Section 2: Direction of the Rehnquist Court Institute of Bill of Rights Law at the William & Mary Law School

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Section 2: Direction of the Rehnquist Court Institute of Bill of Rights Law at the William & Mary Law School College of William & Mary Law School William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository Supreme Court Preview Conferences, Events, and Lectures 2001 Section 2: Direction of the Rehnquist Court Institute of Bill of Rights Law at the William & Mary Law School Repository Citation Institute of Bill of Rights Law at the William & Mary Law School, "Section 2: Direction of the Rehnquist Court" (2001). Supreme Court Preview. 133. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/preview/133 Copyright c 2001 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/preview DIRECTION OF THE COURT In This Section: Unikey A lianx Keeps Cart Centenx Ciity Camisfor O'Camorand Bmer Joan Biskupic .............................................. 24 FL. Rxom DonamtedHig Cant's Tem HistoneRuing in PnsidentialRace Reloea DiziIom, New Bddres A nngJusties Joan Biskupic .......................................... 29 Laig Doun the Laz; Justias Rulai With Corfene Frxn Bush v Gore Onuan4 A ciisrmMarkaiPast Tenn Charles Lane .............................................. 33 High Cant's TennMuh Moe Than "Bush u Gore" Tony Mauro .............................................. 37 The Separationcfjustie and State Linda Greenhouse .......................................... 41 Disaxd A ctuall 7hy Think for Thendzs Richard W. Garnett ............................................................. 44 Wth CaerzatieEdge, HiOh Cant Cuts a Wide Szath Law Justics E nd TennHighihtel by Bush u Gore but Spenkled uith Far-Reabi DeiCiaSIn David G. Savage............................................47 In Year ofFlorida Vote, Supmn CantA ho Did Muah Other Wok Linda Greenhouse .......................................... 51 "RdjuistCant" Sets TermRaad CiJuticeLeans His Mark on Deaisom FrankJ. Murray ........................................ ..-.......... ............ 60 A Majority of Or Jeffrey Rosen .................................................... --. ........... 63 R ing to Caot Fa Yao tJustice A apts Being "Thorn in the Side ofThae Who Vily Ken Foskett ...................................................... Dizidal 77 ey Stand The High Cant and the Tnmph ofDiscord Linda Greenhouse.......................................... 8 7 The Futm f the Establishnent Clause Erwin Cheerinsky .......................................... 90 22 Be A dzisd- 'A darand"andAffinmtiw A ction Wil le Back on the Dodeet Stephen J. Werniel ...................................... 95 23 Unlikely Alliance Keeps Court Centered, Civility Counts for O'Connor and Breyer USA Today Thursday, June 21, 2001 Joan Biskupic A black-tie dinner at the University Club helps explain why the court, in cases here in February was to feature Supreme involving issues such as voting rights, Court Justice Sandra Day O'Connor as abortion and public funding of parochial keynote speaker, with the introduction schools, has adopted a more moderate by another conservative justice, Antonin tone than the stance its majority took in Scalia. Bush vs. Gore. But sometime between cocktails and the O'Connor remains part of the court's appetizer, the organizers realized that conservative wing, which includes Chief Scalia wasn't there. Because of a Justice William Rehnquist and Justices miscommunication, he had never been Anthony Kennedy, Clarence Thomas officially invited. Justice Stephen Breyer and Scalia. But she is most often the happened to be in attendance, and the court's swing vote and for years has been master of ceremonies sheepishly asked the most influential justice. him to fill in for Scalia. That often puts her in alignment with Before long, Breyer, a liberal who was Breyer, who often is more moderate than named to the court by Bill Clinton, was the court's other liberals: John Paul telling the audience about his warm Stevens, David Souter and Ruth Bader relationship with O'Connor, a Ronald Ginsburg. Reagan appointee. Calling O'Connor "a colleague and a friend," Breyer told of "He's the least liberal of the liberals, and their travels together to legal conferences she's the least conservative of the and spoke glowingly of her work on and conservatives," says Georgetown off the bench. University law professor Mark Tushnet, a former Supreme Court clerk who has For a few moments, the audience got a written several books about the court. glimpse of a friendship that has fostered a key alliance on a divided, conservative- Breyer has not replaced Kennedy, who led court that is still mindful of the like O'Connor has been a critical swing rancor it went through before its 5-4 vote. Those two Reagan appointees are ruling last December in the Florida on the same side about 90% of the time. election case. O'Connor and Breyer were But Breyer's alliance with O'Connor is on opposite sides in that ruling, which distinct because they are from opposite gave the presidency to George W. Bush. sides of the ideological divide and yet find common ground -- on and off the