DOCSLIB.ORG

WELFARE CHAUVINISM, a PRIVILEGE of the WEALTHY? Clara Lundén a Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the University of North Carol

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
WELFARE CHAUVINISM, a PRIVILEGE of the WEALTHY? Clara Lundén a Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of the University of North Carol WELFARE CHAUVINISM, A PRIVILEGE OF THE WEALTHY? Clara Lundén A thesis submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in the Department of Political Science, Concentration European Governance. Chapel Hill 2021 Approved by: Dominic Nyhuis Donald Searing Robert Jenkins © 2021 Clara Lundén ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT Clara Lundén: Welfare Chauvinism, a Privilege of the Wealthy? (Under the direction of Dominic Nyhuis, Amy Alexander and Gefjon Off) This thesis looks at realistic group conflict theory to explain how socioeconomic status influences welfare chauvinism. It also introduces the concept of a cost-bearing factor, which suggests that individuals who feel like they pay disproportionally for welfare are less willing to extend welfare to immigrants, to explain why social spending may influence welfare chauvinistic attitudes. The study poses that the effect of socioeconomic status may vary depending on a country’s social spending. By using multinomial logistic regression, individual- level data from the eighth round of the European Social Survey and country-level data from OECD are used to look at the relationship between socioeconomic status and social spending as predictors for welfare chauvinism. The results indicate that while the effect of socioeconomic status is partially conditional upon low social spending, there is no proof that the effect of socioeconomic status on welfare chauvinism is conditional upon high social spending. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS LIST OF FIGURES ................................................................................................................................ vi LIST OF GRAPHS ................................................................................................................................ vii LIST OF TABLES ................................................................................................................................ viii 1. INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................................... 1 1.2. Aim ................................................................................................................................................ 2 1.3. Structure ........................................................................................................................................ 3 2. LITERATURE REVIEW ................................................................................................................ 4 2. 1. Welfare Chauvinism .................................................................................................................... 4 2. 2. Material self-interest .................................................................................................................... 6 2.2.1. Socioeconomic status ............................................................................................................. 7 2.2.2. Social spending .................................................................................................................... 10 3. THEORY ....................................................................................................................................... 14 3.1 Realistic group conflict theory ..................................................................................................... 14 3.2 The conditional factor .................................................................................................................. 16 4. MATERIAL AND METHOD ....................................................................................................... 21 4.1 Material ........................................................................................................................................ 21 4.1.1 Dependent variable ............................................................................................................... 21 4.1.2 Independent variables ........................................................................................................... 22 4.1.3 Control variables ................................................................................................................... 25 iv 4.2 Method ......................................................................................................................................... 28 5. RESULTS ...................................................................................................................................... 31 5.1 Descriptive statistics .................................................................................................................... 31 5.2 Multinomial Logistic Regressions ............................................................................................... 34 5.2.1 Hypothesis 1 .......................................................................................................................... 34 5.2.2 Hypothesis 2 .......................................................................................................................... 40 5.2.3 Hypothesis 3a ........................................................................................................................ 43 5.2.4 Hypothesis 3b ........................................................................................................................ 49 5.3 Control variables .......................................................................................................................... 54 6. DISCUSSION ................................................................................................................................ 57 6.1 Realistic group conflict theory and socioeconomic status. .......................................................... 57 6.2 The cost-bearing factor and social spending ................................................................................ 58 6.3 An interacting effect? ................................................................................................................... 61 7. CONCLUSIONS ............................................................................................................................ 65 APPENDIX ............................................................................................................................................ 69 REFERENCES ....................................................................................................................................... 83 Literature ............................................................................................................................................ 83 Datasets .............................................................................................................................................. 86 v LIST OF FIGURES Figure 1. Theoretical Model ................................................................................................................... 17 vi LIST OF GRAPHS Graph 1. Social spending ....................................................................................................................... 24 Graph 2. Welfare Chauvinism ............................................................................................................... 31 Graph 3. Living on income .................................................................................................................... 32 Graph 4. Social spending, dummy variables .......................................................................................... 32 Graph 5. Controlled crosstabulations ..................................................................................................... 33 Graph 6. Margins plots over Model 3 .................................................................................................... 44 Graph 7. Margins plots over Model 6 .................................................................................................... 49 vii LIST OF TABLES Table 1. Multinomial logistic regressions .............................................................................................. 35 Table A 1. Variable list .......................................................................................................................... 69 Table A 2. Mean estimation table .......................................................................................................... 70 Table A 3. Tabulation of Welfare chauvinism ....................................................................................... 71 Table A 4. Tabulation of Living on Income .......................................................................................... 71 Table A 5. Crosstabulation of Welfare chauvinism and Living on income when High-spend dummy=0(Other) with Chi-square ........................................................................... 71 Table A 6. Crosstabulation of Welfare chauvinism and Living on income when High-spend dummy=1(High) with Chi-Square ........................................................................... 72 Table A 7. Crosstabulation of Welfare chauvinism and Living on income when Low-spend dummy=0(Others) with Chi-square ........................................................................... 72 Table A 8. Crosstabulation of Welfare chauvinism and Living on income when Low-spend dummy=1(Low) with Chi-square .............................................................................
