DOCSLIB.ORG

Marketing Fragment 6 X 10.T65

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Marketing Fragment 6 X 10.T65 Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-85081-0 - Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe Cas Mudde Index More information Index Note: Abbreviations of party names are as in the list in the front of the book. abortion 95 asylum seekers 70, 212 Adorno, Theodor 22, 216, 217 Ataka 65, 181 Agir 169 agricultural sector 128 agriculture 127–8 anti-Roma sentiment 87 Albania 51 anti-Semitism 81, 82 Albertazzi, Daniele 56 Christianity and 85 All-Polish Youth 269 economic program 122 al-Qaeda 84 EU membership 164, 165 Altemeyer, Bob 22–3 Islamophobia 84 Americanization 190–2 plebiscitary initiatives 153 Amesberger, Helga 91, 93, 111 protectionism 126 AN 56, 259 recall of MPs 153 in the European Parliament 178, 179 referendums 152 immigration 189 Vienna Declaration 180 the media and 250 AUNS 152, 269 women in the electorate 116 Austria 42, 49, 112, 134, 286 Anastasakis, Othon 5, 32 authoritarianism 22–3, 145–50, 296, Anderson, Benedict 19, 65, 71 300 Andeweg, Rudy B. 34 and electoral success 216–17, 287 Andreas-Hofer-Preis 172 insecurity and 297 ANL 247 studies on 221 Annemans, Gerolf 133, 276 AWS 45, 238, 250 ANO 252 Azione Sociale 180 Antall, Jozef 75 Aznar, Jos´eMar´ıa281 anti-Americanism 77–8 Antic Gaber, Milica 102 Balkans 142, 211, 215 anti-establishment sentiments 221 Ball, Terence 15 anti-globalization movement 7, 196 Baltic states 53–4, 142, 211, 215 anti-racist movements 247 Barber, Benjamin 185 anti-Semitism 22, 79–81, 84 Barney, Darin David 151, 152, 155 globalization and 188, 189, 195 Basques 71 Arab European League, minority rights Bayer, Josef 156 149 BBB 47 Arad, Eyal 84 Belgium 20, 42–3, 49, 51, 192 Arghezi, Mitzura Dominica 98 Bennett, David H. 1 arms, right to bear 146–7 Bergh, Johannes 227 Art, David 245, 289 Berlusconi, Silvio 48, 154, 250, AS 104, 169 252 confederalism 168 Berman, Sheri 256 in the European Parliament 179 Betz, Hans-Georg 132, 296, 304 368 © Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-85081-0 - Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe Cas Mudde Index More information Index 369 classification of parties 14, 24, 28, 30, and the EU 162, 172 59 globalization 187 electorates 37 role of women 94 ideology 258, 296 social market economy 124 neoliberalism 120, 131, 169 women ministers 99 populism 121, 131 voter motivations 230 Cachafeiro, Gomez-Reino 134 ‘winning formula’ 50, 120, 258 capitalism 122–5, 186 Bignasca, Giuliano 56 capital punishment 147 Bilderberg Group 195 Capoccia, Giovanni 288 Bild Zeitung 249 cartelization 209, 300 Birsl, Ursula 115 Carter, Elisabeth 239 Blair, Tony 40, 123, 124, 281 causal chain approach 39, 40 Blee, Kathleen 110 CD 20, 241 Blocher, Christoph 58, 152, 269 abortion 95 BNP 49, 287 electoral success 235 Citizens’ Initiative Referenda 152 electorate 226, 228, 230 cordon sanitaire 197 homosexuality 67 and the EU 162, 170 ideology 259 globalization 187 leadership 99, 102 Muslims 149 membership 268 organization 266 organization 265, 271 and other populist radical right parties women representatives 104 176 CDA 110 protectionism 126 CDU 69, 97, 124 protection of society 147 Cento Bull, Anna 270 right to bear arms 147 Central Europe 104–6, 121 success in local elections 233 Ceserani, David 182 BNRP charisma 260–3, 275, 301, 302 anti-Roma sentiment 87 Charitos 77 enemies 76 charity 125, 131 ENU/Euronat membership 176 Chiarini, Roberto 220 ethnic minorities 72, 145 Chirac, Jacques 241, 289 fear of Russia 77 clash of civilizations 84–5, 194–5 internal homogenization 139, 141 classification of parties 32–46, 57, Islamophobia 86 293–5 Bobbio, Norberto 25, 26 borderline parties 53–8 Borghezio, Mario 173 conservative parties 50 Bosnia-Herzegovina 