But the two justices have teamed up in bench - that often keeps the court from several major rulings over the past two tilting very far to the right. years. It is a developing partnership that 24 The Breyer-O'Connor alliance also but the nation" because the majority reflects other behind-the- scenes factors intervened in a "highly political matter" that help shape some of the decisions of that should have been left to Florida the current court, which is likely to wrap courts. up its term next week O'Connor and Breyer were plainly * Breyer's emergence as an effective disturbed by how the ruling conciliator, even though the 1994 deepened existing divisions among the appointee has the least tenure on the justices and made the court vulnerable to court and is in the liberal minority. accusations that it was just another political body. O'Connor's sometimes-cool relationship with the court's most Soon after the ruling, the two made a conservative justices, Scalia and Thomas. point of lunching together and talking to court clerks who were disenchanted by Even when Scalia and Thomas agree the decision. with O'Connor, they -- or she -- often will write a separate opinion using a Different styles, similar views different rationale. Scalia has belittled O'Connor's legal reasoning when More than their colleagues, O'Connor disagreeing with her. Breyer, meanwhile, and Breyer came to the bench with seems to go out of his way to be experience in building consensus -- respectful of O'Connor in his writings, O'Connor as a former Arizona state even when they disagree. senator and majority leader, Breyer as a former top aide to the * O'Connor and Breyer's strong desire -- Senate Judiciary Committee. shared by some other justices -- that Bush vs. Gore not continue to cast the Their styles are quite different: The tall, court as a panel driven by partisan stately O'Connor appears focused and politics. unflappable. The slightly rumpled Breyer exudes the air of an absent-minded Socially gregarious, O'Connor, 71, and professor (in fact, he taught at Harvard Breyer, 62, have tried to improve Law School). His self-deprecating personal relations among the justices manner contrasts with O'Connor's voice after the tumultuous ruling in December. of certainty. Among the least-known justices, Breyer often jokes about being In that decision, the court's mistaken for Souter. conservatives, including O'Connor, used an "equal protection of the law" rationale But when they join forces, O'Connor they had rejected in cases involving and Breyer forge rulings that reinforce minority rights to back Bush's claim that the court's center, typically settling a continuing to recount presidential ballots specific dispute at hand while leaving would be unconstitutional. The court broader legal issues to be resolved was widely accused of letting politics another day. dictate its ruling. It's an indication of how similarly they roles as jurists: Both see the Breyer said at the time, in dissent, that view their that is built and the ruling could "harm not just the court, law as something 25 defined incrementally, neither looks to Breyer wrote the court's opinion make sweeping legal pronouncements rejecting a complaint by white voters that unless a case absolutely demands it. the oddly shaped district was an unconstitutional racial gerrymander. It O'Connor said in a statement that Breyer was a precisely worded decision that "is exceedingly able and has a practical addressed O'Connor's worries about approach to problem-solving." Breyer racial preferences and quoted heavily echoes such sentiment when referring to from her earlier opinions on her. redistricting. Analysts say theirs is an approach that Voting rights and congressional can mute the influence of ideology in redistricting are among the most certain cases. contentious areas of the law, and such cases typically are decided by "I think Americans generally have more one vote: O'Connor's. The fact that she confidence in judges who do not reach didn't write an opinion indicated a level too broadly," says John Jeffries, dean of of confidence in Breyer's approach. His the University of Virginia law school. opinion showed that, as a practical matter, districts that consolidate blacks "Justice O'Connor is a bottom-up judge. or Hispanics to boost their political She comes to a decision by studying the power can be constitutional. facts of each case. And even though Justice Breyer is more of a systematic The ruling was reminiscent of one of thinker, his opinions are quite Breyer's opinions last year in which he particular." secured O'Connor's vote to strike down Nebraska's ban on a type of abortion Off the bench that involves removing an intact fetus. O'Connor and Breyer also have teamed His majority opinion borrowed many of up outside the court. O'Connor's words from previous abortion cases. It found Nebraska's ban They are strong supporters of the on such abortions unconstitutional American Bar Association's efforts to because the law lacked any "exception provide guidance to nations with for the preservation of the . health of evolving legal systems, such as the the mother" and imposed "an undue former states of the Soviet Union.
