African Workers Strike Against Apartheid

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Alternative title Notes and Documents - United Nations Centre Against ApartheidNo. 14/73 Author/Creator United Nations Centre against Apartheid; Ginwala, Frene Publisher Department of Political and Security Council Affairs Date 1973-06-00 Resource type Reports Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) Coverage (temporal) 1973 Source Northwestern University Libraries Description Introduction. Control of African labour. African workers wages. African strikes. Reactions to the strikes. Related issues: (a) rights (b) Black poverty (c) The role of foreign investment. Annex: List of recent strikes in South Africa. Format extent 32 page(s) (length/size)

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http://www.aluka.org No. 14/T3 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS* June 1973

No. 14/T3 NOTES AND DOCUMENTS* June 1973 AFRICAN WORKERS STRIKE AGAINST APARTHEID by Frene Ginwala ..,,,estern ZNote: One of the most cat recent Africa has been the series of strikes of black workers thro e Republic, from the beginning of this year, despite the severe penalties laid down by law against racial discrimination and brutal exploitation. A majority of these workers have been paid starvation wages, lower than the "poverty datum line". This paper on the strikes was prepared by Miss Frene Ginwala, a South African barrister and journalist, now in . She writes: "The poverty datum line, which is the yardstick most commonly in use in relation to black South African wages, is itself an inadequate level. Its use as a goal still to be attained in the richest country in Africa, where white wages compare favourably with those in some of the richest Western countries, is the severest possible condemnation of the apartheid system." The views expressed are those of the author-.*All material in these notes and documents may be freely reprinted. Acknowledgement, together with a copy of the publication containing the reprint, would be appreciated. 73-32011

CONTENTS Page Introduction 1 I. Control of African labour 3 II. Africanworkers wages 5 III. African strikes 9 IV. Reactions to the strikes 11 V. Related issues 13 a. Trade union rights 13 b. Black poverty 16 c. The role of foreign investment 22 Annex: List of recent strikes in South Africa 26

INTRODUCTION Towards the end of 1972 a wave of strikes began in and in the following weeks, spread to most industry in the province. At the peak nearly 100,000 worhers in various occupations had downed tools in an effort to increase their starvation wages and appallingly poor conditions. Ilost of these worhers returned to work within a few weeks. often A.ith-out having iron any concessions; on a few occasions, after winning some increases in wages, and in many cases after police intimidation, arrests and sentences. Yet the Durban strikes, as they have been popularly knowm, have been a victory for the black orkers and a significant event in the course of the liberation o.f South Africa. The rave of strikes came as a surprise both to white South Africa and the international community. There vas shoched reaction to the fact that black worhers had been able to act in concert, and to the daily evidence of their level of wages and conditions. Yet over the previous year, highlighted by the Ovambo strikes in .Naibia, there had been a gathering momentm of labour disputes in the country and nuamerous reports of the conditions in 77hich African workers were forced to live due to the wages being paid.. Seen in this context, events in Natal vere a natural but more concentrated progression, and the daily disputes throughout the country that have since received international publicity are not unexpected. In January 1972, Ovambo workers decided that they w¢anted nothing further to do with the contract labour system, and more than 13,000 came out on strike. Their demands, set out in a pamphlet released by the strikers, ad hoc committee, included, int.er alia: 1. The improvement of agreements to allow them to change jobs writhout :fear of landing in jail; freedom to choose work according to excnerience and knowledge; and to have their families w.ith them; 2. Equal treatment, i:-respective of colo-ur, and the rate for the job; and 3. Sufficient pay for the workers to buy their own food and provide for transport needs..l' 1 and" Daily Iail, Johannesburg, 13 January 1972

The reaction of the South African Government was harsh and a 'security blanke' was thrown over their activities. But some information has come out during tw.o trials and an inquest into the deaths of eight Africans shot by the police. In addition, the Iinister of Police, Hr. S.L. Miuller, a&!aitted that 267 people had been detained. '. The contract system operating in Namibia wras described by the 7ages Commission o' the Students Representative Council of the University of the Natal as followls: "'len are asked to ,,rork in factories, shops, mines and farms in South _'est Africa. If they say they will work, they are sent down to the places of work by train. The emloyers sign a form saying they will pay the workers at least 32.20 ($2.92) a week. This is only 2-8.80 (11.70) a month. Some workers only get 26.50 (:18.64) a month. Some farmers pay only R3.25 (.,4.53) to a child worker each month. "brkers are not allowed to decide who they will work for; theyr are told who they must work for. Doctors look at each person wanting work and say: 'He is A, B or C grade.' Te C L-rade gets least wages. The worker is then given a bracelet around the arm which says where he must go and who his employer will be. The w7orkers usually live in a compound. They are not alloTed to have their families with theu. They must work for their employer for one year or 18 months. If they leave their job they can be sent to jail for breaking the contract ..... it is not much different from the contract system here in South Africa." 4 It is diffficult to trace any direct connexion between labour disputes in South Africa and the INaxibia strikes. At the very least they had an inspirational value in demonstrating that mass united action was possible. The need for action to improve workers' conditions was undeniable. , House of Assembly Debates Mansard), Questions and Replies, 11 April 1972, cols.768-769: Ibid., 26 ilay, cols.1093-1095. , Bulletin of the .Tages Coimmission, April 1972 4, Contract labour is entrenched in the South African economy, extending beyond the well-known system in the gold mining industry, see infra., p. 37

I. COiTflOL OF AFFMICAN LABOIU]P The policies of successive South African Governmtents have been designed to create, maintain and control a pool of cheap African labour. In furtherance of this, Africans were deprived of an dlenied the right to own land. Special taxes w.ere imposed and the migrator'r labour s rstem and pass laws were introduced. In order to deprive the African w.orforce of nouer, ,9olitical and trade union rights are denied; and to maintain the jpower that such rigid control requires, the entire machinery of repression w.as created. African trade unions are not recognized and enjoy no legal protection. Under the Dantu Labour (Settlement o:f Dispu'.es,) Act, , strikes by African workers are prohibited and made a criminal offence. 6 'Lne srstem of influx control obliges every healtry male African, wfho is not a student and who is between the ages of 15 and 65, to register with a labour bureau. No African may remain in an urban area for more than 72 hours, unless he is qualified by birth or long residence, or has permission to wrork in the area. Even if so qualified, he may be endorsed out of the urban areas as "idle" or "undesirable". These laws have beEn used to limit and repress action by African workers to improve their conditions. 7j 5, Act flo .48 of 1953 as amended by Act N0.59 of 1955 o, A bill was introduced in Parliament on 22 hay which allowed some African workers to strike -under severely restricted circumstances. !Vorkers other than those employed by local authorities, utilities, including light, powTer, uater and sanitation; the transport industry and unspecified "essential services ', as well as workers covered by a wage regulating agreement, or those whose case is being considered by the Goverrnment wrage board, will be excluded from the operation of this bill. r.ose workers who are not specifically excluded must first negotiate a dispute through a works comimittee. On failure of such negotiations to reach an agreement, the dispute must be referred to the Goverrmient Dantu Labour 0:_ricer. ThIirty days after such referral, the vorkers will be allowed to strike. As a final safeguard for the Goverrmient, the ilinister of Labour will have the power to designate on an ad hoc basis any firm, industry or undertaking as one in which strihes will be illegal. 7 The legislation of labour control is very comprehensive. 'or further details see ILO and Apartheid; South Africa: esettl.ement - The NeIe Violence to Africans, Internatinaal Defence and Aid Fund, London, 1969; 'rade Union *liI'ts. in South Africa, United lations Unit on Aparthieid ITotes and Documen-ts No.10, 70 and i ?2ur ther v iolat'io'ns, of. T..rade* Union ' ihts. in Sou thi Africa (report of the Ad Hoc - 7orking Group of Experts, United Nations Unit on Apartheid Notes and Documents No.20, 71.