214 ethnoregionalist parties 50–2 Bossi, Umberto 83, 263, 270 methods of 38–9 anti-Americanism 85 nonpopulist parties 46–50, 52 EU membership 161 nonradical right populist parties 47–9 Islamophobia 85 problems of 39–41 populism 56, 66 unusual suspects 53–5 Bowler, Shaun 233 cleavage politics 36, 39, 203 Brichta, Avarham 263–4 clientelism 209 British Freedom Party 163 coalition governments 288–90 British Labour Party 40 Coff´e,Hilde 224 Br¨uck,Brigitte 90 Cohn, Norman 64 Buchanan, Pat 188–9 Communist Party of Greece 191 Bulgaria 47, 65, 86, 141, 209 confederalism 168 Bulgarian Fatherland Party–National conservative parties, women in the Union 35 electorate 114 Butterwege, Christophe 119 Conservative Party, UK 27, 50, 97, 190, BZO¨ 42, 273 284 © Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-85081-0 - Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe Cas Mudde Index More information 370 Index conservatives 27–8, 285 anti-Semitism 81 conspiracy theories 75, 76, 81, 82, 161, EU membership 160, 163 194 fear of Germany 76 Contact Forum for European Patriotic and immigrants 71 National Parties and Movements judiciary 146 180 privatization 130 convergence 239, 240–1, 254, 300 protectionism 126 Convergence and Union 51 women representatives 106 cordon sanitaire 197, 243, 288–90 corruption 209, 300 Dalton, Russell J. 237 CP 102, 226, 228 Davis, James W. 97 CP’86 20, 49 De Benoist, Alain 18, 191 abortion 95 Decker, Frank 48, 185, 282 Americanization 192 political systems 235, 236, 237 conspiracy theories 195 definition of populist radical right parties electorate 247 13–15 European integration 159 bases for, 14 homosexuality 67 family resemblance, concept of 13 internal homogenization 140, 181 ideal typical model 13 CPF 101 maximum definition 15 Cresson, Edith 97–8 minimum definition 14, 15–20 crime 284, 300 most dissimilar system design 14 drug trafficking 147 most similar system design 14 and electoral success 224 Dehousse, Renaud 223, 230 life imprisonment 147 democracy (see also liberal democracy) terrorism 147 authoritarian 145–50 tough laws and sentences 147 challenges to 156, 157 zero tolerance policy 146 Christian 124, 125, 130, 137, 168 crises 205–10, 296 ethnic 142 economic 205–7 impact on populist radical right parties political 207–10 8, 277–90, 291, 292 Croatia 43–4, 54, 55, 248 internal party 270–1 constitution 156 majoritarian 156 electoral system 235 nativist 138–45 ethnocracy 144 personalization of power and 153–4 internal homogenization 139, 140 plebiscitary 151–3, 156 religion 115 populist 150–7 women in party electorates 112 populist radical right and 7, 138–54 women representatives 101 socialization into 290 Croatian Integrity and Prosperity 55 support for 207–9 Cserg´o,Zsuzsa 166 will of the people 23, 151, 154–5, 156 CSSD 106, 242 Democratic Union (Slovakia) 46 CSU 42, 124, 173 Denemark, David 233 Csurka, Istv´an44, 67, 261 Denmark 43, 47, 142, 207 Americanization 192 violence against foreigners 286 anti-Roma sentiment 87 women members of parties 110 anti-Semitism 82, 195 deregulation 128, 130 enemies 74 De Weerdt, Yves 223 and the EU 160, 161, 193 Dewinter, Filip 78, 83, 173, 272 globalization 187, 188, 191–2 charisma 264, 276 Maastricht Treaty 160 D´ez´e,Alexandre 112 protectionism 126 DFP 11, 43, 85, 144 Czech Republic 49, 50 economic program 122 antiracist movements 247 electoral success 207 anti-Roma sentiment 86 and the EU 162, 163 © Cambridge University Press www.cambridge.org Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-85081-0 - Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe Cas Mudde Index More information Index 371 in the European Parliament 179 immigrants 70, 71 external exclusiveness 142 intellectual environment 114, 244 and the FN 175 internal homogenization 139–41 leadership 98 marketization 