CALIFORNIA STATE UNIVERSITY, NORTHRIDGE

Dare to Derby: A Story of the Discovery of Empowerment through and

Community

A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements

For the degree of Master of Arts in Sociology

By

Karen S. Sabbah

May 2015

Copyright by Karen S. Sabbah 2015

SIGNATURE PAGE

The thesis of Karen S. Sabbah is approved:

Amy Denissen, Ph. D. Date

James E. Elias, Ph. D. Date

Lauren E. McDonald, Ph. D., Chair Date

California State University, Northridge

iii California State University, Northridge

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

This thesis would not have been possible if not for Scarletta Vendetta for her

passion for Derby. You fueled my curiosity, made it possible for me to interview your

league, and continually supported me throughout this three-year process. You gave me a thesis topic and opened my eyes to the amazingness of Derby! Thank you amazing

Emerald City Roller Girls for allowing me to observe you, providing me with extra footage, and to those of you who shared your experiences and stories with me. You made my thesis so very rich. Thanks to my CSUN crew – Elizabeth Bogumil, Jade Pearce,

Heather Harper, and Christopher Lawrence for your constant support, brain drain time, avoiding thesis conversations and, most importantly, adventures. And of course, thanks to

Dani Fogel, John Kephart, Danielle Peters and Heather St. Dennis for calming me down when I got frazzled, revamping my presentations, making me laugh, and simply being there for me.

I also want to thank the CSUN thesis support award for providing funding for my thesis. I want to thank my graduate advisor, Dr. Ellis Godard for your editing, plethora of commas for my complex sentences, supporting my research and providing me the opportunity to become an “international” presenter. Finally, I want to especially thank my thesis committee, Dr. Lauren McDonald, Dr. Amy Denissen, and Dr. James Elias. I have been blessed to have your constant support, mentorship and guidance over the years. I have learned so much from you. Your support is how I was able to make it through graduate school. I don’t think I could have done it without any of you!

iv DEDICATION

I dedicate this thesis to my mom, Danielle Michaels and my sister, Sophie

Sabbah. To Mom for teaching me how to read when I was little and Sophie for giving me the permission to drop out of college when I was not ready to be there! I never would have made it this far without my love of reading and coming back to school when I was ready. You both have been instrumental in all of my successes in life!

v

Table of Contents Signature Page ...... iii Acknowledgement ...... iv Dedication ...... v Abstract ...... viii Chapter 1 – Introduction ...... 1 Background ...... 1 Chapter 2 – Roller Derby in Context ...... 5 The Birth and History of Roller Derby ...... 5 Revival Attempts ...... 8 Modern Roller Derby – 2001 to 2015 ...... 8 The Nitty-Gritties of Roller Derby ...... 12 The Skaters of the Game ...... 13 The Track ...... 14 What is in a Derby Name ...... 15 Who is a Derby Girl? ...... 17 Gender Policy...... 17 Chapter 3 - Literature Review ...... 26 Women in Sports...... 26 Gender-Deviant Sports, Stigmatization, and Resistance ...... 28 Roller Derby...... 30 Chapter 4 - Theoretical Framework ...... 35 Doing Gender ...... 35 Gender Frames ...... 37 Emphasized Femininity and Hegemonic Masculinity ...... 38 Gender Maneuvering and Pariah Femininities ...... 39 Chapter 5 – Methods ...... 41 Participant Selection ...... 41 Data Collection ...... 42 Procedure ...... 44 Who are the Emerald City Roller Girls? ...... 44 Chapter 6 – Results ...... 46 The Transformative Effect of the Derby Community...... 46 The Significance of a Derby Identity ...... 47

vi “Every BODY has a Place in Derby” ...... 53 The Global Community of Derby: Sisterhood on Skates ...... 57 A Family Affair...... 64 The Transgressive Nature of Roller Derby ...... 70 “One is not Born a Woman, but, Rather, Becomes One” ...... 71 Sexual Fluidity and Derby ...... 75 Transgender and Derby ...... 78 The Commodification and Athleticism of Derby ...... 84 “We’re more than Strippers on Skates” ...... 85 Athleticism of Derby...... 91 Derby Injuries ...... 99 Chapter 7 – Discussion ...... 105 Limitations ...... 108 Implications for Future Research ...... 109 References ...... 113 Appendix A: Call for Volunteers ...... 122 Appendix B: Counseling List ...... 123 Appendix C: Interview Questions ...... 124 Appendix D: Survey ...... 126 Appendix E: Participant Demographics...... 129 Appendix F: WFTDA Leagues ...... 132 Appendix G: IRB Approval ...... 133

vii ABSTRACT

Dare to Derby: A Story of the Discovery of Empowerment through Derby and

Community

By

Karen S. Sabbah

Master of Arts in Sociology

Since its resurgence in 2001, roller derby has become a world-wide sensation with over 34,000 female skaters. Using a feminist theoretical framework and semi-structured in-depth interviews with women in the Emerald City Roller Girls (ECRG) league, this study examines the complex way that derby players simultaneously challenge hegemony of masculinity (by resisting and reconstructing aspects of femininity they find restrictive and oppressive) and reinforce the gender order (by performing the aspects of feminine identity they find empowering and pleasurable). This is done through a discussion of the transformative and transgressive aspects of derby as well as its commodification and athleticism. Findings indicate that there are four primary ways that derby is transformative - through a player’s derby identity; body acceptance; membership in a global community; and redefinition of “family.” Derby’s transgressive aspects are rooted in a re-examination of femininity, sexual fluidity, and a policy that is inclusive of transgender and intersex players. This research has implications for future studies on athletes who may use sport as a social space to transform and transgress gender boundaries.

viii CHAPTER 1 – INTRODUCTION

Background

My interest in researching roller derby began when a friend posted roller derby references, photos, and information on her Facebook page. I wondered about the connection between this highly educated, white-collar worker with a Master’s Degree and what I naïvely considered a blue-collar, aggressive sport. After talking to her and watching the documentary Hell on Wheels (Ray 2007) about roller derby’s revival in

2001, I was hooked. I wanted to know more about these strong, fierce, brave women who fearlessly compete in a full-body contact sport. Some of the most interesting aspects of this sport are that it is found across the world, even in some of the poorest countries

(TEDx Talks 2013), it has a reputation for inclusivity and acceptance of all types of women, and it thrives because each league is women-owned and women-operated. These women report discovering strength in themselves they often did not know existed or had long forgotten.

The term “roller derby” can be traced as far back as the 1920s, where it was referred to as roller skate races (WFTDA 2013). In the 1930s, a co-ed, touring, competitive group called the Transcontinental Roller Derby was created and gained popularity as fans attended the spectacle. Reporters referred to these events as spectacles because of the staged theatrical brawls, the heightened sexualization of the women, and the speed of the skaters on the oval, banked track (Brantley 2011; Coppage

1999; Deford 1969). The thrill of watching roller derby events died down in the mid-

1970s but increased sharply again in 2001. With the formation of the Women’s Flat

Track Derby Association (WFTDA 2013) in 2005, roller derby was catapulted to a

1 worldwide sensation with over 1,500 WFTDA and non-WFTDA leagues in

approximately 38 countries (Derby Roster 2014; of America Roller Sports

2014). WFTDA sanctioned leagues can be found in 49 of 50 states and Washington, D.C.

Montana is the only state that does not currently have a WFTDA sanctioned league, however they did have an apprentice league accepted by WFTDA in January 2014

(WFTDA 2014b). As of July 2014, there were over 34,000 skaters registered in the

International roller girls’ master roster (King 2014). What started as a co-ed, blue-collar game has turned into a worldwide, predominantly female-only, amateur sport where one’s athletic ability and natural talent as well as drive, determination, and commitment define success.

Roller derby skaters are not exclusive to any particular occupation, socio- economic status, or field. Derby women are stay-at-home moms, attorneys, professors, hair stylists, and college students. The skaters express their diversity and individuality through uniform adornments, makeup, and the derby persona they embody when they skate onto the track. In addition, the roller derby community is not limited to just the skaters. It includes the leagues’ referees, non-skating officials (NSO) and volunteers, and extends to anybody who is part of a roller derby community anywhere in the world. The teams uplift and support the skaters individually, and the derby community as a whole supports each other world-wide (Pavlidis and Fullagar 2013).

Prior to 2008, there had been little to no academic research published on roller derby. Since 2008, there have been nineteen peer reviewed articles (Beaver 2012, 2014;

Breeze 2010, 2013; Carlson 2010, 2011; Chananie-Hill, Waldron and Umsted 2012;

Cohen 2008; Donnelly 2014; Eklund and Masberg 2014; Finley 2010; Geisler 2014;

2 Kearney 2011; Pavlidis 2012, 2013; Pavlidis and Fullgar 2013, 2014; Pavlidis and Olive

2014; and Storms 2008) published on roller derby. The upsurge of academic research in the last five years could be attributed to the Twentieth Century Fox film Whip It

(Barrymore 2010), which was based on a fictional novel written by former

Derby Dolls bank-tracked skater Shauna “Maggie Mayhem” Cross.

These prior studies have used mostly ethnographic methods and a feminist theoretical framework to examine the ways in which derby skaters have built a discourse of empowerment and a transformative space to subvert, challenge, and resist hegemony of masculinity. This resistance has been studied as it relates to the collective ethos of skaters and leagues, the acceptance of various body types and the culture of inclusion.

None of the previous research studies have looked at the WFTDA’s gender policy and its inclusion of transgender players. Prior research has also been limited in terms of the extent to which it has examined the transformative aspects of the global derby community and the derby identity. This research focuses on a more in depth analysis of these areas and also explores derby weddings, derby wives, derby widows, and junior leagues, which have not been discussed in prior research.

Building on prior research on roller derby, this study hopes to add to our understanding of the ways in which sport acts as a transformative space to transgress gender boundaries by answering the following three questions:

1) How does roller derby transform the lives of women (both inside and

outside of the sport)? And, what role does the derby community and derby

identity play in this process?

3 2) How does roller derby transgress normative expressions of femininity and

masculinity in sport?

3) How does roller derby’s commodification shape the gender identities of

the athletes within it?

4 CHAPTER 2 – ROLLER DERBY IN CONTEXT

Roller derby has a long history in American culture. This chapter provides the history of roller derby, explains how the sport is played, discusses some of the intricacies unique to roller derby skaters, and finally discusses the gender policy to allow transgender and intersex skaters the ability to play in a female-only sport. The purpose of this chapter is to orient you to the sport in order to understand the skater’s experiences and jargon better.

The Birth and History of Roller Derby

Prior to the formation of WFTDA in 2005, men were credited with organizing roller derby leagues and start-up attempts. In 1935, Leo Seltzer, known for staging dance marathons and walkathons as a way to generate money (Rasmussen 1999;

Young and Young 2010), read an article claiming that “93% of Americans had roller- skated at one time or another” (Deford 1969:69). Based on this article, Seltzer created the

“Transcontinental Roller Derby” as an endurance contest similar to the dance marathons

but on skates. The skaters had to skate 57,000 laps as a race. This is the equivalent of

skating from Chicago to San Francisco (Turczyn 1999). The skaters skated an average of

110 miles per day; and used cots in the center of the track to rest (Brantley 2011;

Coppage 1999; Deford 1969; Deford 1971; Joulwan 2007). Seltzer had an electric map of

the United States simulating where the skaters would be if they were actually skating the

4,000 transcontinental miles on Route 66 (Deford 1971). The first Transcontinental

Roller Derby opened in Chicago, Illinois, on August 13, 1935, and “drew in 20,000

spectators to the ” (Deford 1969:69).

5 Part of the appeal of roller derby was that the “audience witnessed for the first

time women competing under the same rules of play as men” (Young and Young

2010:594). One of the first women skaters, Josephine “Ma” Bogash, was a housewife

who joined as a dare from her husband. Her determination to win the bet and become the

best roller derby skater attracted other housewives as fans and viewers (Mabe 2007). The

housewives of 1935 delighted in watching “female athletes their own age fiercely

competing the way Ma Bogash did . . . [and] could somehow envision themselves racing

across the smooth track” (Mabe 2007:27). Ma Bogash could be the reason why over half

of the fans were women (Deford 1971). In one of the official roller derby programs in

1950, female fans were credited as the reason for Roller Derby’s popularity because they

were able to project themselves onto the female derby skaters and felt as though they had

competed themselves (Coppage 1999).

In 1938, Seltzer was having dinner with friends and New York sportswriter

Damon Runyon. While at that dinner, Runyon mentioned to Seltzer his observations of the crowd at the earlier game. He “noticed that polite audiences turned into a pack of rafter-raising heathens when the bodies hit the floor” (Barbee and Cohen 2010:14) and

urged Seltzer to change the rules to incorporate more theatrical falls and staged fights

(Young and Young 2010). According to Derby legend, the foundation for today’s roller

derby bouts was invented that night between Seltzer and Runyon through notes,

drawings, and sketches on napkins (Barbee and Cohen 2010; Deford 1971).