Trade unionists have been detained, banned and imprisoned. A list of 84 trade unionists who had been so restricted was sent to the Secretary of Justice by the International Metal Workers Federation. _/ 8'E and Dail!yjXail, Johannesburg, 17 October 1972

II. AFRICAN UORIMRS ' WAGES The wages of African workers are effectively determined by the Government through various channels. In non-unionized industries, a board sets wage determinations. In unionized industries, minimum wages are set by industrial councils. 11hite employees are represented on these councils, but the African labourers are not. 9/ White officials of the Department of Bantu Administration sit on the councils. Thus African workers have few legal avenues open for communicating their grievances and still fewer means of seeking redress. Yet the general conditions of African workers, and their starvation level of wages in the midst of wrhite riches, inevitably lead to action on the part of the workers, despite the restrictions in the system and the severe penalties. The average wages of Africans in all sectors of the economy were below the poverty datum line, which is not an adequate or even human standard of living. It represents the total expenditure at the lowest current market prices on minimum basic food, clothing, fuel, lighting, personal and household cleansing. As such, it is the minimum income under theoretical conditions to maintain health and decency in the short term. It does not allow any expenditure for education, medicine, newspapers, or the replacement of household equipment or furniture, much less the purchase of postage stamps, or the expenditure of one penny for amusements, sports or tobacco. The minimum effective level, is the figure required for a family to meet its essential needs. It is calculated at 1 and 1/2 times that of the poverty datum line, plus housing and transportation costs. It has been estimated in January 1973 that to keep a family in good health, required R124.50 (165.58). But black wages, which have always been low, have failed to keep up with the rising cost of living and inflation. In the decade after 1960, black wages showed no improvement, as is shown in the following table: 9/ The bill referred to in 6/' will permit certain Governmentappointment Africans to sit on these industrial councils.

Table I. BLACK PAY AND PRODUCTIVITY IN SOU2H AFRICA. iO/ Wages and Poverty Datum Line 3595 white 3550 3100 2650 2200 1921 1750 1300 876 poverty datum line _-- 692black Years 1960 1961 1962 1963 1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970 Thereafter, the rate of acceleration of prices increased. From June 1962 to June 1972, wholesale prices had increased at an annual rate of 3.2 per cent. In 1970 to 1971, the increase was 5.3 per cent and in the first half of 1972, they rose by 10.7 per cent. 11!/ In addition, in the year ended March 1973, the consumer price index had risen by 9.9 per cent, and food prices by 17 per cent. l 2 A survey published in March 1972 by the Productivity and Wages Association of Johannesburg showed that nearly 80 per cent of African workers in all sectors received wages lower than the then poverty datum line of R16.15 ($21.48) per week. Of these, 31.6 per cent earned less than RlO ($13.30) per week. They are excluded from unemployment and other benefits. Between 3 and 7.5 per cent of African workers receive a wage which would be commensurate with a decent standard of living. L0/ J.A. Horner, South African Institute of Pace Relations, Johannesburg, 1972 11,' 972 urvey of PRace Relations in South Africa (South African Institute of Race Relations, Johannesburg, 1973),pp.231 -232 12/' RadDPaiky Mail, Johannesburg, 20 April 1973 rands "

Large numbers of Africans throughout the country were earning less than RlO ($,315.30) per week: 85 per cent in Bloemfontein; 80 per cent in Kimberley; 74 per cent in Ladysmith; 62 per cent in East London; 48 per cent in Pretoria; 41 per cent in Vanderbijlpark, Vereeniging and Sasolburg; and 20 per cent in Cape Town, Durban-Pinetown and Central Witwatersrand. 1W In December 1972 it was reported that in only two sectors of the South African economy - banking and insurance - were African wages at or above the poverty datum line. In June 1972, the poverty datum line was estimated at R70.62 (,";93.92). The mining industry was found to be paying the lowest wages at R21 ($37.93) per month. Wages in the provincial administration were on average r,42 ($55.86) per month. The retail trade paid an average of R46 ($61.18), and local authorities R50 ($66.50). l4i Not surprisingly in these circumstances, African workers, driven to desperation, have been constantly in conflict with employers over wages. Since striking is illegal for Africans, they have also been in conflict with the State. The strikes in Durban came as a peak in a gathering momentum of industrial conflict throughout South Africa. Some indication of the extent can be gauged by a selection of some of the disputes involving black workers that were reported in the South African press in the six months up to the end of 1972 and which appear in the annex to the present paper. The result of the mass action by workers in Natal led to considerable publicity, not only related to their specific grievances, but also to the general level of wagEs of black workers in South Africa. Earlier, numerous reports and surveys had provided evidence of black poverty and also of the extent of malnutrition amonst both rural and urban Africans. Following a resolution of the National Union of South African Students (NUSAS), Wages and Economic Commissions were set up on University campuses. These Commissions have surveyed and published reports on various industries. Reports of the South African Institute of Race Relations, the Productivity and Wages Association and numerous other bodies documented the facts. The strikes dramatised workers' conditions. In their wake, South African and international press reported the earlier evidence at length, and new disclosures were made. Amongst them, The Guardian * published detailed reports of' wages being paid by the British companies in South Africa. It revealed that only three companies were paying wages above the poverty datum line and not a single British comapny employing substantial numbers of Africans was paying them a "humane" level equivalent to the minimum effective 13' Ibid., 7 December 1972 14' Dudley Horner in an address to the Seminar of I.Tages and Economic Commission of Witwatersrand University, reported Ibid. level of %13-£15 ($31.20-$36) per week. The Guardian revealed the following details of the wages paid to Africans by British companies operating in South Africa: .15' White Portland Cement Company, which is 76 per cent owmed by Associated Portland Cement, pays just over £3 (7.20) per week. One African, who spoke nine languages, worked mending boilers at 8-1/2p. an hour, i.e. about F4 ($9.60) per week. The 1972 profits of the company were f.800,000 ( 1,120,000). At Illovo Sugar Estates, a subsidiary of Tate L: Lyle, 3,000 contract workers were paid approximately 29p a day, with and bonus average up to 55p a day. Air Commodore E.J. Morris, the personnel manager was quoted as saying: "This is not magnificent, but you have to remember these Bantu are mostly illiterate. And they are uproductive at at first - we have to build them up. At home they just lie around and have a good time." The net 1972 profits of the company were estimated at 500,000 ('?1,200,000). At Natal Tanning Extract, many workers were paid less than '-2.50 ($,)6.00) per week, and some were paid as low as 24p a day. The farm manager was reported to have dismissed the malnutrition sores as "flea bites" and said that he himself received plenty of milk. Anything that was left over after he had fed the dogs was "given to the Bantu". Natal Mining Extract is a South African subsidiary of Slater 7alker, whose 1971 profits were S16.28 million ($45.58 million). Courtalds subsidiary, South African Fabrics, employed unskilled workers in Durban at about i26 ($16.80) per week. The managing director was quoted as saying: "If these chaps earn too much, they just take a holiday." Courtaulds profits for 1971-1972 were .145.5 million ($127.46 million). The Guardian, london, 1 March 1973

