Congressional Record—House H6040
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UC San Diego UC San Diego Electronic Theses and Dissertations
UC San Diego UC San Diego Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Powerful patriots : nationalism, diplomacy, and the strategic logic of anti-foreign protest Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/9z19141j Author Weiss, Jessica Chen Publication Date 2008 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, SAN DIEGO Powerful Patriots: Nationalism, Diplomacy, and the Strategic Logic of Anti-Foreign Protest A Dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the Requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Jessica Chen Weiss Committee in charge: Professor David Lake, Co-Chair Professor Susan Shirk, Co-Chair Professor Lawrence Broz Professor Richard Madsen Professor Branislav Slantchev 2008 Copyright Jessica Chen Weiss, 2008 All rights reserved. Signature Page The Dissertation of Jessica Chen Weiss is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm and electronically: Co-Chair Co-Chair University of California, San Diego 2008 iii Dedication To my parents iv Epigraph In regard to China-Japan relations, reactions among youths, especially students, are strong. If difficult problems were to appear still further, it will become impossible to explain them to the people. It will become impossible to control them. I want you to understand this position which we are in. Deng Xiaoping, speaking at a meeting with high-level Japanese officials, including Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Finance, Agriculture, and Forestry, June 28, 19871 During times of crisis, Arab governments demonstrated their own conception of public opinion as a street that needed to be contained. Some even complained about the absence of demonstrators at times when they hoped to persuade the United States to ease its demands for public endorsements of its policies. -
Chen Xitong Report on Putting Down Anti
Recent Publications The June Turbulence in Beijing How Chinese View the Riot in Beijing Fourth Plenary Session of the CPC Central Committee Report on Down Anti-Government Riot Retrospective After the Storm VOA Disgraces Itself Report on Checking the Turmoil and Quelling the Counter-Revolutionary Rebellion June 30, 1989 Chen Xitong, State Councillor and Mayor of Beijing New Star Publishers Beijing 1989 Report on Checking the Turmoil and Quelling the Counter-Revolutionary Rebellion From June 29 to July 7 the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress - the standing organization of the highest organ of state power in the People's Republic of China - held the eighth meeting of the Seventh National People's Congress in Beijing. One of the topics for discussing at the meeting was a report on checking the turmoil and quelling the counter-revolutionary rebellion in Beijirig. The report by state councillor and mayor of Beijing Chen Xitong explained in detail the process by which a small group of people made use of the student unrest in Beijing and turned it into a counter-revolutionary rebellion by mid-June. It gave a detailed account of the nature of the riot, its severe conse- quence and the efforts made by troops enforcing _martial law, with the help of Beijing residents to quell the riot. The report exposed the behind-the-scene activities of people who stub- bornly persisted in opposing the Chinese Communist Party and socialism as well as the small handful of organizers and schemers of the riot; their collaboration with antagonistic forces at home and abroad; and the atrocities committed by former criminals in beating, looting, burning and First Edition 1989 killing in the riot. -
Confession, Redemption, and Death: Liu Xiaobo and the Protest Movement of 1989
Confession, Redemption, and Death: Liu Xiaobo and the Protest Movement of 1989 Geremie Barmé1 There should be room for my extremism; I certainly don’t demand of others that they be like me... I’m pessimistic about mankind in general, but my pessimism does not allow for escape. Even though I might be faced with nothing but a series of tragedies, I will still struggle, still show my opposition. This is why I like Nietzsche and dislike Schopenhauer. Liu Xiaobo, November 19882 I FROM 1988 to early 1989, it was a common sentiment in Beijing that China was in crisis. Economic reform was faltering due to the lack of a coherent program of change or a unified approach to reforms among Chinese leaders and ambitious plans to free prices resulted in widespread panic over inflation; the question of political succession to Deng Xiaoping had taken alarming precedence once more as it became clear that Zhao Ziyang was under attack; nepotism was rife within the Party and corporate economy; egregious corruption and inflation added to dissatisfaction with educational policies and the feeling of hopelessness among intellectuals and university students who had profited little from the reforms; and the general state of cultural malaise and social ills combined to create a sense of impending doom. On top of this, the government seemed unwilling or incapable of attempting to find any new solutions to these problems. It enlisted once more the aid of propaganda, empty slogans, and rhetoric to stave off the mounting crisis. University students in Beijing appeared to be particularly heavy casualties of the general malaise. -