The men and women who played roller derby were paid professionals who

worked for Seltzer. Seltzer employed all the skaters and would trade them and manipulate

rosters to keep things competitive (Deford 1969). In 1948, the skaters made

6 approximately “$200.00 a week, with captains getting an extra $35 a week” (Deford

1971:94). The highest paid skater was rumored to have made $40,000 a year (Deford

1969). Ironically, women were paid more than the men, because “female athletes were more scarce than men” (Mabe 2007:27). The public loved attending games, and slightly more than half of the spectators were women (Deford 1971). Deford described the game as blue-collar, and “[t]he players themselves, like Barnum’s elephants, construct and dismantle their track and carry it . . . along to the next town” (Deford 1969:61). This comparison of roller derby skaters to Barnum’s circus elephants describes how disrespected the sport was at the time. It was viewed as a spectacle, or like a circus act enjoyed mostly by a blue-collar population.

Roller derby gained popularity through radio broadcasts in 1939 (Young and

Young 2010) and debuted on television on November 29, 1948 (Deford 1971; Mabe

2007; Young and Young 2010). Variety magazine declared it “the fastest-growing entertainment attraction in the country . . . [I]t is neither sport nor show biz, but a new television art form with elements of both. It is cathartic, dramatically structured, fast paced, and classic” (Deford 1971:6). Original Derby was full of very hard hits, elbow maneuvers, face punches and throws over the banked track rails or body slamming into skaters (Gitnick 2009). Syndication exploited roller derby by “televising live [bouts] fifty-two weeks a year” from 1948-1951 (Mead 2007:39). In 1958, Seltzer’s son Jerry took over running the Derby after Leo lost interest as a result of the pressure and cost to constantly televise bouts. The Derby had its last public bout on December 7, 1973, in

Binghamton, NY (Mead 2007). Jerry Seltzer shut down the Derby organization due to high overhead costs and spectator decline as a result of the Arab Oil crisis. The oil crisis

7 meant that buildings weren’t being heated, citizens were afraid to leave their homes, and

teams could no longer afford the gas to travel (Rasmussen 1999; Turczyn 1999).

Additionally, maintaining syndication was expensive. Seltzer stated “we were shipping

tapes from city to city and station to station . . . there was no consistency [and t]here

really wasn’t enough of a network to sustain interest” (Turczyn 1999).

Revival Attempts

There were several attempts to revive roller derby during the 1980s and 1990s.

Each attempt stemmed from male interest, and always fell through. A majority of the

revival attempts were based on televised shows that focused on the entertainment factor,

competition manipulation (Turczyn 1999), and resembled the World Wrestling

Federation matches more than athletic competitions (Barbee and Cohen 2010). They were all co-ed and played on a banked track. In 1989, RollerGames was a short-lived theatrical version of roller derby. In 1999-2001, RollerJam was televised by The Nashville

Network and focused more on the fake personality types and conflicts than the athleticism displayed by the skaters (Barbee and Cohen 2010). There were other televised shows on various networks and some movies that were made in an attempt to revive the sport. They all fell through until 2001 and the creation of Bad Girl Good Woman

Productions.

Modern Roller Derby – 2001 to 2015

In 2001, Dan “Devil Dan” Eduardo Policarpo approached four women in Texas to see if they would be interested in starting a roller derby league (Ray 2007). They started

Bad Girl Good Woman Production (BGGW) but when things became difficult and confrontations presented themselves, Policarpo left. BGGW shifted the sport to playing

8 on a flat track instead of a banked track and modified the types of theatrics performed in

order to maintain fan interest. BGGW discontinued staged fights, but played up dramatic

storylines and character development to engage the crowd (Ray 2007). They also

incorporated the “Penalty Wheel” as a crowd pleaser in 2001. When a skater’s antics on- track went against the rules, the penalty mistress, Amber “Diva” Stinson, would spin the wheel to determine the deviant skater’s penalty. “Penalties included a visit to ‘Spank

Alley’ (where select members of the crowd had the unique opportunity to tan a skater’s hide), a fight with boxing gloves, or the ignominy of wearing the dreaded ‘Jackass helmet’” (Barbee and Cohen 2010:38; Ray 2007). Many leagues still use sex-appeal at fundraising opportunities such as hosting mud wrestling, pudding wrestling and bikini car wash events, to name a few. Yet other leagues have eliminated penalty theatrics in an effort to maintain the legitimacy of roller derby as an athletic sport.

The first modern roller derby bout was on June 23, 2002, at Skateworld in Austin,

Texas (Barbee and Cohen 2010, Ray 2007). In 2003, BGGW split due to some skaters not feeling heard and the was born. The Texas RollerGirls eventually formed the Women’s Flat Track Derby Association (WFTDA 2013). BGGW eventually got their banked track and morphed into TXRD Lonestar Rollergirls. The TXRD

Lonestar Rollergirls still incorporate fighting and use the penalty wheel. Roller derby’s tipping point occurred in 2005 when leagues started forming in , , and the (Barbee and Cohen 2010), thereby crossing international borders.

Prior to 2005, there were 25 leagues all located in the United States. In 2005, the number of national and international leagues doubled to 50. The number of leagues increased to

140 in 2006, 230 in 2007, 370 by 2008, and over 440 worldwide by 2009. It is estimated

9 that the number of leagues worldwide has since increased by 100 annually (Barbee and

Cohen 2010), though not all of these leagues are WFTDA-sanctioned leagues.

As of July 2014, there were 243 WFTDA-sanctioned leagues across 14 different countries and 114 apprentice leagues across 18 different countries (see Appendix F).

WFTDA’s philosophy is “by the skaters, for the skaters” (WFTDA 2014c:iii), and each

league is skater-owned, -managed and -operated and considered a “grassroots

organization in terms of attracting new fans” (WFTDA 2012b). All leagues start in local

communities from the bottom up and gain popularity through word of mouth. All roller

derby skaters and non-skating officials are volunteers and stakeholders in the league for

which they skate for or officiate. All derby women are required to sign a code of conduct

once they have completed Fresh Meat training. The code of conduct includes a disclaimer

about behavior in public. All derby women are representatives of the league and they

have to portray being a derby woman positively while in public. WFTDA is one of ten

different associations that govern amateur roller derby leagues worldwide. For the

purposes of this study, I will only focus on WFTDA’s rules and regulations.

Overall, there are 1,515 amateur roller derby leagues worldwide (Derby Roster

2014) spanning 41 countries and governed by one of ten different associations. These associations are the governing bodies for the junior’s, women’s, men’s, and international leagues. USA Roller Sports (USARS) is the national governing body for all roller sports in the United States as designated by the United States Olympic Committee in accordance with the Amateur Sports Act of 1978 (Senate Committee on Commerce,

10 Science, and Transportation 1998). USARS is the only association that can represent

roller sports for consideration to the Olympic games.1

Roller derby is more than a volunteer-run, amateur athletic sport. It is also a tight knit community of men and women who share a love of the sport. Since roller derby is a relatively “new” sport, it is constantly undergoing changes. One of the changes that

WFTDA has been implementing is to focus on the athleticism and professionalism of the sport. WFTDA sanctioned leagues have eliminated tutus and corsets from their uniforms and now have standardized team uniforms. One male fan stated that he would support the transition to more athletic uniforms, although he “prefer[ed] one that ripped open in strategic places every time you fell” (Ophiliant 2013). Although WFTDA has standardized team uniforms, the uniforms still embrace a “sexy” look to them. The uniforms are tight or form fitting jerseys and booty shorts, leggings or skirts.

Some leagues have taken this one step further and are even moving away from the

“derby name” and using athletes legal last names on the back of their uniforms (Breeze

2013). According to WFTDA’s 2012 roller derby demographics fact sheet, “11% of the active female skaters, 17% of active male skaters, and 7% of the fans agree that they would enjoy roller derby more if skaters skated under their real names” (3). The purpose of implementing these changes is to facilitate the changing perception that roller derby is not the theatrical spectacle of sexified roller skaters that it was in the 1970s and to create a subculture in which the sport is viewed as a legitimate women’s sport. WFTDA’s goal is for roller derby skaters to compete at the Olympics.

1 AJ Epps, USARS Roller Derby Coordinator/Competitive Sanctions, email correspondence wtih the author July 18, 2014

11 Roller derby women come in all ages, athletic ability, shapes, sizes, and educational backgrounds. Roller derby women view roller derby as an athletic sport. As a result, they push themselves to take care of their bodies the way athletes do. This includes proper nutrition, getting enough sleep and working out to strengthen their muscles. They practice between “four to ten hours per week,” (Carlson 2011:86) depending on the league and the commitment level of the derby woman (Beaver 2012, Breeze 2013). Many leagues have an attendance policy requiring skaters to attend a percentage of practice and some include a minimum number of league service hours. All skaters must adhere to the attendance policy in order to be on the roster for the next bout (Breeze 2013). This prevents the seasoned skaters from skipping practice and making the roster simply because they have the skills while the less-skilled skaters, who have been practicing, have to sit out. The average annual cost to participate in a WFTDA sanctioned league per year is $1,500, inclusive of equipment, travel expenses, and dues (WFTDA 2012a). The cost increases if you are part of the All-Star or travel team, although most leagues fundraise to help defray costs.

The Nitty-Gritties of Roller Derby

Roller derby today is an amateur sport played without theatrics or staged falls, hits or collisions (WFTDA 2014a). However, it is still played on an oval track wearing

“quad”2 skates like it was back in the 1930s. The basic makeup of a bout and the skaters has remained unchanged since roller derby’s inception and can be played on either a banked track, reminiscent of the original game, or a flat track.

2 Quad skates are skates with four wheels where two wheels are positioned under the toe and two wheels are under the heel.

12 The Skaters of the Game

A roller derby game is called a ‘bout,’ lasts for sixty minutes and is divided into

two thirty-minute periods (WFTDA 2014c). Each period consists of multiple ‘jams,’

which last up to two minutes with a thirty-second break between each jam session

(WFTDA 2014c) and at least a five-minute break between each period (WFTDA 2014c).

The basic makeup of a bout and the skaters has remained unchanged since roller derby’s

inception. Since the 1950s, each jam consists of five skaters; one jammer, three blockers,

and one pivot blocker from each team.

The jammer is the only one who can score points. After she has lapped the pack,

she scores one point for each member of the opposing team, scoring up to five points per

lap. The jammer is easily identifiable because the star panty3 covers her helmet and she is

often alone (WFTDA 2014c). The first jammer of the two teams to break through the

pack is designated as the lead jammer. The referee signals this by blowing their whistle

two times in rapid succession (WFTDA 2014c). The lead jammer is the only one who can

call off the jam before the two-minute mark (WFTDA 2014c). She does so by placing or

tapping her hands on her hips until the referee calls it. Being able to call off the jam

before the two minute mark is beneficial when you are close to the end of the jam, your

team is in the lead, and the other jammer is gaining on you. The jam ends either when the

two minutes are up or the lead jammer has called it off. The referee signals the end of the jam by blowing their whistle four times in rapid succession (WFTDA 2014c).

The other four skaters are the blockers, with one being the pivot blocker. They form a ‘pack’ by skating closely together in hip-to-hip formation. Blockers do not score

3 Helmet covers are called panties. Only the Jammer and Pivot skaters have helmet panties. Blockers do not.

13 points. Their job is to help their jammer get through the pack and prevent the opposing

jammer from breaking through. They do this by strategically positioning their bodies to

hinder or slow down the opposing jammer (WFTDA 2014c). Blockers wear plain

helmets. A pivot blocker holds position in the front of the pack, controls the pack speed

and is the last line of defense in blocking the opposing team’s jammer from escaping the

pack. The pivot blocker’s helmet panty has a two-inch wide stripe that runs front to back

(WDTFA 2014c).

Before the jam begins, both teams line up on the track based on their skating positions. Both pivot blockers line up at the pivot line. All blockers line up together behind the pivot blockers and both jammers line up anywhere behind the blockers and before the jammer line. The jammer line is thirty feet counterclockwise behind the pivot line. An advantage to lining up at the jammer line is the amount of track space, which

allows the jammer to gain speed. The jam begins when the referee blows one long whistle

and the pivot and blockers take off. Once the pivot and blockers have skated twenty feet

from the pivot line, the referee blows two short whistles to signal the jammers to take off

(WFTDA 2014c).

The Track

There are two types of tracks that roller derby is played on – a banked track and a

flat track. There are also different rules and associations based on if you play banked track or flat track roller derby. The banked track is reminiscent of the original game and governed by the Roller Derby Coalition of Leagues (RDCL). Banked tracked teams are less common due to the expense of maintenance and costs associated with storing the

14 track at a permanent location. There are several differences between banked and flat track roller derby.