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Rikke Alberg Peters
    Conjunctions: Transdisciplinary Journal of Cultural Participation Become Immortal! Mediatization and mediation processes of extreme right protest Rikke Alberg Peters This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial 3.0 Unported License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0/), permitting all non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited Conjunctions, vol. 2, no. 1, 2015, ISSN 2246-3755, https://doi.org/10.7146/tjcp.v2i1.22274 keywords Right-wing extremism, neo-fascism, protest action, mediation, mediatization, ethno-nationalism abstract Th is paper presents a case study of the German neo-fascist network Th e Immortals (Die Unsterblichen) who in 2011 performed a fl ash-mob, which was disseminated on YouTube for the so-called “Become Immortal” campaign. Th e street protest was designed for and adapted to the specifi c characteristics of online activism. It is a good example of how new contentious action repertoires in which online and street activism intertwine have also spread to extreme right groups. Despite its neo-fascist and extreme right content, the “Become Immortal” campaign serves as an illustrative case for the study of mediated and mediatized activism. In order to analyze the protest form, the visual aesthetics and the discourse of Th e Immortals, the paper mobilizes three concepts from media and communication studies: media practice, mediation, and mediatiza- tion. It will be argued that the current transformation and modernization processes of the extreme right can be conceptualized and understood through the lens of these three concepts.
    [Show full text]
  • Populism and Fascism
    Populism and Fascism An evaluation of their similarities and differences MA Thesis in Philosophy University of Amsterdam Graduate School of Humanities Titus Vreeke Student number: 10171169 Supervisor: Dr. Robin Celikates Date: 04-08-2017 1 Table of Contents Introduction ............................................................................................................................................... 3 1. Ideology ............................................................................................................................................. 8 1.1 Introduction ....................................................................................................................................... 8 1.2 Populism and fascism as ideologies ........................................................................................................ 9 1.3 The Dichotomies of Populism and Fascism ........................................................................................... 13 1.4 Culture and Nationalism in Populism and Fascism ............................................................................... 19 1.5 The Form of the State and its Role in Security ...................................................................................... 22 1.6 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................................. 25 2. Practice ...............................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Marketing Fragment 6 X 10.T65
    Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-85081-0 - Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe Cas Mudde Index More information Index Note: Abbreviations of party names are as in the list in the front of the book. abortion 95 asylum seekers 70, 212 Adorno, Theodor 22, 216, 217 Ataka 65, 181 Agir 169 agricultural sector 128 agriculture 127–8 anti-Roma sentiment 87 Albania 51 anti-Semitism 81, 82 Albertazzi, Daniele 56 Christianity and 85 All-Polish Youth 269 economic program 122 al-Qaeda 84 EU membership 164, 165 Altemeyer, Bob 22–3 Islamophobia 84 Americanization 190–2 plebiscitary initiatives 153 Amesberger, Helga 91, 93, 111 protectionism 126 AN 56, 259 recall of MPs 153 in the European Parliament 178, 179 referendums 152 immigration 189 Vienna Declaration 180 the media and 250 AUNS 152, 269 women in the electorate 116 Austria 42, 49, 112, 134, 286 Anastasakis, Othon 5, 32 authoritarianism 22–3, 145–50, 296, Anderson, Benedict 19, 65, 71 300 Andeweg, Rudy B. 34 and electoral success 216–17, 287 Andreas-Hofer-Preis 172 insecurity and 297 ANL 247 studies on 221 Annemans, Gerolf 133, 276 AWS 45, 238, 250 ANO 252 Azione Sociale 180 Antall, Jozef 75 Aznar, Jos´eMar´ıa281 anti-Americanism 77–8 Antic Gaber, Milica 102 Balkans 142, 211, 215 anti-establishment sentiments 221 Ball, Terence 15 anti-globalization movement 7, 196 Baltic states 53–4, 142, 211, 215 anti-racist movements 247 Barber, Benjamin 185 anti-Semitism 22, 79–81, 84 Barney, Darin David 151, 152, 155 globalization and 188, 189, 195 Basques 71 Arab European League, minority rights Bayer, Josef 156 149 BBB 47 Arad, Eyal 84 Belgium 20, 42–3, 49, 51, 192 Arghezi, Mitzura Dominica 98 Bennett, David H.