III. AFRICAN STRIKES When the black dockworkers in Durban went out on strike in October 1972 to protest against their low pay, poor working conditions and inordinately long working hours, the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Natal commented: "We identify with theworkers in their basic demands and protest the actions of the employers in forcing them back to work without meeting any of their demands. The facts of their working and living conditions run against the church's teachings on social justice and are an affront to Christian conscience." The Regional Secretary of the Cape Western Institute of Race Relations said that the stevedoring companies in Cape Town which were employing Coloured and African workers were perpetuating poverty and that to force a man to work 60 to 70 hours a week simply to remain alive of the weated labour of the 'Hungry Forties' which Charles Dickens described so graphically." This treatment, he went on to say, simply had no place in a modern industrialized society. Sufficient attention was not paid to the reasons for which the dockworkers went on strike, nor was there any attempt made to examine whether the reasons for which they went on strike were applicable to the situation of other black workers. In early 1973, therefore, black workers in more than 150 industries across South Africa went out on strike, despite the severe penalties that are prescribed by law. Once on strike, workers refused to form negotiating committees for fear of victimisation, but where strikes continued for long periods, committees were set up. There were several marches of thousands of people in Durban and elsewhere, on all occasions in the presence of armed police. Contingents of police were flown in from Pretoria and other parts of South Africa. At the peak of the strikes the police did not intervene actively, though their presence with arms, dogs and cameras with telephoto lenses was intimidatory and repressive action against the workers was taken on various occasions, as will be seen in cases documented in the annex to the present paper. Labour conditions in the Frame textile mills, which were severely hit by the strikes, serve to illustrate the grievances of black labour. Phillip Frame, who is Chairman of 34 textile mills, is a staunch supporter of the Nationalist Party and~a member of the Government's Economic Advisory Council. He had been involved in a number of labour disputes with his employees over the years.

-10- In 1957, the South African Congress of Trade Unions was involved in a dispute at the Frame's Afrotex and Wintex mills in Durban. Many "leaders" were fired. In 1958, 3,700 workers at the Amoto mill in Benoni struck. Police baton charged and about 300 "agitators" were deported. In 1964, workers at the Consolidated Lancashire Cotton Corp. in New struck. 416 workers were dismissed, though all but 43 were subsequently reinstated. At the same time, there was another strike in Benoni where 436 workers were dismissed and many later re- employed. The Frame group proudly announced that average earnings for women in the New Germany Complex were R8 ( $ 0.64) per week but some were earning as much as Rll ($14.63). The average wage for men was R12 ($16.26). These scales appear to have remained static over the past nine years, during which the cost of living soard by 73.92 per cent. The group actually applied for permission to reduce wages by 30 per cent, claiming the labour was untrained, though the mill concerned which had been established for 20 years, had not undertaken any training programme for its employees. Under such conditions, the despair of black workers can be readily understood. A number of companies offered their employees higher wages as a result of the strikes, but the raises were often one rand or two per week ($1.33 to $2.66), hardly a significant amount in real terms. Other employers threatened their workers with dismissal if they failed to return to work. As a result, most of the workers did return to their jobs. Many of them were reported to have done so because they were hungry, or because they were satisfied by the higher wages. For example, 3,000 striking employees of the Consolidated Textile Mills wrere reported to have reluctantly returned to work after being on strike for more than two weeks, because they could no longer afford to stay away. Though the massive walkouts in January and Februrary of 1973 have diminished, smaller disputes are still continuing. In mid-April, the Garment Workers' Union said that at least four strikes were taking place daily in the garment industry.

-11- IV. PEACTIONS TO THE ST11IKES Inside South Africa, the reactions rere varied, but predictable. The initial white response was to blame everyting on outside agitators and claim that wrorkers were only staying away because of intimidation. Some employers paid off their workers and dismissed them. At the Coronation Brick and Tile factory, management issued a leaflet to its workers written in Zulu wThich claimed that "communist agitators" had been at work. However, on the part of the black workers, the fear of victimization and identification of a leadership, caused many of them to refuse to nominate works committees to negotiate with the employers. This led the Minister of Labour to clair1 that 'the unwillingness of the workers to negotiate shows undoubtedly that the agitation for trade unions is merely a smoke screen behind which other motives are hidden". ;6/ The Chairman of the Durban City Council's Policy and Finance Committee, Mr, Keith liorrison, said that the workers' demands were "preposterous" and shored the "emptiness of the African mentality.' 17, The Mayor of Durban gave municipal workers an ultimatmi to return to work or be sacked. Police reinforcements, wearing camouflage battledress, were flown in from Pretoria and Were stationed at strategic buildings with submachine guns. According to the Iiayor, this show of force was "to show the Africans that there was protection for them against intimidation and agitators".18 The police show of force was accompanied by arrests, charges, and use of gas. The Natal Enployers Association advised its members not to negotiate with stri!ers until they were back at worh, and. not to pay them for the time they were off work. 19, Only gradually did employers respond by conceding some wage increases.20" The Iationalist Government finally admitted that black wages were low. 21/ It 16' fand Daily Hail, Johannesburg, 2 February 1973 17/r Ibiid. .' The .Times., London, 9 February 1973 19,' / and Daily Hail, Johannesburg, 6 February 1973 20 Mhe impression has been created that there has been substantial improvement in black conditions. For assessment of the "concessions" see below, p. 14-16 21/' Even as late as mid-May, Prime M inister Vorster repeated in a BBC Panorama interview that while some wrages rere low, many of the strikes were "agitation pure and simple".

