Class Warfare Noam Chomsky 5
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Black Anarchism, Pedro Riberio
TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. Introduction.....................................................................................................................2 2. The Principles of Anarchism, Lucy Parsons....................................................................3 3. Anarchism and the Black Revolution, Lorenzo Komboa’Ervin......................................10 4. Beyond Nationalism, But not Without it, Ashanti Alston...............................................72 5. Anarchy Can’t Fight Alone, Kuwasi Balagoon...............................................................76 6. Anarchism’s Future in Africa, Sam Mbah......................................................................80 7. Domingo Passos: The Brazilian Bakunin.......................................................................86 8. Where Do We Go From Here, Michael Kimble..............................................................89 9. Senzala or Quilombo: Reflections on APOC and the fate of Black Anarchism, Pedro Riberio...........................................................................................................................91 10. Interview: Afro-Colombian Anarchist David López Rodríguez, Lisa Manzanilla & Bran- don King........................................................................................................................96 11. 1996: Ballot or the Bullet: The Strengths and Weaknesses of the Electoral Process in the U.S. and its relation to Black political power today, Greg Jackson......................100 12. The Incomprehensible -
A Mixed-Methods Content Analysis Case Study of Frames and Ideologies in Mainstream Environmental News a Dissertation Submitted
A Mixed-Methods Content Analysis Case Study of Frames and Ideologies in Mainstream Environmental News A dissertation submitted to the College of Communication and Information of Kent State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy by William F. Kelvin December, 2019 Dissertation written by William F. Kelvin B.A., Humboldt State University, 2002 M.A., California State University, Chico, 2009 Ph.D., Kent State University, 2019 Approved by ____________________________________ Danielle Sarver Coombs, Ph.D., Chair, Doctoral Dissertation Committee ____________________________________ Paul Haridakis, Ph.D., Member, Doctoral Dissertation Committee ____________________________________ Yesim Kaptan, Ph.D., Member, Doctoral Dissertation Committee ____________________________________ Steven Hook, Ph.D., Member, Doctoral Dissertation Committee Accepted by ____________________________________ Miriam Matteson, Ph.D., Interim Associate Dean, Doctoral Studies Committee ____________________________________ Amy Reynolds, Ph.D., Dean, College of Communication and Information ii Table of Contents Page TABLE OF CONTENTS ............................................................................................................... ii LIST OF FIGURES ...................................................................................................................... iv LIST OF TABLES ..........................................................................................................................v ACKNOWLEDGMENTS -
Department of Economics
DEPARTMENT OF ECONOMICS Working Paper The Self-Inflicted Dimensions of Puerto Rico’s Crisis Argeo T. Quiñones-Pérez Ian J. Seda-Irizarry Paper No. 02, Fall 2017 The Self-Inflicted Dimensions of Puerto Rico’s Crisis “Puerto Rico requires a labor policy directed towards converting us into an attractive jurisdiction for establishing businesses and for creating opportunities of employment in the private sector”- Francisco Montalvo Fiol, coordinator for the Coalition of the Private Sector, January 4, 2017. Introduction The decade long socio-economic depression through which Puerto Rico is passing has caught international attention, with characterizations such as “the biggest default in U.S. municipal bonds market history” or “the Greece of the Caribbean” feeding the imagination of those that seek explanations to understand it. Local and foreign bondholders, a pro-austerity government, and a fiscal control board have all become the major protagonists in a story of social decomposition in a nation that was once thought to be a model for capitalist industrial development and social welfare. For many within Puerto Rico, past concerns and fears associated with achieving political independence from the United States, fed in large part by decades of cold war propaganda, have become very real under the colonial status. The poverty level is three times that of the United States, the island is among the most unequal nations in the world, and the emigration waves have surpassed those of the 1950s to the point that the island is being depopulated. The unhindered mobility of the “factors of production,” i.e. capital and labor, that for decades has characterized the business environment in the island has not produced the dynamic and long term economic growth, or convergence with the metropolis, that some economic theories and models would have predicted.1 Not surprisingly many explanations have been put forward to understand the causes of the crisis in Puerto Rico. -