The first difference is two different associations govern each type of roller derby.

The second difference is in the construction of the track itself. The banked track is banked with sloped turns affecting centripetal force, which causes the skaters to skate faster at turns (Williams 2014) and constructed based on the regulations and guidelines set by the RDCL (Roller Derby Coalition of Leagues 2014). A flat track, on the other hand, is considered “modern roller derby” and can be constructed on any flat surface using tape or rope and a specific set of rules, measurements, and guidelines as set by

WFTDA. The third difference is in the Derby culture, attitudes, and lifestyle expressed by skaters based on the type of track they play on. Banked track leagues seem to have stayed on the theatrical side of roller derby. They focus on fun, hard hits, penalty wheels and theatrics to entertain the crowd. Flat track leagues seem to be focused more on the athleticism of the sport and less on using theatrics as entertainment for the crowd.

What is in a Derby Name

Anybody who participates in roller derby – skater, non-skating official (NSO) or referee – has a derby name. A derby name is considered “a rite of passage for new skaters” (Rosenwinkel 2009:40). It means you have survived Fresh Meat training,4 been picked up by a team, and have enough track time to solidify your derby persona. These names are unique to each person and are a crucial part of one’s derby persona (Barbee

4 All new skaters start off as “Fresh Meat” and have to go through training regardless of skating skill. This is done as a safety precaution to the new and veteran skaters. In training, skaters learn how to fall properly and a variety of skate-skills. On average, it takes eight months to complete Fresh Meat training. After completing league-specific training hours, the skater must pass a series of assessments in order to eligible to be drafted onto a team. Skaters who sustain injuries and are off skates for an extended length of time must go back through training in order to rejoin their team. This provides her with a place to strengthen the injured body part and retrain her feet. Training is a much slower pace than team practice.

15 and Cohen 2010, Rosenwinkel 2009). Names become registered in the International

Rollergirls Master Roster, which contains the names of all flat and bank tracked skaters,

NSO’s and referee’s, and league names to avoid duplication (King 2014). Once a skater

has picked her derby name, she has to check it for similarity using the Derby Roster

website. Derby names can be rejected based on the degree of similarity to another

skater’s name. The roller derby roster website also provides a list of similar roller derby names and the level of similarity so the skater knows whether or not it needs to be changed or modified.

For some people, roller derby allows for the creation of an alternate persona which can be different than who they present themselves as in their everyday lives

(Rosenwinkel 2009). Roller derby women are commonly portrayed “as a secret gang of superheroes” (Carlson 2011:86) where they are transformed from their day personas into

bad-ass skaters. It becomes “[o]ur alter ego [that] gives us free rein to become the babe of

our dreams – a schoolyard bully, a lascivious glamour girl, a fast-as-lightning athlete”

(Joulwan 2007:125). Some common roller derby “personas” are the Super Heroine,

Bombshell, Sexy Librarian, Hottie Homemaker, Wisecrackin’ Dame, Gang Leader,

Dominatrix, and Girl Next Door (Joulwan 2007). For others, derby names are extensions

of themselves. The derby name is part of derby tradition and most skaters pick fun

monikers in order to stay with tradition (Rosenwinkel 2009).

Skaters and NSO’s pick their name for a variety of reasons. Some skaters select

names that are a play on or extension of their legal name, like Parsons of

Dutchland Rollers in whose derby name is “Derby Does Dallas” (Barbee

and Cohen 2010). Other skaters pick names that are a play on words like “Ima Handful”

16 from Rat City Rollers. Other “skaters like to play tribute to figures in history, cultural

heroes, fictional characters, and modern celebrities [like] Amelia Scareheart [from the]

Atlanta Rollergirls” (Barbee and Cohen 2010:154). Another option is to incorporate a

quality of your personal history (in this case with alcohol) as “Betty Ford Galaxy” did

(Barbee and Cohen 2010). As of 2010, there were over “19,500 names registered on the

Master Roster” (Barbee and Cohen 2010:156) and by 2014 the list of registered names

has grown to over 34,000 (King 2014).

Who is a Derby Girl?

The term “derby girl” is used to describe derby skaters by other derby skaters.

Only derby girls can refer to themselves and each other as derby girls. Anybody else is

participating in “girling of femininity” which delegitimizes the derby skater’s feminine

strength and power by using the derogatory language. By calling a derby skater a “derby

girl” and not being part of the community, you make them less threatening and infantilize

them (Czarniawska 2013; Tasker and Negra 2007).

Gender Policy

In 2008, WFTDA began the process of creating a gender policy in order to set

common expectations and definitions, and for transgender women to feel welcome

skating in the league (WFTDA 2011). WFTDA’s policy was developed in reaction to

other leagues developing their own gender policies. There are three league policies that

were developed prior to WFTDA’s policy. The Roller Derby League created

the first gender policy in May 2008. Their policy allowed a transgender woman to skate

as long as she was living as a woman and had been undergoing female hormone therapy for at least one year. The transgender skater must demonstrate one of the following:

17 medical documentation supporting that she has been living as a woman for at least one

year; that she has legally changed her name to a female name; and/or has had her legal

sex changed to female.5 Prior to WFTDA’s policy going into effect in January 2012,

Montreal’s policy had been circulated on various blogs as an example for other leagues looking to implement their own gender policy. The second league was the DC

Rollergirls. Their policy followed the International Olympic Committee’s (IOC) rules

and initially required their transgender skaters to sign a code of conduct stating they were

at least two years post-surgery (Gore 2011). The third league was the Philly Roller Girls6

whose policy is the most liberal as it allows anyone to play derby as long as she identifies

as female, regardless of hormone replacement therapy or surgery status.

According to Juliana “Bloody Mary” Gonzales, WFTDA executive director, “we

feel that as an organization that is entirely devoted to promoting and fostering women’s

flat track roller derby, it’s our responsibility to define what ‘women’ means to our

members in this context” (Crouse 2011:8). The policy was finalized and voted on by

WFTDA members on April 18, 2011 (WFTDA 2011) and implemented on January 01,

2012. Each individual league is responsible for attesting to the eligibility of its skaters.

The Women’s Flat Track Derby Association (WFTDA 2012a) gender policy

defines a person who takes on a female identity as someone who is “living as a woman

and having sex hormones that are within the medically acceptable range for a female, to

include male-to-female transgender and intersex persons” (Crouse 2011:8, WFTDA

5 League Gender Policy, retrieved February 21, 2015 (https://namelesswhorror.files.wordpress.com/2010/05/mtlrd-2008-gender-policy2.pdf)

6 Email correspondence to author, February 24, 2015. As of January 06, 2015, the Philly Roller Girls changed their name to . They became gender neutral in an effort to be more inclusionary. (http://www.crossingbroad.com/2015/01/prt-the-philly-roller-girls-have-gone-gender- neutral.html)

18 2012a). The new policy allows intersex and transgender women the ability to play roller

derby in a WFTDA sanctioned league regardless of surgery status. Prior to this time,

intersex and transgender women who wished to play in roller derby either had to hide

their transgender status or were lucky enough to have a league that already had a policy

in place. Gonzales further states the “goal in establishing a policy is to further standardize

our sport and to eliminate an already uncomfortable ‘don’t ask, don’t tell’ environment

that exists for these athletes” (Crouse 2011:8).

It is important to note that the sport of roller derby moved to incorporate gender

inclusive policies just three years after the association was created. No other competitive

sport allows intersex or transgender athletes to participate, regardless of surgery status or

without requiring a specific mental health diagnosis. Additionally, WFTDA does not

require the intersex or transgender skater to be undergoing hormone replacement therapy;

they only require the skater to have hormones within the medically acceptable range for

females. This could occur naturally as some biological men have low testosterone levels

and could be within the high end of the medically acceptable range for females.

Since the implementation of WFTDA’s policy in 2012, two other governing

bodies have implemented specific non-discrimination policies. In 2014, the Men’s Roller

Derby Association (MRDA)7 implemented a non-discrimination policy, modeled in part

after WFTDA’s policy and is more liberal than WFTDA’s policy. It states:

MRDA does not and will not differentiate between members who identify [as] male and those who identify as a nonbinary gender (including but not limited to genderqueer, transmasculine, transfeminine, and agender) and does not and will not set minimum standards of masculinity for its membership or interfere with the

7 Men’s Roller Derby Assocation (MRDA) was established in 2007 and models after WFTDA. At the time of this writing, MRDA consists of 45 national and international leagues (http://www.mensrollerderbyassociation.com).

19 privacy of its members for the purposes of charter eligibility (Men’s Roller Derby Association 2014).

On September 11, 2014, the Junior Roller Derby Association (JRDA) also

implemented a non-discrimination policy, which they adapted from MRDA’s policy.

JRDA’s policy is identical to MRDA’s policy stated above. JRDA does specify that

“[t]he presence of a skater on a gender-specific charter is the only required evidence of

that skater's gender identity for JRDA play” (Junior Roller Derby Association 2014).

Neither MRDA nor JRDA’s policies require the hormone levels of their skaters to be

checked. United States of America Roller Sports (USARS) is the other governing body

that defines male and female. In USARS’ 2015 Roller Derby Rule book, there is a

footnote that defines male and female athletes. “A “female” athlete shall be defined to

include any athlete legally recognized as female in her state of residence. A “male”

athlete shall be defined to include any athlete legally recognized as male in his state of

residence” (2015:1).8 There is no other mention of gender, transgender or intersex, or non-binary gender skaters in the rulebook. USARS’ stance on gender identity is

restrictive and traditional in the sense that they maintain the gender binary system as opposed to adopting a more fluid view of gender as other leagues have. USARS’ statement is less restrictive than the NCAA or IOC’s policies in that USARS does not require any surgical, hormonal, or mental health diagnosis.

8 Each state has different requirements related to legally changing one’s gender on their driver’s license. Twenty-two states require medical statements that the person has either completed gender reassignment or is in the process of gender reassignment. Five states require medical statements that the person is living as their other gender. Six states require a court order. Five states just need a medical statement of the person’s gender with no mention of surgery or living as status. Twelve states did not provide details on how to change one’s gender on their driver’s license. (http://wiki.susans.org/index.php/Changing_sex_on_driver%27s_licenses_in_the_US#Maryland.)

20 In researching gender policies and organized sports associations, I located two policies that specifically addressed transgender athletes. The first policy is by the

National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA) and the second by the International

Olympic Committee (IOC). The NCAA adopted a policy in 2010. Students who are not undergoing “hormone therapy related to their gender transition” (NCAA 2010:13) are only able to participate in the sport of their assigned birth gender. Transgender students undergoing hormone therapy must also be diagnosed with “Gender Identity Disorder,

Gender Dysphoria and/or Transsexualism” (NCAA 2010:13) by a mental health professional. Additionally, the NCAA “requires transgender women to take testosterone- suppressing hormones for at least a year before competing on women’s teams” (Skinner-

Thompson and Turner 2013:276). By requiring a mental health diagnosis, the NCAA perpetuates pathologizing transgender people. Butler argues that by pathologizing transgender people with a mental health diagnosis, the medical community labels them as deviant and adds on an unwanted stigma (Butler 2004). The only way a transgender person can undo their gender is by conforming to the medical community in order to receive this diagnosis. Butler (2004) explains how a “diagnosis of gender dysphoria [the only diagnosis left in the DSM-V] …can only be diagnosed if it meets the test of time”

(81). This means in order for a transgender person to be diagnosed with gender dysphoria, they must express a conflict with their birth gender for at least six months

(American Psychiatric Association 2013). The strength of their conflict is significant and the conflict must be manifested in at least two of the six criteria listed in the DSM-V.

The IOC allows transgender athletes to participate in the Olympics as long as the athlete is at least two-years post-surgery, is legally recognized as their assigned sex, and

21 undergoing hormone therapy appropriate for the reassigned sex (International Olympic

Committee 2004). Roller derby was up for consideration as one of the new sports in the

2020 Olympics, but was cut in March 2014.9 This regulation could create problems should roller derby make it to the Olympic level in the future. It would deny a pre- surgery intersex or transgender skater the ability to compete.

The gender policy that WFTDA implemented is unlike any other policy in the athletic community. While there are policies adopted at the collegiate and Olympic level, both policies require hormone replacement therapy or surgery status in addition to a mental health diagnosis of gender dysphoria. The other diagnoses of gender identity disorder and transsexualism were removed from the Diagnostic Statistical Manual V10 in

2013. WFTDA’s policy does not focus on the mental health diagnosis or surgical status

of the skater. Instead the policy relies on a medical provider’s verification that the

skater’s hormone levels are within the medically acceptable range for cisgender females.

WFTDA’s gender policy is very progressive and is contradictory. On the one hand, it is

progressive in accepting transgender females into derby. On the other hand it still

reinforces the naturalization of gender by including the biological component of “having

sex hormones that are within the medically acceptable range for a female…”Transgender

female athletes are in a precarious position because there are transphobic derby skaters

and fans. This is one reason why it is hard to identify the number of transgender female

athletes in recreational, collegiate, and even in derby sports.