188 Vienna Declaration 180 modernity, opposition to 203 voter loyalty 229 ‘modernization losers’ 242 women members 110 polarization and convergence 239–40 Dillen, Karel 100, 178, 272 political parties in 41, 43–4, 121 discrimination 94, 143 privatization 129–30, 188 divorce 95 protectionism 127 Djapic, Ante 44 pro-Westerners as enemies 68 DLVH 37, 88, 96, 178 social issues 122 DN success of populist radical right parties confederalism 168 208 democracy 151 transition to democracy 204, 300 and the EU 163 welfare chauvinism 132 globalization 189 women representatives 104–6 immigration 189 Eatwell, Roger 25, 201, 217, 245 Islamophobia 85 charisma 262, 272 Dohnal, Johanna 97 legitimacy, efficacy and trust hypothesis DPNI 71 299 Draˇskoviˇc,Vuk 54, 83 media 249 drugs and drug dealers 68, 147 economics, ideology and 124, 132–6 Duke, David 82 ECPR Standing Group on Extremism and DUP 55, 163, 179 Democracy 303 Durham, Martin 90 Edelmannov´a,Petra 98 Duverger, Maurice 39 education, and electoral success 217 DVP 179 egalitarianism 26, 30 DVU 20 Eith, Ulrich 243 crime 146 EK 125, 133 economic program 121 ELDR, in the European Parliament 178 globalization 195 electoral breakthrough 202, 301 internal homogenization 140 external factors in 232, 253–4, 275 the media and 250 the media and 259 militarism 150 electoral failure 8, 201, 265 organization 265 electoral opportunity structure 237, 238 paranoia 75 electoral persistence 202, 232, 254 propaganda 259 factors in 276, 301, 302 protectionism 126 internal factors in 275 protest vote 227 leadership and 276 role of women 94 party organization and 267, 276 party propaganda and 260 Eastern Europe 53–5 Electoral Reform Society (UK) 235 accession to the EU 170 electoral success 1, 282, 298 agricultural sector 128 authoritarianism and 216–17 anti-Semitism 81–2 crises and 205–10 Christianity and the populist radical cultural context of 243–8 right 85, 170 democratic support and 208 classification of parties in 32 education and 217 coalition governments 280–1 electoral systems and 233–5 electorates of populist radical right ethnic issues and 210–16 parties 221,
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Rikke Alberg Peters
    Conjunctions: Transdisciplinary Journal of Cultural Participation Become Immortal! Mediatization and mediation processes of extreme right protest Rikke Alberg Peters This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial 3.0 Unported License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0/), permitting all non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited Conjunctions, vol. 2, no. 1, 2015, ISSN 2246-3755, https://doi.org/10.7146/tjcp.v2i1.22274 keywords Right-wing extremism, neo-fascism, protest action, mediation, mediatization, ethno-nationalism abstract Th is paper presents a case study of the German neo-fascist network Th e Immortals (Die Unsterblichen) who in 2011 performed a fl ash-mob, which was disseminated on YouTube for the so-called “Become Immortal” campaign. Th e street protest was designed for and adapted to the specifi c characteristics of online activism. It is a good example of how new contentious action repertoires in which online and street activism intertwine have also spread to extreme right groups. Despite its neo-fascist and extreme right content, the “Become Immortal” campaign serves as an illustrative case for the study of mediated and mediatized activism. In order to analyze the protest form, the visual aesthetics and the discourse of Th e Immortals, the paper mobilizes three concepts from media and communication studies: media practice, mediation, and mediatiza- tion. It will be argued that the current transformation and modernization processes of the extreme right can be conceptualized and understood through the lens of these three concepts.