    [Show full text]
  • Welfare Chauvinism – Who Cares? Evidence on Priorities and the Importance the Public Attributes to Expanding Or Retrenching Welfare Entitlements of Immigrants
    Welfare Chauvinism – Who Cares? Evidence on Priorities and the Importance the Public Attributes to Expanding or Retrenching Welfare Entitlements of Immigrants Matthias Enggist University of Zurich August 2019 Abstract In many Western European countries, welfare rights of immigrants have emerged as an important issue on the political agenda, while an extensive body of research has documented growing welfare chauvinistic preferences. However, we do not know much about the importance people attach to welfare chauvinism relative to welfare benefits for other social groups such as pensioners, the unemployed or families. This paper, therefore, addresses the question whether citizens in Western European countries prioritize expanding or restricting welfare entitlements for immigrants. Or do they subordinate this issue to other social policy reforms? Moreover, focusing on priorities allows me to disentangle which proponents of welfare rights for immigrants remain supportive even when rising benefits for immigrants comes at the cost of lowering benefits for themselves and to contribute to the debate whether welfare chauvinism is more strongly correlated with attitudes on an economic-redistributive or socio-cultural dimension. To investigate both the importance of and the priorities for welfare chauvinism, I rely on conjoint experiments and rating questions from an original survey recently fielded in eight Western European countries. I show that welfare chauvinism is indeed one of the social policy reform issues the public has strongest preferences on – more than for example on unemployment benefits or childcare. This despite the share of financial resources benefitting immigrants being relatively small. Importance of welfare chauvinism is high for both its proponents as well as its opponents.
    [Show full text]
  • WING POPULISM: CAPTURING the GLOBE Pratishtha Rao Department of Political Science, University of Delhi
    J. S. Asian Stud. 08 (02) 2019. 79-90 DOI: 10.33687/jsas.008.02.3009 Available Online at EScience Press Journal of South Asian Studies ISSN: 2307-4000 (Online), 2308-7846 (Print) https://esciencepress.net/journals/JSAS WING POPULISM: CAPTURING THE GLOBE Pratishtha Rao Department of Political Science, University of Delhi. New Delhi, India. *Corresponding Author Email ID: [email protected] A B S T R A C T This article is an attempt to explore the reasons for the recent trend of the rise of rightwing populism in the whole world. The origin of the terms ‘left’ and ‘right’ dates back to the French Revolution and the seating arrangements. The term ‘right’ was soon understood to mean reactionary or monarchist, and the term ‘left’ implied revolutionary or egalitarian sympathies. While populism is an idea of grouping people against ‘the elites. Both right ideology and populism are based on the segregation of society in two sections. When right wing political ideology merges with populist ideology, it is termed as “Right wing populism”. Right wing populists generally converge on issues like opposing immigration, nativism, protectionism etc. This ideology is gaining popularity rapidly in the present world order. The reasons are many, like social media, print and electronic media, civil society, economic instability, and charismatic leadership. Along with this the article also tries to find out the connection of hatred and human nature with the rise of right-wing populism. It focuses on how when hatred at the international level is justified it gives away for hatred at the domestic level as well which results in the cause and effect of right-wing populism.