9 AJ Epps, USARS Roller Derby Coordinator/Competitive Sanctions, email message to the author July 18, 2014

10 The DSM is used by mental health professional to diagnose and classify mental disorders. Mental health professionals have used the DSM since 1952. Originally homosexuality was listed as a mental health disorder in the DSM until 1974 and the seventh printing of the DSM-II. (http://www.psychiatry.org/practice/dsm/dsm-history-of-the-manual)

22 Lenore Gore is the most famous transgender derby skater. Further, she is a vocal

advocate for transgender rights. In 2011, Gore wrote an article in Five on Five, the roller

derby magazine, about being transgender and WFTDA’s policy that was about to be

implemented. The league she skates for, DC Rollergirls, had a gender policy in place but

it emulated the IOC’s policy which required skaters to be at least two years post-surgery in order to play. Gore was not two years post-surgery and was afraid of being found out

and losing her family. In 2008, Gore’s first year, a complaint was filed against her

demanding that her medical history be investigated since there was suspicion that she was

transgender. Gore experienced a combination of harassment by transphobic skaters and

support from her league. The result of the complaint and the ensuing harassment was a

change to DC Rollergirls’ policy that eliminated the surgery status requirement.

WFTDA’s gender policy has been met with mixed reviews. Since WFTDA is a skater-owned organization, any association wide policies need to be voted on by all

WFTDA sanctioned leagues. This policy was announced at the East Coast Derby

Extravaganza (ECDX) in 2011 (Freed 2011) and went out for league vote shortly thereafter. The Philly Roller Girls (PRG) were against the policy because they felt the policy was not inclusive enough and feared it would cause a “witch hunt” of sorts regarding hormone testing (Caesar 2011; Freed 2011; Gore 2011). The Philly Roller

Girl’s petitioned against the policy because they felt what was being asked of their transsisters (undergoing hormone tests) were too invasive since cisgender females were not subjected to the same scrutiny. The costs to undergo blood tests to determine hormone levels can be as expensive as $750.00 (Colletta 2002). Any transgender skater

23 would be required to undergo these tests in order to receive a letter from her doctor

saying she was within the hormone levels of a female in order to qualify to play.

In a letter to the WFTDA leagues,11 PRG asked their derby sisters to support their

transgender sisters by wearing “temporary tattoos with the transgender pride symbol to

show solidarity to their cause” (Gore 2011). The Philly Roller Girl’s cause was their

petition to WFTDA’s gender policy. Gore wrote that the overwhelming support of seeing

“hundreds of roller girls respond favorably to their cause, and transgender pride tattoos

[being] visible everywhere you looked…” helped her heal some of the anger she had felt when she was harassed and the fear she felt at being outed. Gore supported the policy and through her writing the article, she created a safe space for other transgender skaters to express their support, to come out, and to share their stories (Freed 2011; Gore 2011).

Since the gender policy went into effect in 2012, many leagues have chosen to

create their own policies. The Philly Roller Girl’s policy is comparatively liberal and

allows any skater who identifies as a woman the ability to play. In true derby community

fashion, derby women rallied together to support one another in literary form. Two

articles were published in Derby Life.12 One article was in support of leagues wanting to

develop their own gender policies and advice on how to go about doing it (Gus 2014).

The second article was to teach the leagues how to support their transgender skaters. In

Gut-Her Punk’s (2013) article, she outlines five ways to support your transgender

teammate: “1) Use proper pronouns [to show respect]; 2) Don’t ask about her surgery

11 Letter from Philly Roller Girls to all WFTDA leagues (http://www.rollerderbyinsidetrack.com/wp- content/uploads/2011/05/PRGGenderPolicy.pdf).

12 Derby Life is a website dedicated to all things derby. There are articles, athletic suggestions related to health, weight and cross training, and everything in between. The Derby News Network hosts this site (http://www.derbylife.com/).

24 status; 3) Create a trans affirming gender policy; 4) Educate yourself on trans-issues; 5)

Don’t out your trans teammate.” Punk’s article is useful for leagues that have a transgender skater as well as for teams who may not have a transgender skater on their roster but may play against a team that does. These five ways answer some basic questions about appropriate etiquette when interacting with transgender skater. Regarding leagues creating trans affirming policies, Punk recommends adopting New Jersey’s

Garden State Rollergirls’ gender policy. Their policy states that eligible skaters must “be a female, identifying and living daily life as a woman, [and] 18 years of age or older.”

(Punk 2013). It will be very interesting to study the extent of which derby leagues implement Punk’s recommendations over the next five years.

25 CHAPTER 3 - LITERATURE REVIEW

Research on roller derby builds on a larger body if literature focused on the

historical context of women in sports, the stigmatization of women in gender deviant

sports, and women’s participation in sport as means of resistance to both hegemony of

masculinity and heteronormativity. The emerging literature on roller derby since 2010

has built on the resistance literature in sport and found roller derby to be an alternative

and transformative space for skaters to subvert, challenge, and resist the dominant gender

order. Empirical findings from various studies also indicate that the ways in which derby

skaters “do gender” is complex and filled with contradictions.

Women in Sports

Since the onset of industrialization, it was believed that physical activity was

detrimental to a woman’s reproductive health (Cahn 1993; Storms 2008). As such, males

have dominated athletic institutions (Adams, Schmitke and Franklin 2005; Cahn 1993;

Krane 2001; Messner 2002). Since the 1970s, the media has consistently showcased,

during prime time hours, women competing in the Olympic Games in two very specific

sports: figure skating during the Winter Games and gymnastics during the Summer

Games. Figure skaters are the ice princesses, and gymnasts are the darlings of the

summer games (Ryan 1995). Figure skaters and gymnasts are poised, graceful, petite,

thin, feminine, and cover-girl pretty, “brave but not macho, muscled but not bulky, competitive but still vulnerable” (Ryan 1995:68). Gymnasts and figure skaters bodies

also exemplify little girl bodies and are androgynous in development. A gymnast or

skater’s worst enemy is puberty (Lorber 1991, Ryan 1995). The cultural ideal of a female

athletic body is exemplified by a smaller physique, thin, tight and toned (Krane et al.

26 2004). Both figure skaters and gymnasts historically have fulfill the cultural ideal of a

female athletic body while portraying strength, femininity, and beauty.

Female athletes are subjected to a many forms of ridicule that male athletes do not face. For example, when female athletes begin to perform well or have a seemingly unnatural muscle definition or ratio, her sexuality is contested (Messner 2002). Female athletes may be required to undergo genetic testing to prove she is genetically female or have her genitals inspected (Lorber 1991). Culturally, women are “perceived as incapable of equaling men at sport, [and so] are rendered inferior and . . . less capable” (Bryson

1990:173). If a female athlete is able to perform as well as her male counterpart or even outperform him, the supposition is that she must not really be female.

Aside from a woman having her sex questioned due to her athleticism and her abilities rendered inferior, representations of female athletes are portrayed in the media differently than male athletes. While media coverage of female sports is not limited to the

Olympic Games, the Olympic Games are where female athletes receive the most coverage during prime time hours on networks such as NBC or CBS. Women’s sports are covered dramatically less than male sports (Messner 2002; Pavlidis and Fullagar 2013).

Messner (2002) found that newscasters cover women’s sports in four patterned ways:

“silence, humorous sexualization, backlash, and selective incorporation of standout women athletes” (93). Similarly, Daniels and Wartena (2011) found that media coverage of female athletes is focused on sexually objectifying female performances which devalues and detracts from their athleticism.

27 Gender-Deviant Sports, Stigmatization, and Resistance

Women’s participation in gender-deviant sports such as rugby, , , soccer, and defy hegemony of masculinity. These sports require physical strength, aggressive behavior, and intense physical contact (Blinde and Taub

1992). Additionally, these sports “transgress gender by engaging aggressive physical contact with other sporting females” (Peluso 2011:40). Women who build muscle through participation in sport challenge patriarchy and dominant ideas about what it means to be masculine and feminine (Wesley 2001). As a result women routinely have their sexuality questioned and are more often labeled as “masculine”, “butch”, or

“lesbian” (Adams et al. 2005; Blinde and Taub 1992; Duff 2003; Messner 2002; Schmalz and Kerstetter 2006; Schur 1984). The lesbian label is a generalization used to discredit and devalue the athlete and the sport, to deter participation, and act as a method of control

(Blinde and Taub 1992).

Various studies have found that women who participate in “masculine” sports are often encouraged to present themselves as “heterosexy” in order to avoid stigmatization as unfeminine lesbians and regain their womanhood by surrendering their sex appeal to men (Adams et al. 2005; Beaver 2014; Blinde and Taub 1992; Cahn 1993, Krane 2001).

Being heterosexy requires a female athlete to emphasize her femininity, heterosexuality, and be objectified and sexualized. Krane (2001) found that female athletes are highly aware of the consequences of being perceived as homosexual, which include negative treatment by coaches, fans, officials and the media. In an effort to emphasize heterosexuality, female athletes often limit their fraternization with other females, are

28 intentionally seen in public with a boyfriend, and disassociate with fellow lesbian

teammates (Kauer and Krane 2006; Krane et al. 2004).

Messner’s (2002) study of women in sport also reveals the way in which female

athletes are at the same time stigmatized and sexualized for engaging in “masculine”

behavior. When the U.S. Women’s Soccer team played in the World Cup in 1999, the

winning goal by Brandi Chastain was replayed by the media in part because Chastain

took off her shirt, waved it around like a flag, and dropped to her knees wearing nothing more than a black sports bra and soccer shorts in a display of victory (Messner 2002;

YouTube 1999). Messner (2002) argues that Chastain defied appropriate female behavior by publically removing her shirt and then by running around the field with it off. The media used this reaction as a way to devalue the athleticism and accomplishment of her and the team by sexualizing Chastain and focusing on her “striptease” moment (Messner

2002).

While female athletes have been stigmatized for their participation in gender- deviant sports, there is a growing body of research examining the way in which sport serves as a means of resistance to both hegemony of masculinity and heteronormativity.

In her study on female rugby players, Broad (2001) found “queer” resistance among female athletes who were unapologetic about their identities. These players directly confronted stigma which resulted in a destabilization of the heterosexual/homosexual binary (Broad 2001). Caudwell’s (2003) study of women’s soccer discussed players’

resistance to the compulsory “woman-feminine-heterosexual” order and their efforts to move beyond a gender binary. Similarly Ravel and Rail (2007) studied female athletes in

29 Canada and found that sport was a space where homosexuality was “normalized” and

heteronormativity was resisted.

Roller Derby

Since roller derby’s revival in 2001, a growing body of research has emerged

using mostly ethnographic methods and feminist theoretical frameworks to examine the

ways in which derby skaters have built a discourse of empowerment and a transformative

space to subvert, challenge, and resist hegemony of masculinity. This resistance has been

studied as it relates to the collective ethos of skaters and leagues, the acceptance of

various body types and the culture of inclusion.

Research on roller derby has emphasized how the sport fosters a type of

“sisterhood” where skaters support and encourage each other, on and off the track

(Chananie-Hill et al. 2012; Donnelly 2011; Pavlidis 2012). There is power in controlling

the organization which creates a different type of community than other athletic

institutions (Finley 2010). In Beaver’s (2012) study, he describes the “do-it-yourself” or

“DIY” ethos in derby that emphasizes collective labor over individualism. Cohen (2008) similarly argues that derby’s resurgence was founded on the idea that skaters wanted a different structure of athletics which embraced team unity and loyalty over competitiveness. The roller derby community encourages skaters to consider “what it

means to be a woman and what women’s leisure should be” (Pavlidis 2012:17) by skaters

identifying “their own wants, needs, and desires” (Peluso 2010:75). Donnelly (2011)

explains that “[s]imply making or taking time for leisure, separate from family and work

obligations, is a challenge for many women” (26). Roller derby not only provides an

avenue, but encourages participation in leisure time by rewarding women and, especially,

30 mothers for being self-sacrificing and playing a supportive role. In contrast, roller derby women are encouraged to take time for, and draw attention to, themselves.

While derby has consistently been found to foster a sense of community, Pavlidis

(2013) argues that derby is both a site of empowerment as well as a place of struggle and marginalization for certain femininities (Pavlidis 2013; Pavlidis and Fullagar 2014).

While derby allows skaters to shift between multiple subject position and subvert the cultural hegemony found in mainstream sport, tensions among different derby leagues contradict the notion that derby is uniformly a site of cultural empowerment and belonging (Pavlidis 2012: Pavlidis and Fullagar 2014).