Recommended publications
  • Separation of the Governmental System of Powers in This Millennium
    Separation of the Governmental System of Powers in this Millennium The U.S. government is made up of three branches: Legislative, Executive and Judiciary: Legislative: U.S. Congress. Created and maintained by the People. Its primary objective is to make laws. Executive: The Office of the President. Elected by the People by Electoral College. The President’s primary objective is to represent and lead the country, at home and around the world. The President has not the power to impose law (only rules that can be rescinded quite easily) but possesses the power to VETO laws put forth by Congress. Judiciary: The Supreme Court. Currently composed of 9 individual Justices appointed for life by the President and confirmed by the U.S Senate. Their primary objective is to interpret laws. The Supreme Court is shielded from politics so that it can maintain objectivity in its deliberations. *The President can nominate whomever he/she choses. This individual does not need to be a Judge nor does the individual even need to be a lawyer. That said, the Senate would most likely NOT confirm a person who is not perceived to have adequate experience/expertise. The Framers wrote the U.S. Constitution to ensure the health and preservation of our Democracy. Period. They also created a metric to check the President’s power that has impressively stood the test of time. That is until now. President Trump has stressed the system created to preserve our Democracy more than any single one of his 44 predecessors. Up until now, U.S. Presidents have conducted themselves by a largely unwritten code of conduct primarily outlined in the Oath they take on the steps of the Capital on Inauguration Day.
    [Show full text]
  • Opinion Assignment on the Rehnquist Court
    Opinion assignment on the Rehnquist Court Rehnquist’s opinion assignments reflected his ability to balance both the Court’s organizational needs and, occasionally, strategic policy considerations. by FORREST MALTZMAN and PAUL J. WAHLBECK ARTVILLE hen William H. Rehnquist replaced Warren E. completed their work efficiently.4 Rehnquist’s preference Burger as chief justice in 1986, administration for allowing the Court’s administrative needs to guide his Wof the Supreme Court changed markedly. In his opinion assignments was especially pronounced as the 17 years on the job, Chief Justice Burger was reputed to end of the term approached. act strategically to advance his policy objectives. Critics Our account certainly comports with Rehnquist’s own complained that he cast “phony votes” and manipulated description of the factors he weighed in making assign- the assignment of opinions to his brethren.1 For exam- ments: “I tried to be as evenhanded as possible as far as ple, Justice William O. Douglas charged the chief with numbers of cases assigned to each justice, but as the term attempting to “bend the Court to his will by manipulating goes on I take into consid- NATIONAL GEOGRAPHIC SOCIETY assignments” when Chief Justice Burger assigned the task eration the extent to of writing the majority opinion in Roe v. Wade to his col- which the various justices league, fellow Nixon appointee Harry A. Blackman.2 are current in writing and As chief justice, Rehnquist claimed that he approached the task of opinion assignment in a strikingly different manner. “This is an important responsibility,” Rehnquist Justice Harry A. Blackmun, whose papers contain once observed, “and it is desirable that it be discharged 3 the assignment sheets carefully and fairly.” Quantitative analysis of patterns in that the chief justice Rehnquist’s assignment of opinions confirms that he circulated at the close of administered this task largely consistent with the goal of every oral argument.