    [Show full text]
  • What's Left of the Left: Democrats and Social Democrats in Challenging
    What’s Left of the Left What’s Left of the Left Democrats and Social Democrats in Challenging Times Edited by James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Duke University Press Durham and London 2011 © 2011 Duke University Press All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America on acid- free paper ♾ Typeset in Charis by Tseng Information Systems, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data appear on the last printed page of this book. Contents Acknowledgments vii Introduction: The New World of the Center-Left 1 James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Part I: Ideas, Projects, and Electoral Realities Social Democracy’s Past and Potential Future 29 Sheri Berman Historical Decline or Change of Scale? 50 The Electoral Dynamics of European Social Democratic Parties, 1950–2009 Gerassimos Moschonas Part II: Varieties of Social Democracy and Liberalism Once Again a Model: 89 Nordic Social Democracy in a Globalized World Jonas Pontusson Embracing Markets, Bonding with America, Trying to Do Good: 116 The Ironies of New Labour James Cronin Reluctantly Center- Left? 141 The French Case Arthur Goldhammer and George Ross The Evolving Democratic Coalition: 162 Prospects and Problems Ruy Teixeira Party Politics and the American Welfare State 188 Christopher Howard Grappling with Globalization: 210 The Democratic Party’s Struggles over International Market Integration James Shoch Part III: New Risks, New Challenges, New Possibilities European Center- Left Parties and New Social Risks: 241 Facing Up to New Policy Challenges Jane Jenson Immigration and the European Left 265 Sofía A. Pérez The Central and Eastern European Left: 290 A Political Family under Construction Jean- Michel De Waele and Sorina Soare European Center- Lefts and the Mazes of European Integration 319 George Ross Conclusion: Progressive Politics in Tough Times 343 James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Bibliography 363 About the Contributors 395 Index 399 Acknowledgments The editors of this book have a long and interconnected history, and the book itself has been long in the making.
    [Show full text]
  • Welfare Nostalgia and the Populist Radical Right in the Netherlands, Austria and Sweden
    Journal of International and Comparative Social Policy (2021), 37: 2, 128–141 doi:10.1017/ics.2020.30 ARTICLE Those were the days: welfare nostalgia and the populist radical right in the Netherlands, Austria and Sweden Sven Schreurs Faculty of Arts, University of Groningen, Groningen, The Netherlands Email: [email protected] (Received 13 July 2020; revised 6 October 2020; accepted 7 October 2020) Abstract In academia and beyond, it has become commonplace to regard populist parties – in particular, those on the radical right – as the archetypical embodiment of politics of nostalgia. Demand-side studies suggest that nostalgic sentiments motivate populist radical-right (PRR) voting and welfare chauvinist attitudes, yet systematic analyses of the nostalgic discourse that these parties promote have not been forthcoming. This paper seeks to fill that lacuna by analysing how the Freedom Party of Austria, the Dutch Party for Freedom and the Sweden Democrats framed the historical fate of the welfare state in their electoral discourse between 2008 and 2018. It demonstrates that their commitment to welfare chauvinism finds expression in a common repertoire of “welfare nostalgia,” manifested in the different modes of “reaction,”“conservation” and “modernisation.” Giving substance to a widespread intuition about PRR nostalgia, the paper breaks ground for further research into nostalgic ideas about social policy. Keywords: nostalgia; radical right; populism; welfare state; collective memory; welfare chauvinism Introduction Populist political parties and movements are often seen to embody a contemporary politics of nostalgia (Campanella & Dassù, 2019; Kenny, 2017). Those on the radical right, in particular, are perceived as profligate consumers and fervent producers of a nostalgic language that expresses a lost sense of “place” and a longing for “home” (Duyvendak, 2011).