-12- then joined industry in urging the need for caution in increasing wages. The Government's response was to undertake to narrow the wages gap in the public sector; to request the 1ages Board to review wages affecting unskilled workers in five industrial centres; 22/ and the publication of amendments to the Bantu Labour (Settlement of Disputes) Act, which would for the first time allow Africans (appointed by the Government) to sit in on Industrial Council meetings. The plan was described by one economist as similar to "increasing the efficiency of a machine that did not work". Mrs. Lucy Mvubelo the General Secretary of the National Union of Clothing UTorkers (a non-registered African trade union) said the amendments were intended to make black workers believe in the provisions of the Act rather than in black trade unions. a3 22 The Times, London, 22 February 1973 2 -anDa~ly .ail, Johannesburg, 5 April 1973

-13- V. RELATED ISSUES Arising from the wrorkers's action in South Africa, there are three main issues, which should be considered in order to give a comprehensive picture of the situation of the black worker in South Africa. These are: (a) trade union rights; (b) blackz poverty and extent of change following the labour action; and (c) the role of foreign investment. A. Trade Union Rights Africans are excluded from the definition of "employee" by the terms of the Industrial Conciliation Act, 24 and as a consequence of this African trade unions enjoy no recognition or protection in law. Under existing law, Coloured and Indian workers may join trade unions, but executive committees have to be composed of white members. Following the strikes, there have been a number of calls for changes in order to allow Africans to be organized into trade unions. The Government has been categoric in its rejection of this. The Minister of Labour, Mr. iarais Viljoen, rejected any suggestion that black workers be granted trade union rights, claiming that blach workers did not urant them, nor was it in their interests. ?5, He was later to say in Parliament: 'There are always organizers who prefer to use those Bantu trade unions as a political instrument for their particular political aims rather than as an economic negotiating instrument.. .It is important that we keep on saying that the Government believes that on the basis of experience gained in this country with Bantu trade unions in the past, and the way in which these were also applied as political instruments, it is not in the interest of South Africa that Bantu trade unions should be recognized." 261 Some employer's organizations called for African trade unions, but the attitude of many employers was summed up by the Managing Director of Roberts Construction, M1r. Bill Bramwell, when he expressed the view that the requirement of responsibility in trade unions is something which the African in his present state does not have. Some white trade union leaders also called for African trade unions. There have been many reservations, however, about the nature and extent of trade union rights for black rorkers, and about the motives of those calling for trade union rights. During the strikes, white workers and their unions showed few signs of 2Y/ Act No.28 of 1956, as amended 25/ The Star, Johannesburg, 9 December 1972 26' House of Assembly Debates (Hansard), 20 February 1973, col.1071

-2 4- solidarity or support for this call, nor did they condemn the showJ of force by police or intimidation of workers. The Trade Union Council of South Africa (TUCSA) has urged that it be allowed to organize black workers and that African rorkers doing the same jobs as whites should be allowed to join trade unions. However, its General Secretary, 1Hr. Arthur Grobelaar, said that the majority of Africans in unskilled jobs "ould probably remain unorganized, as they are now." 27, The "opposition" United Party did not support full rights for black ,orkers, but rather wished them to join white unions. The General Secretary of the South African Electrical orkers Association said that to prevent the danger of "a series of Sharpevilles" arising from African labour unrest, the registered trade union movement should be allowed to organize African workers and negotiate for them. He called for the problem to be tackled with the approval of the Government by a council to be composed of prominent employers, trade unions and the Department of Labour. 2. All sections of the black community in South Africa have called for full trade union rights and have rejected the suggestion that they need to be organized by white workers. In an interview with Anti-Apartheid Neis, Mr. John Gaetseie, Western European representative of the South African Congress of Trade Unions (SACTU), whose leadership was subjected to banning orders forcing., it out of existence, stated: 29/ "The strike has exposed the dishonesty of wuhite workers wiho claim that they are prepared to organizate African workers. They talk as if Africans can't organize themselves. Africans don't want to suffer. They also would like to live a better life in South Africa. hat has retarded the growth of blach trade unions is not a lack of interest in the trade union movement, but the discriminatory laws wrhich the white workers support. "It is dishonest on the part of white workers to accept higher wages, better conditions and to benefit from apartheid and then say they want to organize the African workers, who are suffering under laws made by the Government elected by the white workers. "The white orkers could have a role to play. But their role is not to come to African workers to say that they should organize themselves in this way or that way. Their role is to go to their own colleagues and to mobilize white orhers against the policy of apartheid and discrimination which denies Africans the right to form recognized trade unions. They must move away from being labour aristocrats to where the Africans are if they are really opposed to apartheid... T'Anti pathi News, April 1973 2_3j' Band. Daily .ail, Johannesburg, 16 Ilarch 1973 29,' Anti-Apartheid Nrs, l.'larch 1973

-15- "The only solution will be when all the workers in South Africa say 'We are going 6ut to organize our brothers' not '"e are going out to organize black workers because they don't belong to a trade union"." The suspicions of the African workers are grounded in experience. White trade union officials have shown scant concern for the low wages of Africans. White trade unions are represented on industrial councils, which set the wages for whole industries, including African workers. A white TUCSA official described their attitude in the following terms: "Usually there is an off the cuff hand out for the white workers, and human nature, being what it is, the unions have to put the interests of members first." 30,' Historically, fear of potential undercutting by non-whites has induced white trade unions to seek to include non-white workers. As Mr. Tom Rutherford of the South African Trade Union Council explained, in giving evidence before the 1955 Select Committee on the Industrial Conciliation Bill: "Up until 1927, We refused to have Indians in the Typographical Union. They then commenced negotiating separately and practically eliminated the European printer from Natal. Ue then took them into our Union to stop that. The result is that I suppose one could count the number of skilled Indian printers in Natal on the fingers of your one hand. They have been almost eliminated. That happened because we took them into the Union." 51, The motivitions of employers are equally suspect. Though African trade unions are afforded no legal protection or recognition, there has been no bar to employers to prevent them from encouraging their African workers to organize themselves. Nor has there been any bar to prevent them from discussing conditions and negotiating informally with them. South African and British employers who have been loudest in their calls for African trade unions now, have been significantly silent inside their factories and boardrooms. Despite the fact that the Bantu Labour (Settlement of Disputes) Act of 1955 provided for the establishment of works committees in any firm employing more than 20 Africans, after 20 years, there are only 18 such statutory committees in existence in the entire country. Private members motion to establish African trade unionism On 20 February 1973, Mrs. Helen Suzman (Progressive Party Member of Parliament) introduced a private member's motion seeking the recognition of African trade unions. The motion was not supported by any other member of Parliament and therefore failed. 30, Rand Dail Mail, Johannesburg, 4 March 1969 1l/ Guelke, Adrian and Siebert, Stanley, New Statesman and Nation, London, 23 March 1973.