    [Show full text]
  • Populism and Fascism
    Populism and Fascism An evaluation of their similarities and differences MA Thesis in Philosophy University of Amsterdam Graduate School of Humanities Titus Vreeke Student number: 10171169 Supervisor: Dr. Robin Celikates Date: 04-08-2017 1 Table of Contents Introduction ............................................................................................................................................... 3 1. Ideology ............................................................................................................................................. 8 1.1 Introduction ....................................................................................................................................... 8 1.2 Populism and fascism as ideologies ........................................................................................................ 9 1.3 The Dichotomies of Populism and Fascism ........................................................................................... 13 1.4 Culture and Nationalism in Populism and Fascism ............................................................................... 19 1.5 The Form of the State and its Role in Security ...................................................................................... 22 1.6 Conclusion ............................................................................................................................................. 25 2. Practice ...............................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Welfare Chauvinism – Who Cares? Evidence on Priorities and the Importance the Public Attributes to Expanding Or Retrenching Welfare Entitlements of Immigrants
    Welfare Chauvinism – Who Cares? Evidence on Priorities and the Importance the Public Attributes to Expanding or Retrenching Welfare Entitlements of Immigrants Matthias Enggist University of Zurich August 2019 Abstract In many Western European countries, welfare rights of immigrants have emerged as an important issue on the political agenda, while an extensive body of research has documented growing welfare chauvinistic preferences. However, we do not know much about the importance people attach to welfare chauvinism relative to welfare benefits for other social groups such as pensioners, the unemployed or families. This paper, therefore, addresses the question whether citizens in Western European countries prioritize expanding or restricting welfare entitlements for immigrants. Or do they subordinate this issue to other social policy reforms? Moreover, focusing on priorities allows me to disentangle which proponents of welfare rights for immigrants remain supportive even when rising benefits for immigrants comes at the cost of lowering benefits for themselves and to contribute to the debate whether welfare chauvinism is more strongly correlated with attitudes on an economic-redistributive or socio-cultural dimension. To investigate both the importance of and the priorities for welfare chauvinism, I rely on conjoint experiments and rating questions from an original survey recently fielded in eight Western European countries. I show that welfare chauvinism is indeed one of the social policy reform issues the public has strongest preferences on – more than for example on unemployment benefits or childcare. This despite the share of financial resources benefitting immigrants being relatively small. Importance of welfare chauvinism is high for both its proponents as well as its opponents.
    [Show full text]
  • WING POPULISM: CAPTURING the GLOBE Pratishtha Rao Department of Political Science, University of Delhi
    J. S. Asian Stud. 08 (02) 2019. 79-90 DOI: 10.33687/jsas.008.02.3009 Available Online at EScience Press Journal of South Asian Studies ISSN: 2307-4000 (Online), 2308-7846 (Print) https://esciencepress.net/journals/JSAS WING POPULISM: CAPTURING THE GLOBE Pratishtha Rao Department of Political Science, University of Delhi. New Delhi, India. *Corresponding Author Email ID: [email protected] A B S T R A C T This article is an attempt to explore the reasons for the recent trend of the rise of rightwing populism in the whole world. The origin of the terms ‘left’ and ‘right’ dates back to the French Revolution and the seating arrangements. The term ‘right’ was soon understood to mean reactionary or monarchist, and the term ‘left’ implied revolutionary or egalitarian sympathies. While populism is an idea of grouping people against ‘the elites. Both right ideology and populism are based on the segregation of society in two sections. When right wing political ideology merges with populist ideology, it is termed as “Right wing populism”. Right wing populists generally converge on issues like opposing immigration, nativism, protectionism etc. This ideology is gaining popularity rapidly in the present world order. The reasons are many, like social media, print and electronic media, civil society, economic instability, and charismatic leadership. Along with this the article also tries to find out the connection of hatred and human nature with the rise of right-wing populism. It focuses on how when hatred at the international level is justified it gives away for hatred at the domestic level as well which results in the cause and effect of right-wing populism.