    [Show full text]
  • Welfare Chauvinism in the Baltics
    SSE Riga Student Research Papers 2020 : 7 (229) WELFARE CHAUVINISM IN THE BALTICS Authors: Monta Jaunarāja Eva Linda Poiša ISSN 1691-4643 ISBN 978-9984-822-51-8 September 2020 Riga Welfare Chauvinism in the Baltics Monta Jaunar āja and Eva Linda Poiša Supervisor: Dominik Gerber September 2020 Riga Table of Contents Abstract ........................................................................................................................... 4 1. Introduction ................................................................................................................ 5 2. Literature review ........................................................................................................ 8 2.1. Populism ............................................................................................................................ 8 2.2. Populism in the Baltics ................................................................................................... 11 2.3. Welfare Chauvinism ....................................................................................................... 14 2.4. Party Policy Classifications ............................................................................................ 16 2.5. Welfare System Classifications ...................................................................................... 18 2.6. Welfare System Effects on Welfare Chauvinism ......................................................... 19 2.7. Welfare Systems in the Baltics......................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Innuendo As Outreach: @Narendramodi and the Use of Political Irony on Twitter
    International Journal of Communication 11(2017), 4197–4218 1932–8036/20170005 Innuendo as Outreach: @narendramodi and the Use of Political Irony on Twitter JOYOJEET PAL PRIYANK CHANDRA PADMA CHIRUMAMILLA VAISHNAV KAMESWARAN ANDRE GONAWELA UDIT THAWANI PRITIKA DASGUPTA University of Michigan, USA Our analysis of tweets from @narendramodi demonstrates how the Indian prime minister used political irony, enacted through sarcasm and wordplay, to refashion his political style and practice into a more broadly appealing populist ethic. We deconstruct confrontational Twitter messages laced with innuendo to explore the use of language as a means of political self-representation. Modi’s use of irony provides a form of political spectacle and demonstrably resonates on social media, as quantified by the high retweeting of his sarcastically worded messages. We identify three rhetorical strategies in these tweets: (1) appeals to the base through the use of popular idiom, (2) creation of a shared cognitive environment to allow followers in on inside jokes and a means of affiliating with the leader, and (3) the performance of righteousness in underlining the leader’s use of wit and restraint. We argue that the use of political irony in these tweets must be seen as part of a longer-term performative effort to recast Modi’s political image from a regional strongman into a sophisticated communicator. Keywords: Twitter, India, Narendra Modi, sarcasm, irony, populism Narendra Modi has more than 35 million followers on Twitter and 43 million likes on Facebook, a combined tally greater than that of any other elected leader in the world.1 He has more direct social media Joyojeet Pal: [email protected] Priyank Chandra: [email protected] Padma Chirumamilla: [email protected] Vaishnav Kameswaran: [email protected] Andre Gonawela: [email protected] Udit Thawani: [email protected] Pritika Dasgupta: [email protected] Date submitted: 2016–12–05 Copyright © 2017 (Joyojeet Pal, Priyank Chandra, Padma Chirumamilla, Vaishnav Kameswaran, Andre Gonawela, and Pritika Dasgupta).
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics and Policies of Welfare Chauvinism Under the Sign of The
    Published in Critical Social Policy 36(3): 321–329 (2016). The Politics and Policies of Welfare Chauvinism under the Sign of the Economic Crisis Suvi Keskinen, Ov Cristian Norocel and Martin Bak Jørgensen Abstract: The ongoing economic crisis that emerged in the wake of the global recession in 2008, and followed by the more recent crisis of the Eurozone, has introduced new themes and remoulded old ways of approaching the welfare state, immigration, national belonging and racism in Northern Europe. This article identifies two main ways of understanding welfare chauvinism: 1) as a broad concept that covers all sorts of claims and policies to reserve welfare benefits to the ‘native’ population; 2) an ethno-nationalist and racialising political agenda, characteristic especially of right-wing populist parties. Focusing on the relationship between politics and policies, we examine how welfare chauvinist political agendas are turned into policies and what hinders welfare chauvinist claims from becoming policy matters and welfare practices. It is argued that welfare chauvinism targeting migrants is part of a broader neoliberal restructuring of the welfare state and of welfare retrenchment Key words: welfare chauvinism, economic crisis, national belonging, neoliberalism, immigration 1 The ongoing economic crisis that emerged in the wake of the global recession in 2008, and followed by the more recent crisis of the Eurozone, has introduced new themes and remoulded old ways of approaching the welfare state, immigration and national belonging in many European countries. Several Northern European countries have witnessed the emergence and intensification of strong appeals for exclusionary politics, expressed in the growing support for right-wing populist parties, the shifts by centre-right parties to nationalist and border-controlling rhetoric (e.g.