-16- Even the most prominent supporter of the Progressive Party, Mr. Harry Oppenheimer, failed to take any steps in this direction in the large section of the South African economy that he controls. The same is true of British and companies operating in South Africa. An editorial in the Garment .Torker accused: 3 "Nowhere in the publicity regarding the Polaroid incident is mention made of the rights of workers to participate in the decision-making process affecting their wages and working conditions." The various calls for black "trade unions" are made by sections which are part of the existing power structure in South Africa. The matter should be seen in the context that all too often, these appeals are designed to control and channel black workers. B. Black Poverty In the wake of the strikes and the outcry following the revelations of wage rates being paid by British companies, there have been wage increases in many industries. However, it should be made clear that in spite of increases that appear substantial when expressed in percentage terms, the actual improvement is small and wages are still at starvation level. The poverty datum line, which is the yardstick most commonly in use in relation to black South African wages, is itself an inadequate level. Its use as a goal still to be attained in the richest country in Africa, where white wages compare favourably with those in some of the richest Western countries, is the severest possible condemnation of the apartheid system. The real goal must be wages equal to those of white employees, and equality of opportunity to acquire and exercise the skills that are available to white employees. On such a universally acceptable scale, South Africa is a non- starter. But even when considered in relation to the grossly inadequate poverty datum line, the wage increases leave much to be desired. The poverty datum line in January 1973 for Durban was R83 ($110.39) per month and the minimum effective level was R124-.50 ($165.58) per month. Some of the wage increases in the public sector (i.e. municipal councils) were as follows: * Randburg Council : new minimum of R54 ($71.82) per month * Sandten Council : new minimum of R65 ($86.45) per month 35/ * Iiaritzburg Council : 30 per cent increase granted, new minimum of 112 - ($15-.96 Per week: maximum R16.50 ($21.94). Wages of workers 33, Garment orker, Johannesburg, 5 February 1971 34j Rand Daily. ail,Johannesburg, 22 February 1973 /Ibid. under 18 were raised from R7 ($9.31) per week to R9 ($11.97) per week, with a maximum of R10 ($13.30) per week. 36/ S gesdorp Council : After with up to 10 years service Street painters' wages were ($17.73) per week. /7 a 15 per cent rise, unskilled workers receive R9.90 ($13.16) per week. raised from R11.54 ($15.34) to R13.35 Edenvale. Mown Council : Starting rates are now R9.7 ($12.90) per week if the worker lives in hostel, and RlO.02 ($13.32) if he supplies his own accommodation. The maximum after ten years service is R14.73 ($19.59) per week. 3_, In industry the position in similar. The textile industry, which was most severely affected by the strikes, gave a 11 (p1.33) across the board increase. Minimum wages are now as follows: R8.20 ($10.90) per week for an unqualified worker; 12.10 ($16.09) per week for a labourer; and R14.75 ($19.61) for a qualified woman worker. 39/ In the Leather Tanning Industry, wages rose to a minimum of R14.49 ("10.04) per w¢eek, representing an increase of 21.4 per cent. Y2/ In the Footwear Industry employees received increases of 43 per cent The new is R15 ($19.95) per week.. 1 Brick workers were the subject of a wage determination in the middle of the Natal strikes. Their minimum wage was raised between R9.2 ($12.26) per week and R11.69 ($13.36). 42/ In the South African Pulp and Paper Industry, minimum wages went up to R1O.12 ($13.45) per week 43/ at the Mandini Mill after the workers went on strike. Two cases publicized during the strikes show how little the increase means. The first case involved a 60-year old African woman who was supporting her pensioner husband and five grandchildren on R7.25 ($9.64) per week. 44/ The second was of an Indian father with three small children who was having to manage on R7.55 (";l0.04) per week. 45/ Their wages, despite the increases, can hardly be considered satisfactory. 37, 38/ 39/ 40/ 72/ 44, Ibid. Ibid., 27 February 1973 Ibid., 28 March 1973 Ibid,, 22 February 1973 Ibid., 15 February 1973 Ibid., 6 March 1973 Ibm., 2 February 1973 S London, 15 March 1973 The Observer, London, 4 February 1973 Ibid'.-

International firms, despite the pressures in their home countries, are still paying low wages. Mr. Jim Slater of Slater Ualker, received much favourable publicity for his prompt expression of surprised horror at the wage levels of his South African subsidiary. A 100 per cent increase has been ceded to the lowest paid workers. It had been reported earlier that most employees were earning about 30c per day, and wromen hoeing firebreaks were receiving R2.06 ( ;2.73) per week. 4 / Despite the impressive increase,their wages will still be under R5 ((6.65) per week. The increases of 25 per cent effected by Tate and Lyle mean that workers on the Illpyo Sugar estates will also receive wages'below K-5($6.65) per week. The House of Commons Select Committee 4y' which is inquiring into the treatment of African workers by British companies, has been told of the good intentions of many companies and assured that wages of poverty datum line or minimum effective level are being paid. Fine print will have to be studied when the evidence is complete, for frequently the "wages" referred to include an inordinate amount of overtime and optional bonus payments. Often wrages are stated comparatively. For example, it is meaningless to state that SAICCOR is "ahead of average wages paid to Africans by affiliated companies in South Africa," as was given by Courtaulds in evidence before the Committee 48' in view of the deplorably low wages being paid by some companies and the fact that the figures quoted are those at the top level. i ratory labour system pays s.til lower waaes Frequently too, "transient" and "contract" workers' rates are not mentioned. If they are referred to, it is on the basis of an acceptance that such workers can be paid low wages. "There were difficulties in maintaining high standards in rural locations, such as the timber plantations of SAICCO1,, since about two-thirds of the employees had been 'transients." 19 / The lowr level of wages in South Africa has historically been justified on the basis that the worker and his family are supposed to be supported in part by agricultural production in the reserves, where the workersI family must live. At the very core of the parthei d policies has been the intention to 4.6/ Report of ]!agres Commission of the Students Representative Council, University of Natal )4.7/ This Committee was set up by the House of Commons following the Guardian disclosures in March 1973 of appallingly low wages paid to African workers in South African subsidiaries. 4Q/ .'The Guardian., London, 10 May 1973 E -i d-..

-19- guarantee a cheap labour force; the successive forms of control, whether of land, movement, sale of labour, or political activity, have been designed to further such purpose. Bybasing the worher in the subsistence sector of the reserves and using him as a temporary labour unit in the urban areas, the capitalist sector of the economy is relieved of the burden of the ancillary and supportive expenditure needed to maintain a labour force. This is the basis of the migratory or contract labour system. The system of migratory labour Was pioneered by the mining sector, but it has since been extended to much of the South African economy. The South African Peilwrays and Harbours, as well as secondary industry, depends on contract labour. The stevedores in the Durban docks are contract labourers. The building industry is now manned through this system, which is also being extended to the hotel trade in Johannesburg. Barracks are even being built in the Bantustans in the Transvaal to house a labour oool Thich will be unrelated to any land and which Will feed industrj. It has been estimated that the proportion of migrant labour in some cities may be over 50 per cent.52' Horever specious the original argument for the payment of low wages to migrant workers originally was, it is now completely untenable, for the economic decline and impoverishment of the reserves is such that the land is unable to support even the wives, children and old people above a starvation level. A survey in two of the most fertile areas of the Ciskei showed that 33 per cent of the households had no arable land of any sort. "In an areaa where an economic unit requires 13.7 acres of arable land and grazing for 12 large stock units, the vast majority of the farms had, as the following table shows, neither the land for the cattle even to subsist without sending some men off to work elsewhere. Table 2. ARABLE LAND AVAILABLE TO HEIDS OF HOUSEHOLD No. of acres No. of persons Percentareof people 0-5 686 33% 6-10 596 28.6 11-20 735 35.3% 20-30 9 O. 4, 5p Power Privile _and PovertV - Report of the Spro-Cas Economics Commission (Johannesburg, 1972); Wilson, F. Mirrant Labour in South Africa (Johannesburg 1972)