    [Show full text]
  • Clerk and Justice: the Ties That Bind John Paul Stevens and Wiley B
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by OpenCommons at University of Connecticut University of Connecticut OpenCommons@UConn Connecticut Law Review School of Law 2008 Clerk and Justice: The Ties That Bind John Paul Stevens and Wiley B. Rutledge Laura Krugman Ray Follow this and additional works at: https://opencommons.uconn.edu/law_review Recommended Citation Ray, Laura Krugman, "Clerk and Justice: The Ties That Bind John Paul Stevens and Wiley B. Rutledge" (2008). Connecticut Law Review. 5. https://opencommons.uconn.edu/law_review/5 CONNECTICUT LAW REVIEW VOLUME 41 NOVEMBER 2008 NUMBER 1 Article Clerk and Justice: The Ties That Bind John Paul Stevens and Wiley B. Rutledge LAURA KRUGMAN RAY Justice John Paul Stevens, now starting his thirty-third full term on the Supreme Court, served as law clerk to Justice Wiley B. Rutledge during the Court’s 1947 Term. That experience has informed both elements of Stevens’s jurisprudence and aspects of his approach to his institutional role. Like Rutledge, Stevens has written powerful opinions on issues of individual rights, the Establishment Clause, and the reach of executive power in wartime. Stevens has also, like Rutledge, been a frequent author of dissents and concurrences, choosing to express his divergences from the majority rather than to vote in silence. Within his chambers, Stevens has in many ways adopted his own clerkship experience in preference to current models. Unlike the practices of most of his colleagues, Stevens hires fewer clerks, writes his own first drafts, and shares certiorari decisionmaking with his clerks.
    [Show full text]
  • Lessons Learned from Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg
    LESSONS LEARNED FROM JUSTICE RUTH BADER GINSBURG Amanda L. Tyler* INTRODUCTION Serving as a law clerk for Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg in the Supreme Court’s October Term 1999 was one of the single greatest privileges and honors of my life. As a trailblazer who opened up opportunities for women, she was a personal hero. How many people get to say that they worked for their hero? Justice Ginsburg was defined by her brilliance, her dedication to public service, her resilience, and her unwavering devotion to taking up the Founders’ calling, set out in the Preamble to our Constitution, to make ours a “more perfect Union.”1 She was a profoundly dedicated public servant in no small measure because she appreciated just how important her role was in ensuring that our Constitution belongs to everyone. Whether as an advocate or a Justice, she tirelessly fought to dismantle discrimination and more generally to open opportunities for every person to live up to their full human potential. Without question, she left this world a better place than she found it, and we are all the beneficiaries. As an advocate, Ruth Bader Ginsburg challenged our society to liber- ate all persons from the gender-based stereotypes that held them back. As a federal judge for forty years—twenty-seven of them on the Supreme Court—she continued and expanded upon that work, even when it meant in dissent calling out her colleagues for improperly walking back earlier gains or halting future progress.2 In total, she wrote over 700 opinions on the D.C.
    [Show full text]
  • The US Supreme Court and Criminal Justice Policy
    The University of Akron IdeaExchange@UAkron Akron Law Review Akron Law Journals July 2015 The mpI act of New Justices: The .SU . Supreme Court and Criminal Justice Policy Christopher E. Smith Please take a moment to share how this work helps you through this survey. Your feedback will be important as we plan further development of our repository. Follow this and additional works at: http://ideaexchange.uakron.edu/akronlawreview Part of the Criminal Law Commons, Judges Commons, and the Supreme Court of the United States Commons Recommended Citation Smith, Christopher E. (1997) "The mpI act of New Justices: The .SU . Supreme Court and Criminal Justice Policy," Akron Law Review: Vol. 30 : Iss. 1 , Article 3. Available at: http://ideaexchange.uakron.edu/akronlawreview/vol30/iss1/3 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Akron Law Journals at IdeaExchange@UAkron, the institutional repository of The nivU ersity of Akron in Akron, Ohio, USA. It has been accepted for inclusion in Akron Law Review by an authorized administrator of IdeaExchange@UAkron. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. Smith: The U.S. Supreme Court and Criminal Justice Policy The Impact of New Justices: The U.S. Supreme Court and Criminal Justice Policy by * Christopher E. Smith I. Introduction The Supreme Court is an important policy-making institution. In criminal justice,1 for example, the high court issues decisions affecting institutions, actors, and processes throughout the justice system, from police investigations2 through corrections and parole.3 The Court's policy decisions affecting criminal justice are produced by the votes of the nine justices who select, hear, decide, and issue opinions in cases.