    [Show full text]
  • What's Left of the Left: Democrats and Social Democrats in Challenging
    What’s Left of the Left What’s Left of the Left Democrats and Social Democrats in Challenging Times Edited by James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Duke University Press Durham and London 2011 © 2011 Duke University Press All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America on acid- free paper ♾ Typeset in Charis by Tseng Information Systems, Inc. Library of Congress Cataloging- in- Publication Data appear on the last printed page of this book. Contents Acknowledgments vii Introduction: The New World of the Center-Left 1 James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Part I: Ideas, Projects, and Electoral Realities Social Democracy’s Past and Potential Future 29 Sheri Berman Historical Decline or Change of Scale? 50 The Electoral Dynamics of European Social Democratic Parties, 1950–2009 Gerassimos Moschonas Part II: Varieties of Social Democracy and Liberalism Once Again a Model: 89 Nordic Social Democracy in a Globalized World Jonas Pontusson Embracing Markets, Bonding with America, Trying to Do Good: 116 The Ironies of New Labour James Cronin Reluctantly Center- Left? 141 The French Case Arthur Goldhammer and George Ross The Evolving Democratic Coalition: 162 Prospects and Problems Ruy Teixeira Party Politics and the American Welfare State 188 Christopher Howard Grappling with Globalization: 210 The Democratic Party’s Struggles over International Market Integration James Shoch Part III: New Risks, New Challenges, New Possibilities European Center- Left Parties and New Social Risks: 241 Facing Up to New Policy Challenges Jane Jenson Immigration and the European Left 265 Sofía A. Pérez The Central and Eastern European Left: 290 A Political Family under Construction Jean- Michel De Waele and Sorina Soare European Center- Lefts and the Mazes of European Integration 319 George Ross Conclusion: Progressive Politics in Tough Times 343 James Cronin, George Ross, and James Shoch Bibliography 363 About the Contributors 395 Index 399 Acknowledgments The editors of this book have a long and interconnected history, and the book itself has been long in the making.
    [Show full text]
  • Welfare Nostalgia and the Populist Radical Right in the Netherlands, Austria and Sweden
    Journal of International and Comparative Social Policy (2021), 37: 2, 128–141 doi:10.1017/ics.2020.30 ARTICLE Those were the days: welfare nostalgia and the populist radical right in the Netherlands, Austria and Sweden Sven Schreurs Faculty of Arts, University of Groningen, Groningen, The Netherlands Email: [email protected] (Received 13 July 2020; revised 6 October 2020; accepted 7 October 2020) Abstract In academia and beyond, it has become commonplace to regard populist parties – in particular, those on the radical right – as the archetypical embodiment of politics of nostalgia. Demand-side studies suggest that nostalgic sentiments motivate populist radical-right (PRR) voting and welfare chauvinist attitudes, yet systematic analyses of the nostalgic discourse that these parties promote have not been forthcoming. This paper seeks to fill that lacuna by analysing how the Freedom Party of Austria, the Dutch Party for Freedom and the Sweden Democrats framed the historical fate of the welfare state in their electoral discourse between 2008 and 2018. It demonstrates that their commitment to welfare chauvinism finds expression in a common repertoire of “welfare nostalgia,” manifested in the different modes of “reaction,”“conservation” and “modernisation.” Giving substance to a widespread intuition about PRR nostalgia, the paper breaks ground for further research into nostalgic ideas about social policy. Keywords: nostalgia; radical right; populism; welfare state; collective memory; welfare chauvinism Introduction Populist political parties and movements are often seen to embody a contemporary politics of nostalgia (Campanella & Dassù, 2019; Kenny, 2017). Those on the radical right, in particular, are perceived as profligate consumers and fervent producers of a nostalgic language that expresses a lost sense of “place” and a longing for “home” (Duyvendak, 2011).