-20- In the face of these statistics it is small wonder then that of the total cash income accruing to families in the area, only 8.7 per cent is derived from farming. 51/ Workers in the urban areas must now support their families in the reserves. Nonetheless, low wages continue to be justified on the basis that they are an "extra" to the main income in the reserves. Occasionally, it is also suggested that food and accommodation are provided, so these items can be deducted from the workers' needs. Hence a low cash wage is sufficient. This of course again ignores the need for a worker to house and feed his family in the reserves. 52/ South African subsidiaries of international companies do not hesitate to use such arguments. The Hanaging Director of Whites (SA); the Portland Cement Company, said he could not deny the company's workers were paid below subsistence level, because he did not know the level. However, he was satisfied that the wages were not starvation rates. He went on to say: "The point is that these people are completely looked after. They have free food and accommodation and their wages are pocket money." U/ The Chairman of Associated Portland Cement, the parent company of 1hites, said in a letter to shareholders: "The poverty datum line, about which much has been made in the press as a yardstick for the evaluation of wage levels, has little relevance to these areas (i.e. rural areas)...because of the rules of the South African Government. We are permitted, in addition to feeding and housing the African wage earner, to house only 3 per cent of the families. The remainder have to live in the 'homelands'." For these people, the wages received by the family head represented only one element in their existence. Much of their life style centred on subsistence farming, which meant that factory was a secondary source of income. 5k4 Low wages have also been justified on the grounds that black productivity is low, and that increases would lead to a contraction of the labour force. 51-/ Wilson, F., opit., pp.101-102 52 The taxation of Africans also ignores the need for the worker to support his family. No allowances for marriage or children are available to Africans. 3/ The Star, Johannesburg, 17 March 1973 24,' The Guardian, London, 25 April 1973

-21- The Minister of Bantu Administration and Development, Mr. M.C. Botha, warned that unbridled wage demands could not be met, as South Africa was increasingly becoming dependent on exports and competing with countries with low wage levels. He went on to say: "We will not be able to supply our Bantu peoples with jobs if we do not face up to the realities of world competition." 55, It is the African force rather than the white labour force which is called upon to make sacrifices. The Minister for Bantu Administration said that wage demands would be fatal for industrialization at a time when "prosperity for all of us is within our grasp." 5j Labour unrest and unjustifiable demands would destroy what he termed "the peaceful environment". Mr. Vorster took the matter further when he stated in Parliament: "The idea of a pell mell increase in wages of people, simply to yield to pressure from .certain quarters in Britain and the United States of America is quite wrong.. .People should be paid in accordance rith productivity." 5Jj1 Ile complained that people inside and outside Parliament were disparaging the free enterprise system. "I fear these elements who are propagating communism in a disguised form," he said. They were advocating, he continued, the reallocation of assets which could amount to a form of and would mean the end of South Africa. Businessmen, including the President of the South Africa Foundation, 5_81 also uttered dire rarnings of the consequence for the black labour force if wages were increased. The suggestion was that it was in the interests of the black workers, to be paid these appallingly loir wages. The Manager of the Gold Division of the Anglo American Corporation, Dennis Etheridge, elaborated on this when he said there was a strong case for persisting with low minimum wages for some time. Uages, he went on to say, should not be raised above the level where it would be cheaper to use machines. "They will be poor people as they are now, but at least they will be employed,' he warned. 59,' The pre-tax profits of the mining industry in 1972 were, at R548 million ($750.8 million), more than five-and-a-half times the total black wage bill, which is R95 million ($ )126.6 million). 6Q 15, The Star, Johannesburg, 31 March 1973 56.,' The Guardian, London, 28 March 1973 5y The Times, London, 25 April 1973 56,' A group of influential South African businessmen who promote South Africa's interests abroad. 59,' land Dail Mail, Johannesburg, 19 January 1973 60; The Observer, London, 11 February 1973

-22- Neither South African nor British businessmen have seen the connexion between the alleged low productivity and the impermanent character of a migrant labour force that is given no training and has little opportunity for education. 61' Some businessmen saw the need for training but sought the answer in isolation; they failed to establish the connexion between the present position of the black labour force and the very purpose of apartheid. Other businessmen were more revealing of their underlying racialism. William Luke, Chairman of the United Kingdom-South Africa Trade Association, told the Commons Select Coiimuittee: "There is a tendency with black Africans, if you pay them more money, to put in less time. He w-Till absent himself as soon as he gets what he considers to be enough." He went on to say that a pretty good proportion of non-whites could in time be trained to do a job as well as a European, but many would not be able to do it at all. 62/ On being pressed, Mr. Luke elaborated. Some non-wzhites might be able to do jobs lihe floor-swreeping, but the extent to which they Were capable of being trained was doubtful. Their mental capacity wzould not take them there. But he hoped he had not given the impression that in his view the black worker was not capable of matching the white. Not all could, but many could. The London Sunday Times described the United Ningdom reaction to the disclosures of wage levels in the folloring way: "There has been little but confusion, self-justification, refusal to discuss specific figures, hiding behind local management and arrogant statements that Africans are not worth paying properly anyway, on the grounds that as soon as they have two rand to rub together they take the day off." 63/ C. The Role of Forein. Investment There has been a wave of horror and public sympathy for the black workers in South Africa and elsewhere. Many of the largest investors in the apartheid system have, however, tried to cash in on public emotion to try and legitimize their investments in South Africa and counter the international campaign which seeks the withdrawal of such investment. They have argued that foreign business interests can work for change from within the apartheid system; that they can and do take the lead in paying 61, See below, p.24 for analysis of one businessman 62 .The Guardian, London, 10 Hay 1973 63 The Sunday. Tims, London, 18 March 1973