R Stern Phd Diss 2009
UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Navigating the Boundaries of Political Tolerance: Environmental Litigation in China Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/3rc0h094 Author Stern, Rachel E. Publication Date 2009 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Navigating the Boundaries of Political Tolerance: Environmental Litigation in China by Rachel E. Stern A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Kevin J. O’Brien, Chair Professor Robert Kagan Professor Katherine O’Neill Fall 2009 Navigating the Boundaries of Political Tolerance: Environmental Litigation in China © 2009 by Rachel E. Stern Abstract Navigating the Boundaries of Political Tolerance: Environmental Litigation in China by Rachel E. Stern Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Kevin J. O’Brien, Chair This is a dissertation about lawyers, judges, international NGOs and legal action in an authoritarian state. The state is contemporary China. The type of legal action is civil environmental lawsuits, as when herdsmen from Inner Mongolia sue a local paper factory over poisoned groundwater and dead livestock or a Shandong villager demands compensation from a nearby factory for the noise that allegedly killed 26 foxes on his farm. Empirically, this is a close-to-the-ground account of everyday justice and the factors that shape it. Drawing on fifteen months of field research in China, along with in-depth exploration of four cases, legal documents, government reports, newspaper articles and blog archives, this dissertation unpacks how law as litigation works: how judges make decisions, why lawyers take cases and how international influence matters. -
Standoff at Tiananmen: Recollections of 1989: the Making of Goddess of Democracy
2019/4/23 Standoff At Tiananmen: Recollections of 1989: The Making of Goddess of Democracy 更多 创建博客 登录 Standoff At Tiananmen How Chinese Students Shocked the World with a Magnificent Movement for Democracy and Liberty that Ended in the Tragic Tiananmen Massacre in 1989. Relive the history with this blog and my book, "Standoff at Tiananmen", a narrative history of the movement. Home Days People Documents Pictures Books Recollections Memorials Monday, May 30, 2011 "Standoff at Tiananmen" English Language Edition Recollections of 1989: The Making of Goddess of Democracy Click on the image to buy at Amazon "Standoff at Tiananmen" Chinese Language Edition On May 30, 1989, the statue Goddess of Democracy was erected at Tiananmen Square and became one of the lasting symbols of the 1989 student movement. The following is a re-telling of the making of that statue, originally published in the book Children of Dragon, by a sculptor named Cao Xinyuan: Nothing excites a sculptor as much as seeing a work of her own creation take shape. But although I was watching the creation of a sculpture that I had had no part in making, I nevertheless felt the same excitement. It was the "Goddess of Democracy" statue that stood for five days in Tiananmen Square. Until last year I was a graduate student at the Central Academy of Fine Arts in Beijing, where the sculpture was made. I was living there when these events took place. 点击图像去Amazon购买 Students and faculty of the Central Academy of Fine Arts, which is located only a short distance from Tiananmen Square, had from the beginning been actively involved in the demonstrations. -
1 Introduction Chinese Citizens Continue to Face Substantial Obstacles in Seeking Remedies to Government Actions That Violate Th
1 ACCESS TO JUSTICE Introduction Chinese citizens continue to face substantial obstacles in seeking remedies to government actions that violate their legal rights and constitutionally protected freedoms. International human rights standards require effective remedies for official violations of citi- zens’ rights. Article 8 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights provides that ‘‘Everyone has the right to an effective remedy by the competent national tribunals for acts violating the funda- mental rights granted him by the constitution or by law.’’ 1 Article 2 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which China has signed but not yet ratified, requires that all parties to the ICCPR ensure that persons whose rights or free- doms are violated ‘‘have an effective remedy, notwithstanding that the violation has been committed by persons acting in an official capacity.’’ 2 The Third Plenum and Judicial Reform The November 2013 Chinese Communist Party Central Com- mittee Third Plenum Decision on Certain Major Issues Regarding Comprehensively Deepening Reforms (Third Plenum Decision) con- tained several items relating to judicial system reform.3 In June 2014, the office of the Party’s Central Leading Small Group for Comprehensively Deepening Reform announced that six provinces and municipalities—Shanghai, Guangdong, Jilin, Hubei, Hainan, and Qinghai—would serve as pilot sites for certain judicial reforms, including divesting local governments of their control over local court funding and appointments and centralizing -