Socialism – an Introduction
Socialism – An Introduction. Socialism can be defined as a social order that raises the living standards of the majority by a fair and equal redistribution of wealth and work, that looks after those most in need, doesn't consign them to the scrap heap of poverty and despair. Based on compassion for all humanity, and the belief that a small minority should not hold the majority of wealth, socialism is not about one rule for all, a colourless world, but about allowing each individual the access to develop their own unique skills and character, thus benefiting the community as a whole. Socialism does not discriminate on ground of creed, colour or sex, but embraces all peoples lives, a fervently believes in the good within us all and utilising these qualities for the benefit of everyone, not the selfish few. Often attacked as idealistic, socialism is an easily attainable state, a true and powerful way of abolishing all inequality and prejudice. Some socialist demands for the late 20th Century Britain. 1. Socialist measures in the interests of working people! Labour must break with big business and Tory economic policies. 2. Full employment! 3. No redundancies. 4. The right to a job or decent benefits. For a 32 hour week without loss of pay. 5. No compulsory overtime. 6. For voluntary retirement at 55 with a decent full pension for all. 7. A national minimum wage of at least two-thirds of the average wage. £4.61 an hour as a step toward this goal, with no exemptions. 8. The repeal of all Tory anti-union laws. -
Revolutionary Syndicalist Opposition to the First World War: A
Re-evaluating syndicalist opposition to the First World War Darlington, RR http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0023656X.2012.731834 Title Re-evaluating syndicalist opposition to the First World War Authors Darlington, RR Type Article URL This version is available at: http://usir.salford.ac.uk/id/eprint/19226/ Published Date 2012 USIR is a digital collection of the research output of the University of Salford. Where copyright permits, full text material held in the repository is made freely available online and can be read, downloaded and copied for non-commercial private study or research purposes. Please check the manuscript for any further copyright restrictions. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. Re-evaluating Syndicalist Opposition to the First World War Abstract It has been argued that support for the First World War by the important French syndicalist organisation, the Confédération Générale du Travail (CGT) has tended to obscure the fact that other national syndicalist organisations remained faithful to their professed workers’ internationalism: on this basis syndicalists beyond France, more than any other ideological persuasion within the organised trade union movement in immediate pre-war and wartime Europe, can be seen to have constituted an authentic movement of opposition to the war in their refusal to subordinate class interests to those of the state, to endorse policies of ‘defencism’ of the ‘national interest’ and to abandon the rhetoric of class conflict. This article, which attempts to contribute to a much neglected comparative historiography of the international syndicalist movement, re-evaluates the syndicalist response across a broad geographical field of canvas (embracing France, Italy, Spain, Ireland, Britain and America) to reveal a rather more nuanced, ambiguous and uneven picture. -
Orientalism Once More (2003)
Orientalism Once More (2003) Dr Edward Said Professor of Comparative Literature Columbia University Honorary Fellow Instiute of Social Studies Lecture delivered on the occasion of the awarding of the degree of Doctor Honoris Causa at the Academic Ceremony on the 50th Anniversary of the Institute of Social Studies, The Hague, The Netherlands, 21 May, 2003 Orientalism Once More (2003)* Nine years ago, in the spring of 1994, I wrote an afterword for Orientalism which, in trying to clarify what I believed I had and had not said, I stressed not only the many discussions that had opened up since my book appeared in 1978, but the ways in which a work about representations of “the Orient” lent themselves to increasing misrepresentation and misinterpretation. That I find myself feeling more ironic than irritated about that very same thing today is a sign of how much my age has crept up on me, along with the necessary diminutions in expectations and pedagogic zeal which usually frame the road to seniority. The recent death of my two main intellectual, political and personal mentors, Eqbal Ahmad and Ibrahim Abu-Lughod (who is one of this work’s dedicatees), has brought sadness and loss, as well as resignation and a certain stubborn will to go on. It isn’t at all a matter of being optimistic, but rather of continuing to have faith in the ongoing and literally unending process of emancipation and enlightenment that, in my opinion, frames and gives direction to the intellectual vocation. Nevertheless it is still a source of amazement to me that Orientalism continues to be discussed and translated all over the world, in thirty-six languages. -
Ommunistw NO 70 THIRD QUARTER 1977 AFRICAN REVOLUTION on the MARCH!!