-25- higher wages and providing better conditions for black workers; and. that they can reinforce South African business pressure on the Government to make changes in the system. Governments of countries which have been the prime supporters of South Africa in both the political and economic sphere did not fail to echo the same tune. The United States Assistant Secretary of State, 1r. Newson, told the Sub-Committee on Africa of the United States Congress that the United States Government has had consultations with the Governments of other major investing countries on the need to influence firms to upgrade black workers in South Africa. He went on to stress that his Government feels that "peaceful change" can be fostered if American firms try to promote better conditions instead of pulling out. 64/ A iiinister at the British DI-bassy in South Africa, hir. Gross, said of British investm, ent: "We believe in continuing to do business here, but at the same time helping to support peaceful change. We think the British companies here should look at their labour and employment practices to see that they live up to this." 65/ Neither the spokesman of Governments nor of investing companies have sought or been able to explain the process whereby they could bring about "peaceful change". As already indicated above, such changes as have been made have at best scratched the surface of the problem. Uhat is more, the initiative has had to come from the actions of the black workers themselves, whose desperate state aroused international support and sympathy, and forced the hand of the investing companies. The surprise at conditions, which was almost unanimously claimed in British boardrooms in spite of the reports that had been available before the strikes, is evidence of the extent of the real concern for the conditions of blac: workers in South Africa. At the very best, the improvements these companies can make is to allow the black worker to remain oppressed but with a slight degree of comfort. The system of apartheid itself and the very high level of prof its on investments .66/ are alike based on the exploitation of cheap labour. The imperatives of the investment policies will ensure that there is no radical change. Already black workers are being made to pay for the increases. Frims in Ham ersdale, where about 17 factories employ 13,000 black workers in the 9 rand Dai . Hail, Johannesburg, 28 IEarch 1973 65;' The Star, Johannesburg, 17 Miarch 1973 661 British companies have a return of 12 per cent on their investment, the highest except for Halaysia; the United States companies receive over 19 per cent. textile industry, are sacking workers. Eleven per cent of the wrorkforce has been made "redundant" so far. Asked about reports that employers had entered into an agreement to sack 20 per cent of the workers to set against the 20 Der cent pay increase, the co-.chairmah o the "Progr ss Group" said:. '. "Of course we've discussed it among ourselves, but there is no formal agreement. A lot of us have simply agreed that the only way to increase productivity is to do irith less bodies." 6L' While accepting the need for an improvement in the conditions of the workers, one should be tary of being convinced by claims that this in any way changes the system of apartheid itself. Slavery wras not abolished by campaigns to improve the conditions of slaves. The United Nations, the Organization of African Unity, the World Council of Churches and various other groups have long realized that the conditions of the black people depend directly upon the system of apartheid; these organizations have therefore sought means to bring the system itself to an end. In pursuance of this objective, they have urged international investors to disengage from South Africa and thus weaken the economic base of a qartheid. The 7Torld Council of Churches has said: "The contribution of investments to the solution of the land distribution problem is nil, and to black poverty it is infinitesimal. 17hat it does in actuality is strengthen the white economy. More money goes into white wages, from these recipients and the industry itself to the Government in taxes, and from taxes into the military-control machine. The existence of investments results therefore inevitably in the process of strengthening the military machine in order both to protect the interests of the white minority and the foreign investors." Those who claim that disengagement would be against the interests of the black people themselves prefer to forget that the call for disengagement came originally from South Africa, 6" and that the right of a people to self-determination includes the right to decide the degree of sacrifices they will make for their liberation. Significantly, even fourteen years after the decision of the African National Congress, the only people in South Africa who voice opposition to the isolation of the country are those operating on the basis of an acceptance, albeit reluctantly, of the continuation of the apartheid system. 6j TheSunday Times, London, 20 May 1973 .68/ In 1959, Chief Luthuli, President-General of the African National Congress of South Africa, called for the boycott and isolation of South Africa.

-25- This is true also of those black voices in South Africa, who have urged the continuation of foreign investment, most notably recently Chief Gatsha Buthelezi and Chief Kaiser Matanzima. Chief Buthelezi has described himself as "one who is participating in the implementation of this policy (separate development)'. 69,' He argues from a position of acceptance of the status quo. Apartheid is all-powerful and appears impossible to overthrow; therefore he must, in all conscience seek to ameliorate its worst effects. He has said: "History will be the best judge of my actions in agreeing when I ras called in to serve. I did so because no other chance of serving my people in politics is allowed. I did so also because I felt that when there is as much suffering as exists in that situation, it is a moral obligation to alleviate the suffering of human beings in however small a degree one does it." 70; The Black People's Convention 71/ and the South African Students Organization, which do not accept the invulnerability of apaxtheid, have chosen the curative rather than ameliorative path, and have issued calls to international companies to disengage from South Africa. The Coloured People's has also expressed its support for disengagement. lir. Hemson of the Garment Workers Union, in an interview with independent television in Britain, expressed the view that the pressure for rithdrawal was beneficial to the South African worker. The African National Congress has stated: "To us the investor is the ally of our oppressors, a beneficiary from our misery. We want all foreign investors to get out of our country, and leave us free to deal with our oppressors without their interference.. .It is our firmly considered view that opinion however well intentioned it may appear - that opposes our campaign for this withdrawal is, in the long run, only celaying the real change that is essential if South Africa is to be rid of pTartheid and slave labour. It is not enough to grant higher wages here, better conditions there, for this leaves the apartheid system intact, in fact props it up longer - the very source of our misery and degradation." Recent events in South Africa, the actions of black workers and revelations of their conditions validate the position long taken by the United Nations, and reinforce the need for enhanced pressures to bring about the withdrawal of foreign investment and support for apartheid.. 69 Address to the Scandinavian Institute for African Studies YO/ Ibid. yl, For text of the resolution adopted by the National Congress of the Black Peoples Organization, see United Nations Unit on parthei, Notes and D0.cum~ent., No.6, 73

-26- Annex SELECTED LIST OF STRIKES IN SOUTH AFRICA A._ P i. the last six months of 1972 * PUTCO drivers in Johannesburg and Roodepoort. Originally 308 detained and charged under riotous Assembly Act; final number charged: 28. * Ferro Plastic Rubber Industries in Industria. 1,en were fined RlO0 ($133) or 50 days' imprisonment for illegally stopping work and demanding higher wages. * Dockvorkers in Durban. On strike against low pay, poor working conditions and inordinately long working hours. * Coloured and African stevedores at Cape Towm docks. * Iineworkers at a diamond mine near ITindsorton. Charged with staging an illegal strike. Sentenced to 80 days' imprisonment; their contracts were cancelled; and they were repatriated to the reserves. * 200 bus drivers in Pretoria. A fortnight later, there was another strike involving 150 bus drivers. * African staff in the Boksburg laboratories of Colgate-Palmolive were sacked after making demands for higher pay. B. During L97 * 1,560 workers at Coronation Brick and Tile factory set off an action which involved an estimated 100,000 workers in Natal over the following five weeks before settling to the simmering point at which it now stands. Low as the averages in which African wages are normally quoted were, the revelations of the actual wages received by some rorkers in some industries were horrifying: sugar R3.75 ($4.75) per week; wattle R2.06 ($2.68) and R3.17 (";4.21) per week; textiles R7.59 ($11.09) per week are but some of the statistics revealed. 72J * Consolidated and Ioolwashing (a Frame-owned enterprise). 400 African and Indian wTorkers stopped work. Africans were being paid R9.20 ($12.25) per week. African females received R6.35 ($8.44) per week. Indian women were paid R7.55 ($10.04) per week. The workers' demands included an increase of R11 ($1.53) per week; an end to the 72' These wages need to be seen in relation to the poverty datum line for Durban and the surrounding townships, which increased from R77 ($102) per month in Iarch 1972' to R83 ($110.39) per month in January 1973. Rand Dailv Mail, Johannesburg, 8 January 1973. -27-- system where workers had to clock out in order to see a doctor; adequate notice of overtime; an end to searches without consent; and that they should not be kept outside the factory if they were late. * Consolidated Fine Spinners and WTeavers in East London. Workers asked for an increase in wages which ranged from R3.80 (5 .00) to R7.50 (,$;9.97) per ireek. Women strikers said that their last basic increase had been 14 years ago in 1959 when they had received 20c. * Fretex. Basic wage was between R5 (;6.65) and R8 (,10.64). Rents were high and transport costs varied from 3c to 54c Der day. Deductions from wages were made if employees were late or absent from work (medical certificates were not acceptable). " Coronation Brick and Tile C2panv. One of the first firms affected. ages'were R8.-87 "(11 . 80) per week. The management circulated a leaflet info-ming the workers that the strike wzas illegal and that it was instigated by "communists". The "ring leaders" were threatened with severe punishment. When forced to discussions with the workers, company officials were accompanied at all times by police. " T.G. Beckett. Profits during 1972 were R1.6 million ($2.1 million). W:orkers, some had been employed for 15 to 20 years, were paid R10.54 ($14.02). * Consolidated Textile Iills in Jacobs. 2,600 workers were fired. * Metal Box Compa y. 1,000 workers went on strike when offered a 3c per hour increase, brining minimum wage to R13.95 ($10.55) per week. This was R6 ($7.98) below the poverty datum line. * In Hammersdale, 7,000 workers struck in various factories. Workers were being paid R4 - R7 per week. " GrimrrhodCotts. The basic pay of stevedores was R8.50 (11.5ll30) per week, before the strike. " In Stanger, 250 road repairers and dustmen rent on strike. Their basic pay was R6 ($7.98) per week, and their demand was for RlO ($',"13.30). The town clerk of Stanger felt certain they would return as he "doubted they will get other jobs in Stanger at our rates of pay". The men returned after two days and accepted an increase of 25 per cent. * In Umtata, 200 women workers in a weaving factory run by the Xhosa Development Corporation wenton strike. They returned after four days following an undertaking their demands would be considered. Their earnings are R15 ($19.95) per month. " Paton and Baldwin. 300 workers in Randfontein (Transvaal) demanded increases on their pay of R7 to R9 ($9.31 to $ 11.97) per reek for men and R6 to PO (7.98 to $10.64) per week for women.