The inclusivity of multiple body types is another finding that cuts across derby research. Derby’s inclusion of various body types has a transformative effect over skaters who feel they do not fit in elsewhere (Finley 2010). In a study on how participation in roller derby affects the body image of its participants, Eklund and Masberg (2014) surveyed 1,594 WFTDA derby skaters from across the U.S. Findings indicate that skaters have a high level of acceptance for various body types and reject the cultural ideal in favor of a healthier body image (Eklund and Masberg 2014). Roller derby challenges social mores by welcoming fat and skinny bodies as well as the young and the old

(Donnelly 2014).Carlson (2010) found that skaters defined body parts (such as their butts) as strategic weapons rather than “problem areas,” while Cohen (2008) similarly found that “curvaceous skaters were not chastised for being larger than those with a

‘perfect’ body, but instead were commended on their strength” (32).

Several researchers have drawn on Connell’s (1987) work on emphasized femininity, hegemony of masculinity, and gender regimes to theoretically examine roller

31 derby. For example, in Carlson’s (2010) study of derby women, she argues that skaters

interrogate and reconstruct assumptions of femininity through exaggerated and satirical

forms of emphasized femininity (e.g.: wearing skimpy costumes) while at the same time

representing themselves as aggressors who actively use their bodies as weapons and

consciously incur injuries. Roller derby women also mock traditional gender stereotypes

and rebel against idealized versions of womanhood by interrogating normative

assumptions of femininity (Carlson 2010). Giesler (2014) also examined derby skaters’

use of costumes as a form of parody and drag that operate outside of hegemony of masculinity. She argues that this exaggerated performance of tongue-in-cheek sexuality is a construct that mocks the objectification of desired bodies (Gieseler 2014).

However, Cohen (2008) and Carlson (2010; 2011) question whether or not femininity found in derby resists or reinforces essentialized femininity. Cohen (2008) argues that the sexuality of skaters is still presented in heteronormative terms, and while it is about female empowerment, derby’s historical attempts at gaining recognition place the selling of sex over women’s athletic ability. Carlson (2011) similarly argues that there may be a disjuncture in roller derby where gender agency operates without gender resistance as she questions whether derby skater’s satirical portrayals actually constitute resistance.

Other scholars have drawn on Connell and Messerschmidt’s (2005) concept of

“gender regimes” and the patterning of gender relations in institutions to study derby.

Beaver (2012) argues that derby’s skater owned and skater operated organizational structure actually challenges the gender regime and both subverts and guards against alienation and commercialization found in male dominated sports. Similarly, Donnelly’s

32 (2014) study draws on Connell and Messerschmidt’s concept to describe how derby

women are active in the “production of local woman-onlyness gender regimes”

(2005:348). The woman-onlyness gender regime challenges essentialized gender

stereotypes and provides a welcoming and supportive setting for skaters (Donnelly 2014).

Studies have also drawn on the contrasting theoretical frameworks of undoing

gender (Butler 2004; Deutsch 2007; Risman 2009) and gender maneuvering (Schippers

2002; 2007) as a way to understand how derby skaters contend with hegemony of

masculinity. Beaver (2014) argues that derby women attempt to undo gender by

“resisting the gender binary that equates athleticism with masculinity” (2). One way that

they do this is through the self-conscious use of uniforms as parody and play in an attempt to undermine the gender binary (Beaver 2014). In a theoretical piece which

engages Butler’s (1990) theory of gender performativity and subversion, Carlson (2011)

analyzes women’s sport as a space for understanding gender agency and resistance. In

contrast, Finely (2010) draws on Schippers’ (2002; 2007) concept of “gender

maneuvering” to show how derby is a potential site for the construction of alternative

femininities. Derby skaters take pride in their toughness and aggression (a practice of

hegemony of masculinity), but at the same time present themselves in uniforms that are

intentionally feminized (Finley 2010).

The tension between the “doing of gender” and “undoing of gender” is examined

in Breeze’s (2010) reexamination of the literature on women’s sport which describes how

women who are compliant with the gender order and those who challenge it are both

accused of colluding with hegemony of masculinity. More specifically, Breeze (2010)

argues that derby women who do “emphasized femininity” through the wearing of

33 overtly sexualized feminine outfits are compliant with hegemony of masculinity, whereas derby women who challenge conventional gendered boundaries are stigmatized as

“masculine” and similarly accused of reinforcing institutions of male privilege and hegemony of masculinity. Breeze (2010) argues that derby may in fact be a place where femininity “includes the co-occurrence of apparently contradictory doings of gender”

(130) and that this “double ambiguity” could mean that derby does not “fit within established ideas about sport and gender” (130).

This literature on roller derby has commonly focused on the tension between the way in which derby players both challenge hegemony of masculinity and reinforce it.

This study will use this dilemma as a jumping off point to examine the way in which the sport of derby transforms and transgresses gender boundaries.

34 CHAPTER 4 - THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

This research draws from feminist theory and the literature on the social

construction of gender to examine how roller derby participants construct their gender

and sexuality within the context of the sport of roller derby. West and Zimmerman’s

(1985) concept of doing gender has been both a framework and reference point for

scholars doing work that employs feminist theoretical concepts, and serves as a starting

point for the theoretical approach used in this research.

Doing Gender

West and Zimmerman (1985) argue that masculinity and femininity are something

we “do” in interaction with others while recurrently performing other social roles.

Gender is therefore socially constructed and reinforced through interaction (West and

Zimmerman 1985). Failing to do gender appropriately can lead to stigmatization and the labeling of certain behaviors as “gender-inappropriate” (West and Zimmerman 1985).

Successfully doing gender means others are able to judge an individual’s actions as gender-appropriate and hold one accountable to the societal framework. West and

Zimmerman argue that in order for people to do gender, people within society must

create specific differences between men and women and it is these differences that

“reinforce the ‘essentialness’ of gender” (1985:137).

In her early work on gender performativity, Butler (1990) builds on West and

Zimmerman’s theory noting that gender is a performative act that we “do” through a

stylized repetition of acts as part of our daily activities and interactions. She argues that

we are not innately “masculine” or “feminine” but we instead produce and reaffirm

cultural norms of masculinity and femininity through repeated performances. Butler

35 (1990) speaks to the idea that when gender is socially constructed and theorized as independent from sex, it is free floating. As such “‘man’ and ‘masculine’ might just as easily signify a female body as a male one, and ‘woman’ and ‘feminine’ a male body as easily a female one” (Butler 1990:6).

In her later work Butler (2004) introduces the concept of “undoing” gender. She argues that it is important to document moments where the binary system of gender is challenged (and undone). This undoing of gender and disruption of the gender order is where “gender turns out to be malleable and transformable” (Butler 2014:216). Other feminist scholars have attempted to bring more clarity to Butler’s “undoing gender” by indicating that it occurs empirically when women and men do not follow traditional gender scripts (Deutsch 2007) or when the essentialism of binary distinctions based on sex are challenged (Risman 2009).

In response to the emergence of the “undoing” gender framework, West and

Zimmerman (2009) note that their concept of “doing gender” often appears in the literature with no citation or reference to its source. This includes Butler’s play on

“doing gender” which does not contend with or reference West and Zimmerman’s original concept. West and Zimmerman (2009) argue that an emphasis on “undoing gender” does not take into account the situational character of gender interactions, nor does it account for sex category membership. West and Zimmerman (2009) indicate that

“gender is not undone so much as redone” (118). They note that the “free floating” nature of Butler’s (2004) undoing gender and Risman’s (2009) discussion of a

“postgender society” ignores the normative structure involved in accounting for one’s

36 actions which is central to the “doing gender” theoretical framework (West and

Zimmerman 2009).

Diamond’s (2008) coined the terms “sexual fluidity,” which she uses to describe the flexibility found in relation to a woman’s situational-dependent sexual responsiveness. Diamond’s (2008) research suggests that sexual fluidity does not replace one’s orientation, but is an addition to it and that some women experience a higher degree of sexual fluidity than others. Diamond also notes that “sexual attraction triggered by sexual fluidity may be temporary or long-lasting” (Diamond 2008:84).

Gender Frames

Ridgeway (2009, 2013) argues that gender is a primary frame that organizes social relations. Gender framing is a process by which people define themselves in comparison to others. This comparison is based on shared hegemonic cultural beliefs or

“rules” and is done for the purpose of making sense of one’s self in relation to others

(Ridgeway 2009). These cultural rules frame behaviors as appropriate or inappropriate based on one’s gender, which then shape interactions (Ridgeway 2009, 2013; Ridgeway and Correll 2000, 2004). Ridgeway (2009) notes that her gender frame approach “owes much to the doing gender account” (146), however her work differs in that its focus is on the “interface of the micro-interactional and the institutional and structural levels of analysis” (146).

In her discussion of the impact of gender framing in social relations, Ridgeway

(2009, 2013) describes how identities are created and simultaneously constrained by the institution of the gender system. One example of gender framing is sex categorization.

Sex categorization is a cultural belief system that provides privilege, benefit, and

37 dominance to men over women (Ridgeway 2009). Sex categorizations are performed subconsciously and are based on hegemonic gender beliefs or stereotypes, which “act as the default gender rules” (Ridgeway 2009:150). People use these frames and stereotypes to conform to or rebel against gender rules, compare themselves to others, and categorize others in relation to themselves. Both gender framing and sex categorizations affect behaviors primarily when there is a conflict between the behavior and the prescribed gender rule. The conflict causes people to refer back to hegemonic gender rules in order to react and judge the deviant behaviors exhibited (Ridgeway 2009).

Emphasized Femininity and Hegemonic Masculinity

In analyzing the ways in which individuals perform and construct gender through daily interactions, Connell (1987) introduced the idea of multiple forms of femininity.

The first form is “emphasized femininity,” where women comply with subordination and accommodate the interests and desires of men. The second form of femininity employs

“strategies of resistance or forms of non-compliance” (Connell 1987:183). The third form is defined by a complex combination of both resistance and compliance. Connell

(1987) argues that the interplay between these various forms of femininity are part of what changes the gender order.

Connell’s (1987) theoretical analysis of femininities is tied to a discussion of hegemonic masculinity. For Connell (1987) hegemonic masculinity is “constructed in relation to women and to subordinated masculinities” (186). Similar to hegemonic masculinity, emphasized femininity is culturally constructed and performed. The maintenance of emphasized femininity also prevents marginalized forms of femininity

(lesbians, rebels, prostitutes, midwives, unionists, etc.) from being culturally articulated

38 (Connell 1987). Revisiting the concept of hegemonic masculinity and its use in gender

studies, Connell and Messerschmidt (2005) state that the concept of “emphasized

femininity,” and its compliance to patriarchy, is still relevant however there is a need for

future research to focus more on the agency of subordinated groups. This can occur for

example in the way in which young women’s identities are configured in ways that are

increasingly acknowledged by young men (Connell and Messerschmidt 2005).

Gender Maneuvering and Pariah Femininities

In Shipper’s (2007) work she sets out to build upon Connell’s framework by

offering a definition of hegemonic femininity and masculinity that allows for multiple

configurations. Schippers (2002) coined the term “gender maneuvering” to describe a

process where an individual or a group purposefully manipulates their gender

performances for the purpose of challenging and redefining the hegemonic relationship

between masculinity and femininity. When women challenge this hegemonic relationship they are stigmatized and sanctioned for “contaminating” the relationship between femininity and masculinity. Schippers (2007) indicates that this challenge results in these women being defined by one or more “pariah femininities” which include

- the lesbian, the slut, the badass, the bitch, and the cock-teaser. When women gender maneuver and challenge male dominance they are immediately contained and deemed less threatening by society when given such “pariah femininity” descriptors. Schippers

(2007) notes that when women take charge, are not compliant, have sexual desire for other women, or are physically violent; they are not “masculine” but instead decidedly

“feminine” as evidenced through the pariah femininities assigned to them. She argues

39 that the symbolic construction of pariah femininities is central to the way in which sanctions are applied to women who embody these femininities (Shippers 2007).

Shippers (2007) suggests that one way to empirically study hegemonic masculinity is to “identify locally defined pariah femininities - characteristics or practices that, when embodied by women in the setting, are simultaneously stigmatized and feminized” (96). This is very useful for the study of roller derby.

There are several concepts used within the feminist framework that are useful for analyzing the sport of roller derby and the data provided by my study participants. In particular Shippers’ concepts of gender maneuvering and pariah femininities will be used to explore the way in which derby players construct their identities and choose derby names. Additionally Ridgeway’s concept of gender frames will be used to understand the way in which derby women are constrained by hegemonic cultural beliefs that dictate appropriate and inappropriate behavior based on one’s gender. Similarly Connell’s work on multiple forms of femininity will be used to understand how derby women employ strategies of resistance and compliance within the sport. Lastly, Diamond’s concept of sexual fluidity will be used to examine the way in which derby women explore their sexuality and expand the definition of what it means to be “a woman” beyond binary sex categories.