:ommunistW :ommunistW NO 70 THIRD QUARTER 1977 AFRICAN REVOLUTION ON THE MARCH!! INKULULEKO PUBLICATIONS Distributors of The African Communist PRICE AND SUBSCRIPTION AFRICA lOp per copy 40p per year post free Airmail £5.00 per year (Nigerian subscribers can send 1 Naira to our agent at KPS Bookshop, PMB 23, Afikpo, Imo State) BRITAIN 25p per copy £1.00 per year post free ALL OTHER COUNTRIES $1. 00 per copy $4. 00 per year post free Airmail $10.00 per year. US currency INKULULEKO PUBLICATIONS, 39 Goodge Street, London W.1. THE AFRICAN COMMUNIST Published quarterly in the interests of African solidarity, and as a forum for Marxist-Leninist thought throughout our Continent, by the South African Communist Party No. 70 Third Quarter 1977 CONTENTS 5 EDITORIAL NOTES African Revolution on the March; The Role of Chief Lutuli; A Great Leader Murdered. 21 THE WAY FORWARD FROM SOWETO Political Report adopted by the Plenary Session of the Central Committee of the South African Communist Party, April 1977. A. Azad 51 WHAT PROLETARIAN INTERNATIONALISM MEANS TO AFRICA The concept of proletarian internationalism is as valid today as it ever was, and the world communist movement must strive to deepen and extend it. Z. Nkosi 71 HOW THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION CAME TO SOUTH AFRICA An historical account of the way in which South African socialist organisations, the forerunners of the Communist Party, reacted to the news of the Russian Revolution in 1917. A.N.C. Kumalo 88 POEM: Sovietsky Narod Dedicated to the Soviet People on the 60th anniversary of the Great October Revolution. -
Edward W. Said: Resistance, Knowledge, Criticism
CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by Loughborough University Institutional Repository Edward W. Said: Resistance, Knowledge, Criticism by Mark Anthony Taylor A Doctoral Thesis Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the award of Doctor of Philosophy of Loughborough University 17th October 2016 © Mark Taylor 2016 Abstract The prodigious output of the controversial Palestinian-American public intellectual, academic, and political activist, Edward W. Said (1935-2003), continues to polarize the academic, intellectual, and political worlds, not least because of the inflammatory nature of his relationship to the vexed issue of Israel/Palestine. It is a contention of this thesis that this polarization has resulted in what are often less than critical examinations of Said’s work. In short, because Said and his work remain relevant and influential, a new method of reading is required, one which not only takes account of Said’s resolutely secular, ‘worldly’ approach to the issue of knowledge and its production, but applies the same rigour and method to the Palestinian’s work in all its literary-critical, political, and personal varieties. This thesis attempts to meet that aim by testing Said’s oeuvre within the rubric of his stated ambition to create a critical location from which the production of ‘non-coercive knowledge’ was attainable. In the context of his opposition to political Zionism and wider Western imperialism, whether Said produced, or even intended to produce, knowledge that was ‘non-coercive’ is an extremely important question, and one that will be answered in this thesis. Formed by an introduction and three main chapters, the scope of the thesis is broad. -
Howard Zinn BIBLIOGRAPHY
Howard Zinn BIBLIOGRAPHY Voices of a People's History of the United States with Anthony Arnove, Seven Stories Press, (October 2004) The People Speak : American Voices, Some Famous, Some Little Known from Columbus to the Present (editor) Perennial Press (2004) Terrorism and War (Open Media Pamphlet Series) by Howard Zinn, Anthony Arnove (Editor). Harperperennial Library (2003) Artists In Times of War and Other Essays, Seven Stories Press; (2003) Passionate Declarations : Essays on War and Justice, Perennial Press; (2003) The Twentieth Century : A People's History Harperperennial Library; (2003) Back the Attack! Remixed War Propaganda by Micah Ian Wright, Howard Zinn (Commentary), Kurt Vonnegut (Introduction), Center for Constitutional Rights (Commentary). Seven Stories Press; (2003) The Power of Nonviolence: Writings by Advocates of Peace, Beacon Press (2002) Silencing Political Dissent: How Post-September 11 Anti-Terrorism Measures Threaten Our Civil Liberties, with Nancy Chang, Seven Stories Press (2002) Emma, South End Press (2002) Three Strikes: Miners, Musicians, Salesgirls, and the Fighting Spirit of Labor's Last Century with Kelley Robin D. G., Dana Frank, Beacon Press (2002) Howard Zinn on War and Other Means and Ends, Seven Stories Press (2001) The Future of History: Interviews With David Barsamian by Howard Zinn, David Barasamian. Common Courage Press (1999) Marx in SoHo: A Play on History, South End Press (1999) The Zinn Reader: Writings on Disobedience and Democracy Seven Stories Press (1997) Hiroshima: Breaking the Silence, Open Media (1995) You Can't Be Neutral on a Moving Train: A Personal History of Our Times Beacon Press; (1994) Failure to Quit; Reflections of an Optimistic Historian. -