28. Rights Defense and New Citizen's Movement
JOBNAME: EE10 Biddulph PAGE: 1 SESS: 3 OUTPUT: Fri May 10 14:09:18 2019 28. Rights defense and new citizen’s movement Teng Biao 28.1 THE RISE OF THE RIGHTS DEFENSE MOVEMENT The ‘Rights Defense Movement’ (weiquan yundong) emerged in the early 2000s as a new focus of the Chinese democracy movement, succeeding the Xidan Democracy Wall movement of the late 1970s and the Tiananmen Democracy movement of 1989. It is a social movement ‘involving all social strata throughout the country and covering every aspect of human rights’ (Feng Chongyi 2009, p. 151), one in which Chinese citizens assert their constitutional and legal rights through lawful means and within the legal framework of the country. As Benney (2013, p. 12) notes, the term ‘weiquan’is used by different people to refer to different things in different contexts. Although Chinese rights defense lawyers have played a key role in defining and providing leadership to this emerging weiquan movement (Carnes 2006; Pils 2016), numerous non-lawyer activists and organizations are also involved in it. The discourse and activities of ‘rights defense’ (weiquan) originated in the 1990s, when some citizens began using the law to defend consumer rights. The 1990s also saw the early development of rural anti-tax movements, labor rights campaigns, women’s rights campaigns and an environmental movement. However, in a narrow sense as well as from a historical perspective, the term weiquan movement only refers to the rights campaigns that emerged after the Sun Zhigang incident in 2003 (Zhu Han 2016, pp. 55, 60). The Sun Zhigang incident not only marks the beginning of the rights defense movement; it also can be seen as one of its few successes. -
Continuing Crackdown in Inner Mongolia
CONTINUING CRACKDOWN IN INNER MONGOLIA Human Rights Watch/Asia (formerly Asia Watch) CONTINUING CRACKDOWN IN INNER MONGOLIA Human Rights Watch/Asia (formerly Asia Watch) Human Rights Watch New York $$$ Washington $$$ Los Angeles $$$ London Copyright 8 March 1992 by Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. ISBN 1-56432-059-6 Human Rights Watch/Asia (formerly Asia Watch) Human Rights Watch/Asia was established in 1985 to monitor and promote the observance of internationally recognized human rights in Asia. Sidney Jones is the executive director; Mike Jendrzejczyk is the Washington director; Robin Munro is the Hong Kong director; Therese Caouette, Patricia Gossman and Jeannine Guthrie are research associates; Cathy Yai-Wen Lee and Grace Oboma-Layat are associates; Mickey Spiegel is a research consultant. Jack Greenberg is the chair of the advisory committee and Orville Schell is vice chair. HUMAN RIGHTS WATCH Human Rights Watch conducts regular, systematic investigations of human rights abuses in some seventy countries around the world. It addresses the human rights practices of governments of all political stripes, of all geopolitical alignments, and of all ethnic and religious persuasions. In internal wars it documents violations by both governments and rebel groups. Human Rights Watch defends freedom of thought and expression, due process and equal protection of the law; it documents and denounces murders, disappearances, torture, arbitrary imprisonment, exile, censorship and other abuses of internationally recognized human rights. Human Rights Watch began in 1978 with the founding of its Helsinki division. Today, it includes five divisions covering Africa, the Americas, Asia, the Middle East, as well as the signatories of the Helsinki accords. -
Hu Jia on Behalf of the Silenced Voices of China and Tibet
Sakharov Prize 2008 Year for China Hu Jia On behalf of the silenced voices of China and Tibet Hu Jia and his wife, Zeng Jinyan, were nominated for last year's Sakharov Prize and were among the final three short-listed candidates. Hu Jia was consequently imprisoned and remains in prison to this day. Hu Jia is a prominent human rights activist who works on various issues including civil rights, environmental protection and AIDS advocacy. He was arrested shortly after his testimony on 26 November 2007 via conference call before the European Parliament's sub-committee on Human Rights. In his statement, he expressed his desire that 2008 be the “year of human rights in China”. He also pointed out that the Chinese national security department was creating a human rights disaster with one million people persecuted for fighting for human rights and many of them detained in prison, in camps or mental hospitals. He also said: "The irony is that one of the people in charge of organising the Olympics is the head of the Public Security Bureau in Beijing who is responsible for so many human rights violations. The promises of China are not being kept before the games." As a direct result of his address to members of the European Parliament, Hu Jia was arrested, charged with "inciting subversion of state power", and sentenced on 3 April 2008 to three-and-a-half years' in jail with one year denial of political rights. He was found guilty of writing articles about the human rights situation in the run-up to the Olympic Games. -
Han Dongfang: from Tiananmen Hero to Modest Workers' Champion