-28- * House of Coffees (Transvaal). Women workers were receiving R7.80 to Rl0 (0.9.7 "to" $13.50) per week, though some had been with the firm for five years. They complained that when they asked for an increase they were replaced. * South African PulP and Paper Industries, Tugela. In one of the largest industries in the homelands; 2,000 workers went on strike. Wages were as low as *2 (;4.80) per week. Other border industries were affected as orkers came out in sympathy. Basic wages were increased from R7.68 (,'0 l.21) to about RlO.12 ($13.45). " In Johannesburg, 500 delivery men on strike. After receiving increases, wages are D15.75 ($20.85) per week for drivers and R9.90 ($13.17) for delivery men. * In Germiston, 100 workers in steel plant on strike. * In Richards Bay, 700 wrorkers at Alusaf aluminium factory went on strike. Average wages were R6 ($7.98)per week. The company refused to negotiate with a representative of the MKazulu territorial authority. 100 servicemen were sent in "to maintain production" and the men were fired. They said that though they were starving they would not accept an increase that uould bring their wages up to R9.90 (13.71) per week, from which deductions would be made. * Roberts Construction. The entire labour force of 300 involved in work on the smelting site came out in sympathy. They were paid off and told to return home. 336 of the io rkers have been re-engaged and 116 new workers employed. a' * In Charlestown, 1,700 workers at the Veka clothing factory went on strike. The owners, who have close connexions with the Goverrment, said they were "not prepared to be intimidated". The workers were forced to return to work after four days. * 2rumpp after a strike there were increases which gave any employee who had been in the industry for fourmonthsat least R4.80 ($146.39) per week. The highest pay was R12 ($15.96) per week. During the strikes a curfew was imposed on the African township and meetings of more than five people prohibited. * In Cape Ton, Coloured workers at Pepsi Cola stopped work. * In Johannesburg, 500 workers in Clover Dairies walked out. Wages were as low as R15 to R17 (019.95 to $2.61) for a 7-day week without leave. . BRand Djlv ail, Johannesburg, 3 April 1973

-29- * In IGerksdorp, over 300 workers at M illers struck, but returned after tro days. * In Richards Bay, 800 workers at R.B. Six Consortium on strike. Police rith dogs and batons attacked workers and used "traanrook" (tear smoke). " Acme Timber Industries 50 workers on strike. They returned the next day after acdepting offered increase. Workers said they "were frightened and somewhat bitter over small increases". * H.J. Head in Johannesburg, 1,000 workers on strike. The labour officer refused to have anything to do with the Clothing Workers Union of South Africa, which represents 18,000 African clothing workers. Police with dogs stood by. * In HIaraisburg, guards at Fidelity walked out. Police stood by. Men returned and negotiations are proceeding. * In Parktown, Johannesburg, cleaners rho were receiving R7.50 ( 9.97) per wveek went on strike for higher wages. The workers were "to be sent back to Zululand". 74/ * In East London, a strike by drivers of the Border-Passenger Transport Cpm disrupted industry. Police took drivers for "questioning". They returned subsequently pending negotiation bebteen company and Department of Labour. * In Johannesburg, 300 African and Coloured workers on strike. The next day, 400 Africans in the garment industry staged lightning strikes. * In Buffalo, factory came to a halt as workers went to give evidence to a Wages Board. Wages were as low as R8 (";10.64) per week. Uorkers with families of five or six to support were earning R9.60 (,12.76) per week. * In East London, 800 workers employed by LoK Construction went on strike. Workers said they were earning fl9 (.;ll.97) per week. 50 police armed with sten guns, pistols and batons rushed to area. On the same day, 300 stocking factory workers domed tools. * Tonj.. Sugar Mill. On 14 April, 600-700 workers went on strike. Z4 Rand Dail. I , Johannesburg, 3 April 1973

-30- C. Action aain~st strikers " Strikers employed by Durban Corporation were baton-charged when marching. 106 were arrested and later sentenced. * Na.tional Containers. 300 employees were sacked. * Plascon Evans Paints. 400 were dismissed. * T.G. Deckett. 100 dismissed. * 140 construction workers were arrested after a march. Bail ras refused. * Teargas" was used in Hammersdale to disperse marchers. * Five members of the Black People's Convention were arrested for distributing leaflets to African workers. They are: Saths Cooper, N. Reddy, C. Jeffreys, I. Chetty and R. Cooper. * 134 contruction workers were fined Rl50 ($65) or 50 days' imprisonment for striing and inciting others to strike. * Dorman Long fired 80 employees. M r. Joseph Platlene was fined R250 ($332) or 250 days' imprisonment on 2 March for incitement to cause a strike after an incident when 25 African workers at Odendan refused to return to work. The other 24 employees wre due to face charges for striking. 56 African employees of African Bus Services in Pretoria were charged with contravening the act prohibiting strikes or, alternatively, the Riotous Assemblies Act. All 56 had been dismissed after their first court appearance. The case was adjourned. * 52 Durban Corporation labourers who went on strike in February were sacked. * Mployees of J.J.. Raborn (building contractors in Ladysmith) were sacked on 9 Ilarch after they had demanded an immediate increase in their R7.50 (:.;9.97) per week. Police stood by while workers were paid off and later took the workers to the police station for questioning. * Ferrowrarm Alberton Ltd. On 2 April, 150 workers were sacked. Police armed with riot sticks and in saracens were present. At least 14 men were arrested. Uorkers were seeking an increase in a basic rate of 21c per hour for a 45 hour week. One man after working for 18 years was receiving only R13.50 ($)20.81)per week. 75' After going on strike for an increase ranging from R1 (:,1.33) to R3.20 (,$14.25) per day, 180 workers employed at 1ltubatuba were sacked. .75 land Dail_.y ail, Johannesburg, 3 April 1973