The Costs of Corporate Welfare
March 2016 The Costs of Corporate Welfare Bob Dick Introduction Over the last four and a half decades, government spending in the Keystone State has risen dramatically. Consequently, Pennsylvania workers now labor under one of the highest tax burdens in the country. Of the last 46 state budgets, only one did not increase total spending.1 This explosion has been fueled in part by special subsidies doled out to select businesses, creating an economic system favoring the privileged few at the expense of everyone else. Matt Mitchell, in his 2012 paper, Pathology of Privilege, explains the danger of such government favoritism:2 Privileges limit the prospects for mutually beneficial exchange—the very essence of economic progress. They raise prices, lower quality, and discourage innovation. They pad the pockets of the wealthy and well-connected at the expense of the poor and unknown. When governments dispense privileges, smart, hardworking, and creative people are encouraged to spend their time devising new ways to obtain favors instead of new ways to create value for customers. Privileges depress long-run economic growth and threaten short-run macroeconomic stability. The evidence in this paper mirrors many of Mitchell’s findings. Government favoritism stunts economic growth, misallocates resources, and leads to higher tax bills. By ending government favoritism and moving toward a tax system devoid of special treatment for moneyed interests, lawmakers can improve the state’s business climate and create opportunities that will lead to better lives for all Pennsylvanians. For reformers, the best place to begin is with the $700 million in special subsidies identified in the 2015-16 budget.3 Regrettably, Gov. -
Samantha Smith How Can Herman and Chomsky's Ideas Function in A
Samantha Smith How can Herman and Chomsky’s Ideas Function in a Post-communist World? How can Herman and Chomsky’s Ideas Function in a Post-communist World? is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International License. This publication may be cited as: Samantha Smith. (2017). How can Herman and Chomsky’s Ideas Function in a Post- communist World?. Pūrātoke: Journal of Undergraduate Research in the Creative Arts and Industries, 1(1), 147-154. Founded at Unitec Institute of Technology in 2017 ISSN 2538-0133 An ePress publication [email protected] www.unitec.ac.nz/epress/ Unitec Institute of Technology Private Bag 92025 Victoria Street West Auckland 1010 Aotearoa New Zealand 148 SAMANTHA SMITH HOW CAN HERMAN AND CHOMSKY’S IDEAS FUNCTION IN A POST-COMMUNIST WORLD? Abstract This essay discusses the opportunity for Herman and Chomsky’s propaganda model, as outlined in their book, Manufacturing Consent (1988), to be altered to remain relevant in a post-communist world. The model previously described five filters, which influence the US media, causing them to stray somewhat from their role as the fourth estate, and preventing them from upholding the ideals of democracy. These filters included ownership, advertising, sourcing, flak and anti-communism. But with the collapse of the Soviet Union, the threat of communism diminished and a new threat emerged. Since September 11, the war on terrorism has become a focus in the US media, creating a new hysteria. In Herman and Chomsky’s propaganda model, anti-communism can be replaced with terrorism to prolong its functionality in a post-communist world. -
Welfare State in the Twenty-First Century Joseph E
The Welfare State in the Twenty-First Century Joseph E. Stiglitz1 Designing the twenty-first-century welfare state is part of a broader debate redefining the role of the market, the state, and “civil society”—non-state forms of collective action. One of the tenets of the Reagan-Thatcher revolution was questioning the welfare state. Some worried that the financial burdens of the welfare state would drag down growth. Some worried about the effect of the welfare state on the sense of individual responsibility, others that the welfare state provides an opportunity for the lazy and profligate to take advantage of hardworking citizens. A sense of social solidarity had united citizens around the world during World War II. Some thirty years after that global conflict, that solidarity was eroding, and economic arguments quickened its disintegration. Even two decades after the doctrines of the Reagan-Thatcher revolution of the 1980s had taken root—and long after its shortcomings had become obvious—others argued that the welfare state had contributed to the euro crisis.2 This paper argues that these arguments criticizing the welfare state are for the most part fallacious and that changes in our economy have even increased the importance of the system. The paper then describes some of the key elements of a twenty-first-century welfare state. I. Basic Precepts of the Welfare State To understand the principles and philosophy of the welfare state, it is useful to contrast it with the “neoliberal” or market-oriented state.3 The central economic doctrine of neoliberalism is that markets are efficient.