    [Show full text]
  • Welfare Chauvinism in the Baltics
    SSE Riga Student Research Papers 2020 : 7 (229) WELFARE CHAUVINISM IN THE BALTICS Authors: Monta Jaunarāja Eva Linda Poiša ISSN 1691-4643 ISBN 978-9984-822-51-8 September 2020 Riga Welfare Chauvinism in the Baltics Monta Jaunar āja and Eva Linda Poiša Supervisor: Dominik Gerber September 2020 Riga Table of Contents Abstract ........................................................................................................................... 4 1. Introduction ................................................................................................................ 5 2. Literature review ........................................................................................................ 8 2.1. Populism ............................................................................................................................ 8 2.2. Populism in the Baltics ................................................................................................... 11 2.3. Welfare Chauvinism ....................................................................................................... 14 2.4. Party Policy Classifications ............................................................................................ 16 2.5. Welfare System Classifications ...................................................................................... 18 2.6. Welfare System Effects on Welfare Chauvinism ......................................................... 19 2.7. Welfare Systems in the Baltics......................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Innuendo As Outreach: @Narendramodi and the Use of Political Irony on Twitter
    International Journal of Communication 11(2017), 4197–4218 1932–8036/20170005 Innuendo as Outreach: @narendramodi and the Use of Political Irony on Twitter JOYOJEET PAL PRIYANK CHANDRA PADMA CHIRUMAMILLA VAISHNAV KAMESWARAN ANDRE GONAWELA UDIT THAWANI PRITIKA DASGUPTA University of Michigan, USA Our analysis of tweets from @narendramodi demonstrates how the Indian prime minister used political irony, enacted through sarcasm and wordplay, to refashion his political style and practice into a more broadly appealing populist ethic. We deconstruct confrontational Twitter messages laced with innuendo to explore the use of language as a means of political self-representation. Modi’s use of irony provides a form of political spectacle and demonstrably resonates on social media, as quantified by the high retweeting of his sarcastically worded messages. We identify three rhetorical strategies in these tweets: (1) appeals to the base through the use of popular idiom, (2) creation of a shared cognitive environment to allow followers in on inside jokes and a means of affiliating with the leader, and (3) the performance of righteousness in underlining the leader’s use of wit and restraint. We argue that the use of political irony in these tweets must be seen as part of a longer-term performative effort to recast Modi’s political image from a regional strongman into a sophisticated communicator. Keywords: Twitter, India, Narendra Modi, sarcasm, irony, populism Narendra Modi has more than 35 million followers on Twitter and 43 million likes on Facebook, a combined tally greater than that of any other elected leader in the world.1 He has more direct social media Joyojeet Pal: [email protected] Priyank Chandra: [email protected] Padma Chirumamilla: [email protected] Vaishnav Kameswaran: [email protected] Andre Gonawela: [email protected] Udit Thawani: [email protected] Pritika Dasgupta: [email protected] Date submitted: 2016–12–05 Copyright © 2017 (Joyojeet Pal, Priyank Chandra, Padma Chirumamilla, Vaishnav Kameswaran, Andre Gonawela, and Pritika Dasgupta).
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics and Policies of Welfare Chauvinism Under the Sign of The
    Published in Critical Social Policy 36(3): 321–329 (2016). The Politics and Policies of Welfare Chauvinism under the Sign of the Economic Crisis Suvi Keskinen, Ov Cristian Norocel and Martin Bak Jørgensen Abstract: The ongoing economic crisis that emerged in the wake of the global recession in 2008, and followed by the more recent crisis of the Eurozone, has introduced new themes and remoulded old ways of approaching the welfare state, immigration, national belonging and racism in Northern Europe. This article identifies two main ways of understanding welfare chauvinism: 1) as a broad concept that covers all sorts of claims and policies to reserve welfare benefits to the ‘native’ population; 2) an ethno-nationalist and racialising political agenda, characteristic especially of right-wing populist parties. Focusing on the relationship between politics and policies, we examine how welfare chauvinist political agendas are turned into policies and what hinders welfare chauvinist claims from becoming policy matters and welfare practices. It is argued that welfare chauvinism targeting migrants is part of a broader neoliberal restructuring of the welfare state and of welfare retrenchment Key words: welfare chauvinism, economic crisis, national belonging, neoliberalism, immigration 1 The ongoing economic crisis that emerged in the wake of the global recession in 2008, and followed by the more recent crisis of the Eurozone, has introduced new themes and remoulded old ways of approaching the welfare state, immigration and national belonging in many European countries. Several Northern European countries have witnessed the emergence and intensification of strong appeals for exclusionary politics, expressed in the growing support for right-wing populist parties, the shifts by centre-right parties to nationalist and border-controlling rhetoric (e.g.