    [Show full text]
  • Sanct. That the Principal of Equality of Justice for All Has T
    223 We are saying that there are certain things that should be sacro- sanct. That the principal of equality of justice for all has to have meaning, and that indeed, people who have views on individual rights and on sex discrimination, that put in question our whole records on how to end discrimination in affirmative action, should not be confirmed, because all we will be doing is reliving the bat- tles of the 1950's and the 1960's again and again, and it is enough. Senator BIDEN. Thank you. Senator MATHIAS. Once again, I think, for the second time, I thank you for your attendance at this hearing Mr. GOLD. And thank you for your patience, Senator. Senator MATHIAS [continuing]. And your very helpful comments. We appreciate it. Mr. RAUH. Thank you, sir. Senator BIDEN. Thank you all. Senator MATHIAS. May I inquire if Mr. Roy C. Jones of the Liber- ty Federation is in the room? Is Mr. Jones in the room? [No response.] Senator MATHIAS. Then our third panel will be composed of Mrs. LaHaye, the president of Concerned Women for America; Mr. Bruce Fein of United Families Foundation; Miss Sally Katzen, a lawyer with Wilmer, Cutler & Pickering; and Mr. Jack Fuller, the editorial editor of the Chicago Tribune. If you will all raise your right hands. Do you swear that the tes- timony you will give in this proceeding will be the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth, so help you God? Mrs. LAHAYE. I do. Mr. FEIN. I do. Ms. KATZEN. I do.
    [Show full text]
  • The Honorable William H. Rehnquist 1924–2005
    (Trim Line) (Trim Line) THE HONORABLE WILLIAM H. REHNQUIST 1924–2005 [ 1 ] VerDate jan 13 2004 15:12 Mar 26, 2008 Jkt 023500 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 6687 Sfmt 6687 C:\DOCS\PRINTED\23500.TXT CRS1 PsN: SKAYNE VerDate jan 13 2004 15:12 Mar 26, 2008 Jkt 023500 PO 00000 Frm 00002 Fmt 6687 Sfmt 6687 C:\DOCS\PRINTED\23500.TXT CRS1 PsN: SKAYNE (Trim Line) (Trim Line) WILLIAM H. REHNQUIST CHIEF JUSTICE OF THE UNITED STATES MEMORIAL TRIBUTES IN THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES VerDate jan 13 2004 15:12 Mar 26, 2008 Jkt 023500 PO 00000 Frm 00003 Fmt 6687 Sfmt 6687 C:\DOCS\PRINTED\23500.TXT CRS1 PsN: SKAYNE scourt1.eps (Trim Line) (Trim Line) Photograph by Dane Penland, Smithsonian Institution Courtesy the Supreme Court of the United States William H. Rehnquist VerDate jan 13 2004 15:12 Mar 26, 2008 Jkt 023500 PO 00000 Frm 00004 Fmt 6687 Sfmt 6688 C:\DOCS\PRINTED\23500.TXT CRS1 PsN: SKAYNE 23500.001 (Trim Line) (Trim Line) S. DOC. 109–7 WILLIAM H. REHNQUIST CHIEF JUSTICE OF THE UNITED STATES MEMORIAL TRIBUTES IN THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON : 2006 VerDate jan 13 2004 15:12 Mar 26, 2008 Jkt 023500 PO 00000 Frm 00005 Fmt 6687 Sfmt 6687 C:\DOCS\PRINTED\23500.TXT CRS1 PsN: SKAYNE scourt1.eps (Trim Line) (Trim Line) Compiled under the direction of the Joint Committee on Printing Trent Lott, Chairman VerDate jan 13 2004 15:12 Mar 26, 2008 Jkt 023500 PO 00000 Frm 00006 Fmt 6687 Sfmt 6687 C:\DOCS\PRINTED\23500.TXT CRS1 PsN: SKAYNE (Trim Line) (Trim Line) Order for Printing Mr.