40 CHAPTER 5 – METHODS

Using in-depth qualitative interviews and ethnographic participant observations, this study focuses on the experiences of derby “girls” and the meanings they assign to their participation in roller derby. Thirteen interviews were conducted with Emerald City

Roller Girls (ECRG) participants in Eugene, . Ethnographic participant observations were conducted at the league’s bout, their after-bout party, and team practices and scrimmages in Springfield, Oregon.

Participant Selection

This study used a purposive sampling method to recruit participants. Participation was restricted to people who identify as transgender or cisgender women (genetically female, intersex or transgender females) who are currently active or were previously active in a roller derby league. All participants were eighteen years or older and spoke

English. I provided ECRG’s public relations department a copy of my approved

Institutional Review Board (IRB) application and adult consent form, which explained the purpose of my study as well as a brief email explaining who I was and the purpose of my study. ECRG’s public relations department then forward the email to the league’s yahoo group informing the league of my study and directed participants to notify

Scarletta Vendetta, my contact, if they were interested in participating in the study (see

Appendix A). Scarletta Vendetta then forwarded the emails of the interested parties to me, at which time I coordinated dates, times, and locations of their choosing for the interview.

Each interview began with an explanation of the purpose of the study, an explanation of how confidentiality was established and would be maintained, and having

41 each participant read and sign the consent form authorizing the tape recording and future transcription of their interview. I reminded each participant that their participation was voluntary and they could skip any question and/or end and/or cancel the interview at any time. Each participant chose a pseudonym for identification in the transcript and interview, and they either gave permission to use the same pseudonym in the study or I created a new pseudonym to identify them in the study. Each participant was provided with a list of low-cost or free counseling places (see Appendix B) in the local area, as required by my IRB, and copies of the informed consent and Bill of Rights. Each interview lasted between one to two hours.

The interviews began using semi-structured interview questions (see Appendix C) after the required documents were read, signed and copies provided to the participant. At the end of the interview, each participant was asked to fill out a confidential anonymous survey (see Appendix D) that provided me with some basic demographics such as age, socioeconomic status, martial and employment status, religious affiliation, and sexual orientation (see Appendix E). Since the participant sample is not generalizable, I collected demographics to show participants interviewed were consistent with demographics. The surveys were printed on green paper, each participant used the same type of pen, returned to me in a sealed envelope, and the surveys were opened and evaluated four months after the interviews were completed.

Data Collection

This study was conducted between March 31, 2012, through April 06, 2012, in

Eugene, Oregon, and Springfield, Oregon. I conducted qualitative, semi-structured in- depth interviews with thirteen women who were involved in the Emerald City Roller

42 Girls (ECRG) league. All interview questions (see Appendix C) were semi-structured to

allow the participants to provide in-depth answers. The questions focused on three

specific areas: background and participation in roller derby, self-identification, and the role of the sport in the women’s lives.

In addition to using the semi-structured interviews, I analyzed field notes of my observations of skaters’ interactions with each other on and off the track during their bout and after-bout party on March 31, 2012, as well as at practices and scrimmages I observed during my time in Oregon. The bout started at 6:00 p.m. and ended at 11:00 p.m. The after-bout party was located at the Horse Head bar and lasted until last call. I

observed two league practices, the Skatesaphrenics all-star travel team and Bloomin’

Doom fresh meat practices which lasted 4 hours as well as two scrimmages between the

Flat Track Furies and Andromedolls and the Skatesaphrenics and Lane County

Concussions (men’s team) which lasted 2 hours per scrimmage. The league also provided me with bout footage of the March 31, 2012 bout as well as footage from the January 28,

2012 bout between two teams. The January footage was an additional four hours. In addition to the ECRG footage and personal observations, I reviewed historical documentaries, such as The Roller Derby Chronicles (Gitnick 2009) and Hell on Wheels

(Ray 2007) to support the historical context of roller derby’s origination and evolution from the banked-track co-ed version to the more popular flat-track female-only events played today. I also reviewed the documentaries Blood on the Flat Track: The Rise of the

Rat City Rollergirls (Bagwell and Leavitt 2007) and Brutal Beauty: Tales of the Rose

City Rollers (Mabry 2010) which profiled two other roller derby leagues. Both leagues,

Rat City Rollergirls and are WFTDA sanctioned leagues, established in

43 2004 and are part of the original 25 league start up. Finally, for additional information on the gender policy, I utilized the Vagine Regime’s13 Facebook page, various articles and blogs written by and of transgender skaters.

Procedure

Each interview was transcribed, the audio files were destroyed following transcription, and the transcripts were coded using inductive qualitative coding techniques and kept on a password-protected laptop. The transcript was lightly edited for readability. I eliminated the pauses, ah’s, and uhms. I started with initial open coding to sort the interviews into large categories. From there, I analyzed the data further using fine grade coding to identify recurring patterns and themes in the transcripts and field note observations. The surveys that each participant filled out were tabulated into a participant demographic table (see Appendix E) and were analyzed using descriptive statistics. This project received IRB approval on March 13, 2012, under the title “Derby Dolls: A Study of Women who Play Roller Derby” (see Appendix G).

Who are the Emerald City Roller Girls?

Roller derby is known for attracting a diverse group of people as both fans and participants. The demographics collected on the thirteen participants of this study showcase some of the diversity. The participants of this study range in age, education level, sexual orientation, marital status, and parental status. They were not diverse in race or religious affiliation and were on par with the Census Bureau’s report of socioeconomic status of Eugene, Oregon. At the time of the interviews, ECRG had 163 skaters and 36

13 The Vagine Regime was founded in 2008. They are “an international community of proud queer roller derby folk and or radtastic allies!” (https://www.facebook.com/Vagtastic/info?tab=page_info). In 2014, they created a documentary called In The Turn about a 10-year old transgender girl who found acceptance and empowerment among the queer roller derby community.

44 non-skating officials (NSO) active in the league. My participants consisted of twelve skaters and one NSO.

One of the ways my participants were not diverse was in race. Roller derby participants in the United States are predominantly Caucasian. Emerald City Roller Girls

(ECRG), is located in Eugene, Oregon, and neither the league nor Eugene, Oregon, is ethnically diverse. Eugene is also a liberal city located in the liberal state of Oregon.

According to the U.S. Census Bureau, in 2012, Eugene, Oregon, reported a population of

158,013, approximately 4% of Oregon’s population (U.S. Census 2012). Of this, 85% was Caucasian. The median household income was $41,525, with 23.1% living below the poverty level (U.S. Census 2012). Unsurprisingly, all thirteen women reported their ethnicities as Caucasian and the median household income is between $25,000 and

$50,000 (see Appendix E). Additionally, all 13 women reported no religious affiliation or they selected spiritual when asked if they were Christian, Jewish, Muslim, none, or other.

Participants of ECRG range in age from 10-17 years for the Junior Gems and 18-

52 years for the adults. My participants came from a wide range of socioeconomic backgrounds; all reported having some college education, with most having completed at least a bachelor’s degree or higher; most were single and identified as straight.14

14 See Appendix E for full participant demographics.

45 CHAPTER 6 – RESULTS

In this section, I present the experiences of my derby participants and the way in which they simultaneously challenge hegemony of masculinity while also performing gender and emphasized femininity in ways that reinforce the dominant gender order. My data is analyzed under three overarching themes. Under the first theme, “The

Transformative Effect of the Derby Community,” I discuss how being part of the derby community is transformative and challenges traditional notions of feminine and masculine identity. Under the second theme, “The Transgressive Nature of Roller

Derby,” I analyze how roller derby players redefine femininity, encourage sexual exploration, and welcome transgender and intersex women to play. Finally, under the last theme, “The Commodification and Athleticism of Derby” is where I examine the commercialization of roller derby skaters and the athletic components of roller derby as a

“real” sport.

The Transformative Effect of the Derby Community

The derby community is unique in that it is a social space where “deviant” behavior is encouraged and celebrated. Players simultaneously create their community and are transformed by their community. This transformation takes place in four primary ways - through a player’s derby identity (which is formed through her derby name and league affiliation); through a player’s body acceptance; through a player’s realization that she is part of a global community; and through a player’s rearticulation of what “family” means.

46 The Significance of a Derby Identity

There are two components to a derby woman’s derby identity. The first, and most

traditional, is her derby name. The second is her team or league alliance. The derby

community emphasizes the importance of a skater’s derby name for several reasons.

First, the name/moniker a skater chooses gives her fans a personality or persona to

connect with. For Little , she described it as:

[Y]our name it gives fans some knowledge about you, something special. I've had people ask if I'm [Italian]. .. On the travel team, we played a game in Sacramento and one of the fans there, never knew me at all was all excited and asked ‘what's your last name, where in [Italy] is your family from? My family's from here and blah blah blah.’ So if you pick a name, it gives some sort of detail about who you are as a person. Derby names are part of derby tradition and there are websites exclusively devoted to helping skaters pick their derby names. Having a derby name is a rite of passage in the derby world, it means that you have passed all of your assessments and are qualified to become a derby woman. You are not a part of the team until you are listed on the team roster. The only way you can be listed on the roster is by your derby name.

The second component to a derby identity is a skater’s team or league alliance.

KaraKaze told me that when ECRG first started up they were sponsored by one of the local tattoo parlors. Many of the women have an emerald tattooed to some part of their body. Several of the women considered their emerald tattoo as a brand of sorts. In fact,

Terrin Skirtz joked about the brand and emphatically refused to get one because if she did, she was afraid she might never leave ECRG. At the time of the interview, she was planning to retire from roller derby completely. I recently found out that while she did retire from ECRG, she currently plays for a team in and is one of their head trainers.

47 Some players described their derby identity as an alter ego and extension of themselves. For example, Little Italy told me “the whole name thing is interesting because I think it goes along with the whole having a separate life. You have this alter ego of ‘I’m such-and-such by day and I’m this bad-ass, I’m Little Italy by night.” Later in the interview, she talked about her derby identity as a part of her, yet explained when people called her by her legal name on the track, she does not respond.

I go by "Little Italy" in derby and Nancy in my real world. And if I'm at practice and someone calls me "Nancy" I don't respond to it. It takes me, I'm like Oh. I actually had to tell teammates, I'm not ignoring you but when you're yelling Nancy on the track, I'm not listening for that. But if you yell "Little Italy" I'll hear it and respond.

Her description of not responding to her legal name on the track seems to imply the merging of her two identities is not solidified yet. Not in the way it has been expressed by other participants.

Q-Bert explained how she is a different person on the track than off the track.

“I’m really and really kind of shy [off the track]... so maybe it’s an extension of something really deep down inside of me.” In my interview with her, she was very shy, quiet, and demure. In fact, she even joked that if I had conducted the interview on the track “we would not be sitting down over tea” like we were during the interview.

Scarletta Vendetta’s experience of the merging of her two identities was different than others had expressed. For her, derby has:

[M]ade me honor who I am more. I do have a professional job, [and] I swear like a sailor. Instead of stifling that part of me, it’s [derby] actually let it flourish and now I don’t worry so much about someone perceiving me this way or that way. I have two different faces I put on, I think the face, before derby, it was me at work/out of work personas were different and now I think they’re actually closer.

48 Applebottoms Up described her derby identity as someone she “would like to become.

It’s more of a future ego . . . it’s a projection of who I want to be, not necessarily some

other image. If it was any other image, it would be a super hero image.”

Several of my participants coached the Junior Gems (the junior league) and

explained that during junior camp, they promote the idea of a derby identity as an alter

ego. Star Baby explained “we get a lot of shy girls and being able to think of an alter ego,

is like ‘Oh, I can be that superwoman or whatever it is’ that they really want to bring out

in themselves.” Jabbin’ Twilight, who was one of the Junior Gems and matriculated into

the adult league recalled the day during junior camp when they picked their derby

identities. She said:

[I]t was very theatrical. It was about the clothes you wore, the persona, we had an hour and a half session of camp dedicated to your derby persona and what your derby name was going to be and how you were going to portray yourself. If you were going to be a Super Hero, Evil Villain, [or] Goody-Two-Shoes.

Creating a derby identity is a unique process for all derby skaters. Most skaters begin their journey where their derby identity is an alter ego or someone they aspire to become.

Eventually, many discover their derby identity and “real” identity merge together into one identity.

The derby identity can be understood as an act of agency and resistance where women are challenging hegemony of masculinity. This would be an empirical example of what Shippers (2002) calls “gender maneuvering.” In this case derby players are consciously manipulating their identities to challenge the hegemonic relationship between masculinity and femininity. My participants (some of whom were given pseudonyms in this study) took on names and identities that would be defined by

Schippers (2007) as “pariah femininities.” Approximately half of my participants have

49 derby names that would fall under Shippers (2007) pariah femininity of the “badass” while just one participant has a derby name that would be considered that of the

“cockteaser.” My remaining participants have derby names that do not fit that of a pariah femininity but instead are based on identifiers such as ethnic group membership, role within the derby community, and other identifiers.

