, the Communist Party's refusal to recognize the movement as patriotic permanently impeded political reform and allowed the growth of corruption and social inequality. The 1980s were a pivotal time in the development of modern China and represented a continuation of the common people’s struggle to gain control of their future.
    [Show full text]
  • Congressional Record—House H6040
    H6040 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — HOUSE June 2, 2009 a stress area where American soldiers Mr. KRATOVIL. Madam Speaker, I police, members of the armed forces and were trying to help those in need? object to the vote on the ground that a other citizens; Twenty percent of those who have quorum is not present and make the Whereas on May 20, 1989, martial law was fought, who have been on the front declared in Beijing after authorities had point of order that a quorum is not failed to persuade demonstrators to leave lines, whether in Iraq or Afghanistan, present. Tiananmen Square; have posttraumatic stress disorder. The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursu- Whereas during the late afternoon and Most are misdiagnosed, most are ant to clause 8 of rule XX and the early evening hours of June 3, 1989, ten- to undiagnosed, and the stigma is slowly Chair’s prior announcement, further fifteen thousand helmeted, armed troops car- peeling away. They need our help. proceedings on this motion will be rying automatic weapons and traveling in Their families need our help. postponed. large truck convoys moved into Beijing to So not only did we go into a war un- The point of no quorum is considered ‘‘clear the Square’’ and surrounding streets of demonstrators; prepared, but we did little for those withdrawn. Whereas on the night of June 3 and con- who put their lives on the front line f tinuing into the morning of June 4, 1989, sol- while we, supposedly gray men, decided diers in armored columns of tanks outside of where they would go and when they RECESS Tiananmen Square fired directly at citizens would return and how many times they The SPEAKER pro tempore.
    [Show full text]
  • Front Matter
    Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-04207-0 — June Fourth Jeremy Brown Frontmatter More Information June Fourth The Tiananmen protests and Beijing massacre of 1989 were a major turning point in recent Chinese history. In this new analysis of 1989, Jeremy Brown tells the vivid stories of participants and victims, explor- ing the nationwide scope of the democracy movement and the brutal crackdown that crushed it. At each critical juncture in the spring of 1989, demonstrators and decision makers agonized over difficult choices and saw how events could have unfolded differently. The alter- native paths that participants imagined confirm that bloodshed was neither inevitable nor necessary. Using a wide range of previously untapped sources and examining how ordinary citizens throughout China experienced the crackdown after the massacre, this ambitious social history sheds fresh light on events that continue to reverberate in China to this day. Jeremy Brown is Associate Professor of Modern Chinese History at Simon Fraser University. © in this web service Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-04207-0 — June Fourth Jeremy Brown Frontmatter More Information New Approaches to Asian History This dynamic new series publishes books on the milestones in Asian history, those that have come to define particular periods or to mark turning points in the political, cultural and social evolution of the region. The books in this series are intended as introductions for students to be used in the classroom. They are written by scholars whose credentials are well established in their particular fields and who have, in many cases, taught the subject across a number of years.
    [Show full text]