    [Show full text]
  • Justice John Paul Stevens Retires from the Bench
    VOLUME XXXII NUMBER 2, 2010 JUSTICE JOHN PAUL STEVENS RETIRES FROM THE BENCH On Monday, June 29, 2010, Justice John Paul Stevens Justice Stevens was raised in Chicago by an influential sat in a formal session of Court for the last time as an active family that operated the Stevens Hotel. At the time, that hotel member of the Supreme Court of the United States. He an- was the largest in the world, boasting 3,000 rooms. nounced on April 9, 2010 his intention to resign in a letter Justice Stevens attended the University of Chicago and to the President. Justice Stevens wrote: “Having concluded then the Northwestern University School of Law. As with that it would be in the best interests of the Court to have my many of his generation, his education was interrupted by successor appointed and confirmed well in advance of the service in the Navy during World War II. When speaking of commencement of the Court’s Photo credit—Photo by Steve Petteway his military experience, Ste- Next Term, I shall retire from vens is fond of reporting that regular active service as an he joined the Navy on Dec. Associate Justice . effec- 6, 1941. “I’m sure you know tive the next day after the how the enemy responded Court rises for the summer the following day,” he quips, recess this year.” His resigna- alluding to the attack at Pearl tion had been anticipated for Harbor that took place on some time following unof- December 7, 1941. Like his ficial comments he made and previous colleague Lewis F.
    [Show full text]
  • The Supreme Court of the United States
    The Supreme Court of the United States Hearings and Reports on the Successful and Unsuccessful Nominations Now Includes the Kavanaugh and Preliminary Barrett Volumes! This online set contains all existing Senate documents for 1916 to date, as a result of the hearings and subsequent hearings on Supreme Court nominations� Included in the volumes are hearings never before made public! The series began with three volumes devoted to the controversial confirmation of Louis Brandeis, the first nominee subject to public hearings. The most recent complete volumes cover Justice Kavanaugh. After two years, the Judiciary Committee had finally released Kavanaugh’s nomination hearings, so we’ve been able to complete the online volumes� The material generated by Kavanaugh’s nomination was so voluminous that it takes up 8 volumes� The definitive documentary history of the nominations and confirmation process, this ongoing series covers both successful and unsuccessful nominations� As a measure of its importance, it is now consulted by staff of the Senate Judiciary Committee as nominees are considered� Check your holdings and complete your print set! Volume 27 (1 volume) 2021 Amy Coney Barrett �����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������Online Only Volume 26 (8 volumes) - 2021 Brett Kavanaugh ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������Online Only Volume 25 (2 books) - 2018 Neil M� Gorsuch ����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������$380�00
    [Show full text]
  • What Does Justice Scalia's Death Mean for Congress and the Nation?