Shippers (2007) argues that the symbolic construction of pariah femininities is central to the way in which women who take charge are stigmatized. They are not

“masculine” but instead decidedly “feminine” as evidenced through the pariah femininities assigned to them - bitch, slut, cockteaser, badass, etc. However in the case of my participants, the pariah femininity labels (or derby names) are self-assigned, rather than given to the women by others who are seeking to sanction them for challenging hegemony of masculinity. In this sense the women are consciously taking on for themselves derby names that convey strength, aggression, and violence which suggests that they are actually taking on what Shippers (2007) calls “alternative femininities.”

When Jabbin’ Twilight talked about the hour and a half long session at junior camp focused on the importance of picking a derby identity and name it points to the significance and importance a name holds. By choosing one of the identities described above (ex. Super Hero or Evil Villain), it allows the young derby girl to gender maneuver. By encouraging the young girls to pick a persona they want to embody, coaches are purposefully encouraging the young girls to select identities that defy hegemonic gender frames. This process supports the skaters in manipulating gender performances through their derby identities. Jabbin’ Twilight went the Goody-Two-Shoes route as she was a very shy girl prior to derby and expressed that she was still finding her

50 voice as a young adult. Additionally the derby women who chose to be “branded” with the emerald tattoo are gender maneuvering, because as a collective, the women are creating an alternative femininity with the emerald tattoo (Schippers 2002).

In the case of Applebottoms Up, it is interesting that she chose a “super hero image” in as alternative to a future ego. The role of a Super Hero is contrary to appropriate gender behavior for women. Men are expected to portray the role of a Super

Hero and women are supposed to be the damsels in distress. By Applebottoms Up choosing a super hero image, she is rejecting the notion of emphasized femininity where she is supposed to be subordinate to men and is choosing to purposefully manipulate aspirations of her gender performance to challenge hegemonic relationships. Since her derby identity is not one she currently embraces, and sees it as someone she aspires to be, her gender performance is also an aspiration.

While derby women challenge hegemony of masculinity by gender maneuvering they are at the same time constrained by gender frames. As Ridgway (2009, 2013) argues, gender frames are based on shared hegemonic cultural beliefs, and those beliefs dictate appropriate and inappropriate behavior based on one’s gender. Ridgeway (2009,

2013) describes how identities are created and simultaneously constrained by the institution of the gender system. In the case of Little Italy, she describes herself as being a

“bad-ass by night.” While in the derby world, it is perfectly acceptable for a woman to be physically violent and take charge, Little Italy finds herself limited by gender frames within her workplace. She is not able to embrace being physically violent in her day-job as a mental health counselor in a residential treatment facility.

51 Scarletta Vendetta’s experience of having to stifle a part of herself in order to conform to normative gender expressions for her professional job is another example of gender framing where Scarletta Vendetta’s identity is both created and constrained by hegemonic gender frames (Ridgeway 2009, 2013). Scarletta Vendetta’s desire to stifle the part of her that curses like a sailor in order for her coworkers to perceive her as credible in her profession is another example of how she is conforming to what society deems appropriate behavior. If she were to curse like a sailor in her professional career, she would fail to “do gender” appropriately, would be judged accordingly, and potentially discredited for her expertise (West and Zimmerman 1985). Both Little Italy and Scarletta

Vendetta feel able to transgress gender frames in derby than they do in the work place.

There are more restrictions placed on them in the professional world.

For Q-Bert, the behavior of drinking tea was perfectly acceptable while off the track because it coincides with appropriate gender frames as Ridgeway (2009, 2013) describes them. Q-Bert performs femininity by displaying traditional feminine characteristics of being nice and shy while off the track. However, she redefines herself on the track by being aggressive, fierce, and intimidating, thus defying hegemonic cultural norms. Therefore, drinking tea during an interview while Q-Bert was in her derby identity would not be appropriate. It would be more appropriate to share a beer instead. When I observed her at the ECRG bout on March 31, 2012, she was a completely different person. Since she was injured, she was sitting in the crowd and completely focused on her girls. Even in the crowd she was intimidating, fierce, and a force to be reckoned with. If she was that intimidating off the track, I could just imagine how intimidating she would be on the track.

52 Roller derby provides a space where women can take on identities, or alter-egos,

that challenge traditional gender roles imposed by society. In doing so, they challenge

hegemonic gender frames and participate in “gender maneuvering” in many ways but are

also constrained by gender frames at the structural level (Ridgeway 2009, 2013;

Schippers 2002).

“Every BODY has a Place in Derby”

When you think of sports, people generally envision a particular body type that

has been consistently associated with that particular sport. Gymnasts are petite; ice

skaters, swimmers, and runners are long and lean; basketball and volleyball players are

tall, etc. These body types are athletic norms. Roller derby is the one sport void of a

prescribed body type or height requirement as a determining factor to participate in the

sport either as a skater or part of the community as a support staff or referee.

Applebottoms Up explains that “every BODY has a place in derby” because roller

derby does not discriminate based on a woman’s body type. Roller derby supports

women who are long and lean, more voluptuous, or even seemingly overweight in that as

long as she is willing to put in the effort and train – there is a spot for her in the league.

She also does not have to be a particular height to skate in the sport or specific position.

The positions on the team are also not body specific. There are thin blockers and voluptuous jammers. What matters more than your body type, is your ability to perform in your assigned skating position. A successful jammer needs endurance, speed, a mastery of footwork and dexterity. A good blocker needs to be able to take up space, be aware of her surroundings and protect her jammer.

53 In addition to roller derby not having a body type, participation in the sport has

also transformed women’s views and appreciation for their own bodies. All of the women

I interviewed expressed some new-found appreciation for their bodies, how they

functioned, and how they were redesigned as a result of playing roller derby. KaraKaze is

about 5’-2”, 105 lbs. and has a very petite build. She expressed:

I always had this funny concept of where I fit in terms of size. As a blocker, I felt like I fit even though a lot of blockers were way bigger than I was but I was like ‘this is where I belong! I’m with the big girls!’ They were like, ‘but you’re small.’ I just don’t see myself like that. She enjoys blocking, more than jamming, because, as she expressed, “I felt like I could take up a lot of space and be really big and be super aggressive.” KaraKaze also explained that “derby made me realize that the shape of my body and the way my body works is perfect for derby, just like everyone else’s body is perfect for derby.”

Some of the bigger girls were extremely proud of the size of their “asses” because it is what made them good blockers. Applebottoms Up recalled one of her first days in

Fresh Meat:

They do a drill on the first day where you try to knock another girl over and they couldn’t knock me over. A week ago, one of the girls who’s been skating for years came up to me and was ‘You know, when we were training you, we got so mad that first day because none of us could knock you over and you’re the new girl. Do you know how much we wait for that day when they tell us we can finally hit you to really show you what a hit is like? We were getting pissed and we were taking turns.’ I was like ‘it hurt, you guys were hitting me so hard.’ And she said ‘but the point is we couldn’t knock you over. You are very stable. That is your best thing. You are STABLE.’ That is such a compliment, I’m strong, and I’m big, and it’s good and these more petite women value that. I’m heavy, but I’m not unhappy about it finally in my life. . . . She goes on to talk about how derby has changed her self-image: [It has] given me a very positive self-image. It’s given me the image that it’s ok to be strong and to be a bigger woman and my large hips are valuable…blocking with the big ass of mine is really starting to show, ‘Man you’ve got a big ass, it’s in my way.’ People are always commenting how frustrating it is to get around me,

54 which as a blocker ‘What? My ass is so big and you can’t get around it? It’s really pissing you off? All right!!’ That’s why I like being a blocker. Glinda confessed that she had a shift in her body image as well:

I started to see myself for actually who I was rather than the body image that I had perceived myself before. I always thought ‘I’m fat.’ Now I don’t feel that way about myself. I feel like my body is amazing and perfect the way that it is. I can play roller derby really well with the body that I have. It is the first time ever where being a bigger person is an advantage…. I have a huge ass! I’m a really good blocker. Glinda’s recognized the socially defined body image that had previously influenced her

gender performance. Glinda realized that by skating, she was able to defy the gender

frames she found oppressive while embracing a new form of femininity. Little Italy had a

similar experience as she described her body image transformation as a result of derby:

I feel like any woman, most women raised in this society, I've struggled with body issues and I feel more confident in my body. I always tell the story of I lived in Arizona, in the desert for 12 years and I never wore shorts because I hated my legs. I thought my calves were too big, I hated my legs. 12 years in the desert never wearing shorts. When I started derby, all of a sudden I was like "My freaking legs are amazing. They're strong. My calves are defined, my quads are defined" and like now I go out in public and wear little booty shorts and nude tights and it's like I'm wearing jeans. It's definitely made me feel more confident in my body. I work out and eat well not because I want to look a certain way, [but] because I want to be a good athlete. I want my body to function well and be healthy. If I want to lose weight, it's because I want to have better endurance and have less drag on me. These experiences defy the cultural ideal of femininity and feminine athletes.

These women are reveling in the fact that they do not have the “typical” female athletic body in that they have a larger physique and have developed muscles. They find value in their strength and bodies as they are designed and as their bodies have evolved to become as a result of their efforts. By appreciating the strength of their bodies, these women are rebelling against hegemony of masculinity or emphasized femininity (Connell 1987).

55 They helps redefine femininity by showcasing an acceptance of their bodies as they have

evolved, not in the interest of accommodating male interest, but in spite of that.

Positive shifts in body image are not limited to the adults. While observing the

Flat Track Furies scrimmaging, one of the coaches for the Junior Gems described how

14-year-olds start derby thinking they’re not skinny enough because they are comparing

themselves to the models they see in magazines and on television. According to the

coach, the girls feel like they need to watch what they eat and count calorie. As their

skating and derby skills improve, they start to eat healthy, stop counting calories, and pay

attention to the functionality of their bodies. If their butt is too small or their hips are too

thin, they try to put some meat on their bones so they can be better derby skaters. Glinda

also reported how her 16 year old had body image issues before playing derby. “She used

to say ‘I’m fat’ all the time. She’s pretty much the same size as when she started [derby]

and [now] she says to me all the time ‘I love my body.’”

Based on the perspectives and experiences of the coaches I interviewed, they

speculated that some of the changes experienced by girls who participate in the junior

leagues are a result of being part of a new social group. The combination of skills and confidences developed by skating in addition to the transformative nature of being part of the roller derby community seem to have an impact on transforming a young girl’s view of herself, her abilities, and shift her attitude and body image into a positive one. The

newfound roller derby clique will cause a shift in which the girls compare themselves to.

They would start to compare themselves to their fellow derby women, the coaches, and

notice the functionality of their bodies as a result of performing better in the sport.

56 The positive body image shifts reported about the juniors by the coaches is an

example of Schippers’ (2002) gender maneuvering. By the adults redefining femininity through derby, they teach the juniors with a new gender frame of acceptable behavior for a girl. The girls then use this frame in which to make sense of themselves in comparison to other juniors and in relation to the adults and their coaches. The overall result is a manipulation of femininity and masculinity that challenges gender performances.

The Global Community of Derby: Sisterhood on Skates

Roller derby participants are part of a much broader global community that goes

beyond the individual team. This global community provides a collective (non-

competitive), all volunteer organizational structure of support for its players. This

supportive environment has led many of my participants to cite derby as both a sport and

community that saved their lives. For players the roller derby community also defies

gender stereotypes that emphasize that women are incapable of working together without

being “catty” or jealous.

When new leagues start up, it is common for other leagues share their

infrastructure, processes, training, and organization and travel to the new league to help

them out. KaraKaze described how the global derby community helped ECRG start up:

[T]the thing about derby is that people from other leagues are so willing to share their infrastructure and their organization and their process and their training even with other leagues that we didn't have to reinvent anything. It was really a process of taking things from different leagues to suit us from that initial board and piecing it together in something that worked for our community.… [When ECRG asked for help starting up] Portland was super responsive right away…[my coworker’s son] was a referee and a coach up in Portland and he would do the drive down twice a week and run our practices when we didn't know what we were doing yet. He was super nice and really helpful…. He helped instill safety, basically, in the beginning.

57 KaraKaze’s description supports the community component that is not limited to a particular league. Developing relationships with other leagues is vital to the success of a

WFTDA apprentice league. Aside from the apprentice league needing to pay $300, be an all-female league whose members skate on quad skates, 51% skater owned, and have at least 14 skaters who practice at least two times per week on the roster, they also need to be sponsored by an established WFTDA sanctioned league (WFTDA 2015).

Since there are over 1,515 leagues worldwide, it is not uncommon for derby women to go on derby road trips or European derby tours. Several of my participants explained how they not only have couches to sleep on in other states because they are derby girls, but they have also couch hopped from one derby home to another and played with teams across the nation and worldwide. All you have to do is contact the league, let them know you’re a derby skater, carry WFTDA insurance, and the league will not only let you come play with them, they will even help you find a place to stay on your travels.