    [Show full text]
  • Beyond Welfare Chauvinism and Deservingness. Rationales of Belonging As a Conceptual Framework for the Politics and Governance of Migrants’ Rights
    Beyond welfare chauvinism and deservingness. Rationales of belonging as a conceptual framework for the politics and governance of migrants’ rights Abstract This article argues that the politics and governance of migrants’ rights needs to be reframed. In particular, the terms “welfare chauvinism”, and deservingness should be replaced. Using a qualitative transnational case study of policymakers in Poland and the UK, we develop an alternative approach. In fine-grained and small-scale interpretive analysis, we tease out four distinct rationales of belonging that mark out the terms and practices of social membership, as well as relative positions of privilege and subordination. These rationales of belonging are: temporal-territorial, ethno-cultural, labourist, and welfareist. Importantly, these rationales are knitted together by different framings of the transnational contexts, within which the politics and governance of migration and social protection are given meaning. The rationales of belonging do not exist in isolation, but in each country, they qualify each other in ways that imply different politics and governance of migrants’ rights. Taken together, these rationales of belonging generate transnational projects of social exclusion, as well as justifications for migrant inclusion stratified by class, gender and ethnicity. Keywords: welfare chauvinism, migrant rights, deservingness, migration, EU free movement, governance, UK, Poland. 1 1 Introduction The rights of migrants, and their access to social and economic resources, are decided at the complex junction between the politics and governance of migration, on the one hand, and the politics and governance of welfare, on the other. How migration is governed, and how migrants’ welfare is governed, are closely, but contingently, related (Ataç and Rosenberger 2019; Mayblin 2019).
    [Show full text]
  • Getting the Problem Definition Right: the Radical Right, Populism
    http://ijhpm.com Int J Health Policy Manag 2021, 10(8), 523–527 doi 10.34172/ijhpm.2020.143 Commentary Getting the Problem Definition Right: The Radical Right, Populism, Nativism and Public Health Comment on “A Scoping Review of Populist Radical Right Parties’ Influence on Welfare Policy and its Implications for Population Health in Europe” Benjamin De Cleen1* ID , Ewen Speed2 ID Abstract Article History: Building on Rinaldi and Bekker’s scoping review of articles on the impact of populist radical right (PRR) politics Received: 29 June 2020 on welfare and population health, this short article formulates three pointers towards a framework that might help Accepted: 20 July 2020 structure future research into PRR, populist politics more generally, and coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) and ePublished: 1 August 2020 other health issues. First, we discuss the centrality of welfare chauvinism to the PRR’s impact on health, taking this as a cue for a broader reflection on the importance on distinguishing between the nativist and populist dimensions of PRR politics. Secondly, we turn our attention to the potential moderating effect of the PRR’s welfare chauvinism on the welfare cuts proposed by their right-wing coalition partners, comments we see as pointing to the need to focus on nativist, populist, neoliberal and other threats to welfare policy more generally, rather than on the PRR only. Thirdly, we reflect on the paradoxical nature of welfare chauvinism – its negative consequences for the health of the ‘own people’ it proclaims to defend – as a starting point for a brief discussion of the need to consider carefully the not-so-straightforward relation between the PRR’s political rhetoric, its (impact on) policy and institutions, and the outcomes of such policy.
    [Show full text]
  • Reclaiming Radicalism: Discursive Wars and the Left
    tripleC 19 (1): 212-230, 2021 http://www.triple-c.at Reclaiming Radicalism: Discursive Wars and the Left Giorgos Charalambous University of Nicosia, Nicosia, Cyprus, [email protected], https://www.unic.ac.cy/charalambous-giorgos/ Abstract: The aim of this article is to identify and discuss a number of labels that have been increasingly used to describe, categorise and study the contemporary radical left – the movements and parties of the socialist tradition and its contemporary derivatives – pointing to the deeply political implications of these trends. More specifically, ‘extremism’, ‘populism’ and ‘nationalism’ as signifiers of what left radicalism looks like are scrutinised in terms of both the political logic and the historical background behind their use, and the challenges they raise for emancipatory, progressive politics. A plea for recasting contemporary social and political struggles for equality and rights is subsequently articulated, the central conviction advanced being terminological: the left’s struggles today must rise above the verbal smoke of the predominant discourse about this political space. It is a key task to appropriately qualify those terms that taint contemporary radicals with colours which do not represent them or fall far short from defining them. Put simply, if the radical left is to succeed electorally and channel its vision into society effectively it needs to reclaim its chief identity trait in the public sphere: left radicalism itself. Reclaiming radicalism entails a number of strategic tasks. These are laid out in terms of imperative discursive articulations, which are, however, paralleled by particular political actions on the ground that can either confirm or undermine any terminological claims.
    [Show full text]