    CRS Reports & Analysis Legal Sidebar What Does Justice Scalia’s Death Mean for Congress and the Nation? 02/16/2016 Over the weekend, the nation was shocked to learn of the passing of Supreme Court Justice Antonin Scalia. The death of the longest serving and, in the view of some commentators, most influential Justice on the current Court will have significant implications for the third branch of government. Justice Scalia’s absence may alter the outcome of several cases of interest to Congress pending before the Court and could mark a seismic shift in many legal doctrines, depending on who is confirmed to fill the newly vacant seat on the Court. The job of confirming the President’s nomination to fill the vacancy resides with the Senate, making Justice Scalia’s death likely to have a profound impact in both the short and long term on Congress. This sidebar, the first of several pending CRS projects on Justice Scalia and the new Supreme Court vacancy, provides an overview of the major implications of Justice Scalia’s death for Congress. Court’s Consideration of Cases in the Current and Future Terms Justice Scalia’s passing will undoubtedly impact the work of the Court in the near and long term. He brought well- known views regarding textualism and originalism to his consideration of cases before the Court. Textualism can be broadly described as a method of construing statutes and other texts that focuses on the plain meaning of the words used, affording little, if any, significance to extrinsic sources, like legislative history.
    [Show full text]
  • Justice Sandra Day O'connor: the World's Most Powerful Jurist?
    JUSTICE SANDRA DAY O'CONNOR: THE WORLD'S MOST POWERFUL JURIST? DIANE LOWENTHAL AND BARBARA PALMER* I. INTRODUCTION Justice Sandra Day O'Connor has been called a "major force on [the] Supreme Court,"' the "real" Chief Justice, 2 and "America's most powerful jurist."' 3 Others have referred to her as "the most 5 powerful woman in America" 4 and even of "the world.", Even compared to women like Eleanor Roosevelt and Hillary Clinton, there is no one "who has had a more profound effect on society than any other American woman... If someone else had been appointed to her position on the court, our nation might now be living under different rules for abortion, affirmative action, race, religion in school and civil rights. We might well have a different president." 6 Former Acting Solicitor General Walter Dellinger noted, "What is most striking is the assurance with which this formerly obscure state court judge effectively decides many hugely important questions for a country of 275 million people.",7 As one journalist put it, "We are all living in * Diane Lowenthal, Ph.D. in Social and Decision Sciences, Carnegie Mellon University and Barbara Palmer, Ph.D. in Political Science, University of Minnesota, are assistant professors in American University's Washington Semester Program. The authors would like to thank their undergraduate research assistants, Amy Bauman, Nick Chapman-Hushek, and Amanda White. This paper was presented at October 28, 2004 Town Hall The Sway of the Swing Vote: Justice Sandra Day O'Connor and Her Influence on Issues of Race, Religion, Gender and Class sponsored by the University of Maryland Law Journal of Race, Religion, Gender and Class and the Women, Leadership and Equality Program.
    [Show full text]
  • Taking Note: Justice Harry A. Blackmun's Observations from Oral
    Taking Note: Justice Harry A. Blackmun’s Observations from Oral Argument about Life, the Law, and the U.S. Supreme Court AMANDA C. BRYAN, RACHAEL HOUSTON, and TIMOTHY R. JOHNSON Introduction Thus, while Blackmun took his (usual) notes on Christopher Wright’s arguments for On November 4, 1992, the U.S. Supreme the federal government, Blackmun’s mind, Court heard oral arguments in Bath Iron and his pencil, wandered to how his life might Works v. Workers’ Compensation Programs.1 quickly change. Writing in his characteristic As attorneys presented their arguments, Jus- green pencil, he mused about the implica- tice Harry A. Blackmun, like the entire tions of the election, “What do I do now. nation, had a lot on his mind because the [R]etire at once, 6/30/93, 6/30/94.” He added, night before William Jefferson Clinton had perhaps nostalgically, “33 years ago today, I been elected the first Democratic President in went on the fed bench! Seems like yesterday. twelve years. While the political implications What a privileged experience!” of the Clinton victory would be undoubtedly We know what was going on in Black- vast, Blackmun was more concerned with mun’s mind that day only because he was a how it would affect him personally. It was just habitual note-taker. In fact, as he did in Bath days until Blackmun’s eighty-fourth birthday, Iron Works, in almost every case Blackmun and it suddenly seemed viable for him to took copious notes about what transpired depart and allow the new President to make a during oral arguments.
    [Show full text]