    [Show full text]
  • Beyond Welfare Chauvinism and Deservingness. Rationales of Belonging As a Conceptual Framework for the Politics and Governance of Migrants’ Rights
    Beyond welfare chauvinism and deservingness. Rationales of belonging as a conceptual framework for the politics and governance of migrants’ rights Abstract This article argues that the politics and governance of migrants’ rights needs to be reframed. In particular, the terms “welfare chauvinism”, and deservingness should be replaced. Using a qualitative transnational case study of policymakers in Poland and the UK, we develop an alternative approach. In fine-grained and small-scale interpretive analysis, we tease out four distinct rationales of belonging that mark out the terms and practices of social membership, as well as relative positions of privilege and subordination. These rationales of belonging are: temporal-territorial, ethno-cultural, labourist, and welfareist. Importantly, these rationales are knitted together by different framings of the transnational contexts, within which the politics and governance of migration and social protection are given meaning. The rationales of belonging do not exist in isolation, but in each country, they qualify each other in ways that imply different politics and governance of migrants’ rights. Taken together, these rationales of belonging generate transnational projects of social exclusion, as well as justifications for migrant inclusion stratified by class, gender and ethnicity. Keywords: welfare chauvinism, migrant rights, deservingness, migration, EU free movement, governance, UK, Poland. 1 1 Introduction The rights of migrants, and their access to social and economic resources, are decided at the complex junction between the politics and governance of migration, on the one hand, and the politics and governance of welfare, on the other. How migration is governed, and how migrants’ welfare is governed, are closely, but contingently, related (Ataç and Rosenberger 2019; Mayblin 2019).
    [Show full text]
  • Getting the Problem Definition Right: the Radical Right, Populism
    http://ijhpm.com Int J Health Policy Manag 2021, 10(8), 523–527 doi 10.34172/ijhpm.2020.143 Commentary Getting the Problem Definition Right: The Radical Right, Populism, Nativism and Public Health Comment on “A Scoping Review of Populist Radical Right Parties’ Influence on Welfare Policy and its Implications for Population Health in Europe” Benjamin De Cleen1* ID , Ewen Speed2 ID Abstract Article History: Building on Rinaldi and Bekker’s scoping review of articles on the impact of populist radical right (PRR) politics Received: 29 June 2020 on welfare and population health, this short article formulates three pointers towards a framework that might help Accepted: 20 July 2020 structure future research into PRR, populist politics more generally, and coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) and ePublished: 1 August 2020 other health issues. First, we discuss the centrality of welfare chauvinism to the PRR’s impact on health, taking this as a cue for a broader reflection on the importance on distinguishing between the nativist and populist dimensions of PRR politics. Secondly, we turn our attention to the potential moderating effect of the PRR’s welfare chauvinism on the welfare cuts proposed by their right-wing coalition partners, comments we see as pointing to the need to focus on nativist, populist, neoliberal and other threats to welfare policy more generally, rather than on the PRR only. Thirdly, we reflect on the paradoxical nature of welfare chauvinism – its negative consequences for the health of the ‘own people’ it proclaims to defend – as a starting point for a brief discussion of the need to consider carefully the not-so-straightforward relation between the PRR’s political rhetoric, its (impact on) policy and institutions, and the outcomes of such policy.
    [Show full text]