48 autumn-winter 2014/HesaMag #10 Books 1/2 Han Dongfang: from Tiananmen hero to modest workers’ champion Don’t, whatever you do, call him a dissident. commenting on working conditions in China But there is still a long and challenging Hero of Tiananmen Square he may be, but he from his cramped studio. But he got bored road ahead. Industrial development has put won’t be labelled that way – too intellectual, with it not being connected to workface real- the environment and workers’ health at risk. too highbrow. Han Dongfang always remem- ities. "I was just an editorializing journalist, "Most of the cases we have taken up in the bers that before the spring 1989 protests he never getting out of the office and doing noth- past two years concern work-related accidents was a railway worker. And who with a name ing but commenting," he now says. and diseases," he says. Silicosis is wreaking like Dongfang – meaning "the East" in refer- So he persuaded Radio Free Asia to set havoc, affecting more than six million work- ence to The East is Red, China’s anthem dur- up a direct chat line with workers in all re- ers – miners, naturally, but also workers in ing the Cultural Revolution – could set them- gions of China. "These weekly talks helped the building trades, cement works, jewellery selves up as a counter-revolutionary? me understand how Chinese workers live manufacture, etc. To help them claim com- No, Han Dongfang was never a self-ap- and what they go through every day. They let pensation, the China Labour Bulletin sends pointed Lech Walesa of the Far East. -
European Development Days
2006 European Development Days 8 years of policy debates from the European Consensus to the post-2015 agenda /1 3 European Development Days 2006-2013 Eight years of policy debates from the European Consensus to the post-2015 agenda Europe Direct is a service to help you find answers to your questions about the European Union. Freephone number (*): 00 800 6 7 8 9 10 11 (*) Certain mobile telephone operators do not allow access to 00 800 numbers or these calls may be billed. More information on the European Union is available on the Internet (http://europa.eu). Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union, 2014 Paper version ISBN 978-92-79-38970-2 doi: 10.2841/47722 PDF ISBN 978-92-79-38969-6 doi: 10.2841/47692 © European Union, 2014 Reproduction is authorised provided the source is acknowledged. Printed in Belgium Printed on elemental chlorine-free bleached paper (ECF) European Development Days 2006-2013 Eight years of policy debates from the European Consensus to the post-2015 agenda Forward by José Manuel Barroso, President of the European Commission. This book has been published by the European Commission's Directorate-General for Development and Cooperation - EuropeAid in August 2014. European Commission FOREWORD by JOSÉ MANUEL BARROSO President of the European Commission I have always passionately believed in a Europe that I fought hard to preserve our high aid levels in our is open; a Europe that is committed to the values of multi-annual budget 2014-2020. In addition, my freedom, development and global solidarity. These Commission has stepped up special measures for the values have been central to the European project poorest, like the EUR 1 billion Food Facility or our ever since its inception and continue to inspire our strong support for the United Nation's Sustainable Union today. -
China Policy Institute Policy Paper 2012: No.3 a Convergence Of
China Policy Institute Policy Paper 2012: No.3 A convergence of China’s political reform agendas Andreas Fulda Significance A ten-year plan for social and political reform touted by Chinese establishment intellectual Yu Jianrong is gaining traction both within and outside China’s party-state. Yu’s plan is the most notable reform agenda to emerge since the Charter 08. It signifies a willingness among party-state officials to engage in open-ended discussions about democracy and human rights in China. What we need to know While the issue of political reform has been notably absent from official proclamations during the first days of the Chinese Communist Party’s 18th Party Congress, China’s political future is being widely debated both in Chinese establishment and non-establishment circles alike. Although both reform camps agree on the need for political change they differ in their specific reform recommendations: while establishment figures call for a gradual evolution of China’s political system, anti-establishment intellectuals call for a complete overhaul of the Chinese body politic along liberal democratic lines. Despite such differences a convergence of China’s political reform agendas can be observed. One of China’s most renowned establishment intellectuals Yu Jianrong has touted a ten-year plan for social and political reform which strikingly resembles parts of China’s Charter 08. China’s Charter 08 was inspired by the Charter 77, a petition promulgated by anti-Soviet dissidents in Czechoslovakia, and calls for an end to one-party rule and the protection of human rights. It has been signed by more than two thousand citizens within China and supported by more than ten thousand signatories abroad.