Scarletta Vendetta has skated with multiple leagues in Southern California, including the , which are a banked track league. Both Autumn

Falls and Q-Bert discussed their derby travel adventures and what it was like traveling with other teams. Autumn Falls calls the worldwide derby community “a much cooler sorority.” She traveled to the east coast, skated with their local league that then included her on their trip to a tournament to another state and treated her as if she were one of their own. Q-Bert reported a similar experience when she traveled from the Midwest to Texas and eventually to Oregon, stopping to play with different leagues on her way.

Many of the women I interviewed continually indicated to me that “derby saved my life.” This phenomenon is not unique to my participants. The women interviewed in

58 Brutal Beauty: Tales of the Rose City Rollers talk extensively on how “derby saved their

souls and changed their lives” (Mabry 2010). For my participants this phenomenon was

expressed as a sisterhood they developed by being part of the global derby community

and a part of their individual league. My participants credited this sisterhood with giving

them a sense of empowerment, building up the courage to leave a bad or abusive

relationship, and the ability to overcome depression.

Within the league and individual teams, the skaters develop their own sisterhood that supports and empowers them. My participants defined empowerment as being physically and emotionally strong, feeling powerful and confident, being valued, bonding with others, and being able to push through personal boundaries. Autumn Falls explained that although participating in derby did not “save her life,” she constantly heard stories from her teammates about how it saved theirs:

It is interesting the phenomenon of people finding themselves or figuring something out through roller derby. So many women get involved in roller derby and they do kind of discover their power and a lot of people’s relationships break up…she [the derby woman] decides she has a lot going for herself and maybe the person she’s with isn’t quite up to par or she deserves more. I always hear stories of how women coming into their own because they discovered roller derby. Those kinds of stories are rampant. I think it’s a good thing. Women discovering their own power is good and having this network of people that are pretty much different from each other but have this thing in common. That’s sort of the power of roller derby. Terrin Skirtz described when she joined derby “it was after I left this very abusive relationship... when I was going through a lot of shit and had to go to court, my Furies were right behind me. [They would say] ‘Need anything? Just let me know.’” Her

teammates supported her all the way and she never felt like she was alone.

Finally, Jabbin’ Twilight expressed:

I was really depressed when I found roller derby…. locking myself up in my room with my books…. Starting roller derby got me out of that rut that I'd been in

59 for a few years. It was really enlightening…. it took a good year to sort of get into the water, so to speak. Once I did, I started blossoming as a person. I don't think I'd be the same person if I didn't grow up with roller derby. I think I'd still be that quiet, shy, bookwork, who probably isn't going to college or stand up for herself, or feeling empowered.

The experiences expressed by Autumn Falls, Terrin Skirtz, and Jabbin’ Twilight highlight some of the ways in which the sisterhood of derby has had a transformative effect on the women’s lives. While Autumn Falls did not experience it personally, she was able to witness the transformation from her teammate’s experiences and stories.

Terrin Skirtz had the support of her derby sisters through a rough time. For Jabbin’

Twilight, her experience with roller derby allowed her to blossom and become a young woman who developed a confidence in herself that allowed her to change her future.

Since Jabbin’ Twilight started playing roller derby as a young girl, her transformation through her formative years affected her future as a young adult.

Most of my participants reported they never really got along with women before finding derby. Little Italy calls her teammates her “long lost clan of people.” Several of my participants expressed they felt as though they had gained a family when they joined

ECRG and not only were they learning to rely on others for their success, but having others rely on them as well. For some, it was the first time they had people outside of their own children, rely on them for support and success in the sport. One of the things that makes ECRG work so cohesively is the collective mentality the skaters all hold; league first, team second, individual third.

While I was observing the Flat Track Furies scrimmaging against the men’s team, one of the men and Blue Ruin (one of the oldest female skaters) went down together. The incident went through the league like wildfire. People started texting others in the league,

60 similar to an emergency phone tree that was activated, so everybody knew what had

happened. When I had interviewed Scarletta Vendetta, a few days later, she recounted the

whole situation and how quickly the text frenzy happened. Unfortunately, Blue Ruin

sprained her MCL that night at the scrimmage and her teammates were ready in case she

needed something.

Lastly, several of the women described how roller derby filled a void for them

and supported players in taking time out for themselves and not feeling guilty about their

participation in this leisure activity. Little Italy speculated that roller derby’s sudden

popularity in participants as “an indicator of what women aren’t getting in real life.

They’re not getting that support from other women, they’re not getting that deep

connection, they’re not being motivated and they’re not being put in a place where

they’re challenged on a regular basis.” The sense of sisterhood and being part of the

derby community seems to fill the expressed void.

Terrin Skirtz explained to me, when she left an abusive relationship and entered derby, the decisions she made were now based on what made her happy and not what made others happy:

I had to define what makes me happy. Every large decision, I had to question “does that make me happy?”…When I did derby, I realized that would make me very happy to do. I started making more decisions that made me happy and not other people happy, which is really hard in our society. Playing derby has reinforced that. I go to practice two times a night because it makes me happy. It doesn’t make my little one happy and I apologize and kiss him for it, but it makes me happy. Skating hard until I want to puke makes me happy and I’m going to continue to do that. I don’t particularly like bouting, but I like playing with my girls and playing on my team. That makes me happy and so, it has reinforced and cemented that for me. That’s what I need to be doing in order to be a healthy individual in this world. As Terrin Skirtz described the process of identifying what made her happy, she

continually emphasized “me” over anybody else in her decision. She states that her 6-

61 year-old son does not like it when she leaves the house to attend practice or a bout, but she chooses derby over pleasing her son because it is important for her personal health and happiness.

The roller derby community also defies the societal view that women are incapable of working together without being “catty.” All contemporary roller derby leagues were started by women, are currently run by women, and co-owned by the women skaters. The success of each individual league depends on the efforts of the individual skaters and their ability to collaborate with one another and work towards a collective goal within the context of a competitive sport. KaraKaze explained:

women get pigeonholed into lots of different things and being involved in derby showed me that women can get along with each other, love each other, and treat each other respectfully and run a business together without relational aggression, and back-stabbing and a lot of negativity that is put on women in terms of the way they relate to each other.

The organizational structure of the sport and the skaters helps to eliminate some

of the aggression one would see in professional sports where teammates compete against

one another to secure more lucrative contracts, salaries, and endorsement deals. Since all the skaters are volunteers and their dues make them stakeholders in the league, they operate from a collective mentality in working for what is best for the league as a whole

rather than what is best for the individual. KaraKaze explained that her favorite part of

the sport is the willingness of team members to help one another at practice:

[W]atching people share with each other. Certain people would be skilled and gifted in certain areas, would just be willing to teach each other. It was so different than gymnastics where it felt that people were much more inclined to protect and hold their skills, like they were theirs and that they weren't as willing to explain the thing that they were doing that made it work. In derby it felt like people were always so giving around that. I was constantly witnessing that.

62 Autumn Falls talked about the sense of camaraderie in the sport. She also differentiates between the competition that takes place in derby (which involves an element of camaraderie) with the competition that takes place outside of derby (which is oriented to attracting male attention):

I feel like so many women feel like they're in competition with other women that it's nice to have a competitive sport where you have a camaraderie because it's not that kind of competition. It's much more peer competition rather than the typical - who can get the most men - sort of competition. And the fact that men are pretty much removed from the equation, and the men that are involved are significant others of someone and it’s pretty taboo for a guy to start in roller derby and hook up with one of the girls, it doesn't really happen. So I think the fact that that male equation is taken out is helpful for the camaraderie. As Autumn Falls explained, the men who support the leagues do so in peripheral roles such as coaches, non-skating officials and therefore are not a focus of the players.

For my participants the global derby community provides a communal structure for women to transform their lives. Prior studies have similarly found that derby creates a different type of community than other athletic institutions with its emphasis on collective labor over individualism (Beaver 2012; Finley 2010). The sense of sisterhood that I found in the ECRG league is consistent with that of research conducted on other derby leagues (Chananie-Hill et al. 2012; Donnelly 2011; Pavlidis 2012).

While there were many instances in my data where derby women spoke to the communal, supportive, and non-competitive nature of derby, there were also instances where they felt competition coming from younger players. ECRG has a junior league and skaters can matriculate from the Junior Gems to the adult league once they have turned

18. In some cases, the matriculated skater could have up to eight years playing experience in derby coming into the adult leagues. One of the coaches, Q-Bert (age 28) told me the junior are “fast, they’re agile, they’re sponges, they want to learn it all and do it all.”

63 Glinda (age 43) described juniors who matriculate into the adult league as follows -

“They’re hot-shots and that’s a little scary. You’ll be fighting [bouting] with someone

who’s 18 years old and they’ve been playing for 6 years and they’re going to get the

places on the roster and the old dogs are going to be put out.” Little Italy (age 28) said the following in regards to the juniors - “You can’t just say I’m really awesome and I’m going to stay where I’m at because before you know it, there’s a girl coming up, 10 years younger than you who’s been playing 5 years longer than you.”

In a sport that is known for being inclusive of women of all ages, shapes, and sizes, the notion of youth as a potential advantage in the sport was on the minds of several of my participants. Little Italy and Glinda emphasized that in order to ensure they were on the roster for the next bout; they had to work harder and smarter than the younger girls. Both players expressed the idea that the utility of players is tied to age.

Glinda used the term “old dogs” to describe players and Little Italy, who is just 28 years old, is already thinking of “girls coming up” who are much younger.

A Family Affair

Roller derby is also transformative in how it challenges hegemony of masculinity by redefining what “family” is and what it means to players. Although media images have emphasized the “tantalizing” aspects of roller derby for the male gaze, the sport has become something that entire families engage in as both participants and as spectators.

Derby also creates a blended environment for heterosexual and gender queer family members to coexist and find common ground in the sport. The concept of derby weddings (between teams and individuals) symbolically challenges heteronormative notions of “marriage” and the concept of the “derby widow” (husbands who are left

64 behind) also shows the way in which gender maneuvering is taking place within the

sport.

It is common to see family members support each other at athletic competitions.

Roller derby helps affirm families in a positive light and is a sport the entire family can

participate in regardless of age or athletic ability. Some of the most heartening stories I

heard were about how roller derby brought families together. Some skaters had family

members who were local and they came and supported them at their bouts. Others, like

KaraKaze, have family in other states. KaraKaze’s sister “joined Baltimore’s league and

then started a league in Vermont . . . my parents live in Columbus, Ohio and they donate

money to the league, Ohio Roller Girls and they have season tickets there and they don’t

know anybody that skates there. They think it’s a really powerful thing.”

Other skaters, like Jabbin’ Twilight talked about a defining moment in her

relationship with her mother as a result of her playing roller derby:

The moment I realized she fully supported me, we were in JC Penny’s . . . about a month in and they had these miniskirts. I kept glancing at them because I’d never been allowed to wear them. Our policy, which was our church’s policy, was being covered neck to knees so I’d never worn anything above my knees before and I kept seeing that miniskirt. She saw me looking at it and told me to go try it on. I tried it on, and she thought I looked so cute and she bought it for me. It was that moment when I realized she was letting go of some of her beliefs. I still have the mini skirt and it still fits. It was really cool to have that sort of bonding moment in buying my first miniskirt. Jabbin’ Twilight’s experience of her mother encouraging her to try on the miniskirt and then buy it was a defining moment because Jabbin’ Twilight was able to see how supportive her mother had become of her roller derby adventure. Prior to playing roller derby, Jabbin’ Twilight explained that she was a wallflower and was not very social, she just stayed home and read her books. After playing roller derby, and after the JC Penny’s event, Jabbin’ Twilight’s mother actually “talked me into buying a skirt for my team

65 uniform so I could keep the tradition and [her mom] buys [her] fishnets and all that other stuff.”

Roller derby also creates alternative social circles for parents and their adult children to socialize together. Applebottoms Up told a story where she “encountered several women who skate, their kids are lesbians and their parents are straight. It [derby] has really brought them together as parent and child for mom to be involved in it and to mix in their social circle and not to feel like they aren’t a part of it.” Since roller derby is inclusive of all types of sexuality, it creates a unique environment for parent and child to be part of the same social circle regardless of orientation. Roller derby has created an environment that conforms to and ignores traditional family dynamics. Roller derby conforms to family traditions by being an activity that all family members can participate in. At the same time it ignores and defies traditional family dynamics by creating a blended environment for heterosexual and gender queer family members to coexist and have a common ground in which they bond over.

For other skaters, derby has become a family affair. Within ECRG, there are several instances where the entire family plays roller derby. The kid(s) skate for the juniors, the mom skates for ECRG, and the father and even the grandfather skate for the men’s league. One such example is Glinda’s family. Her husband plays for the men’s team, two of her three daughters play in the juniors, her oldest daughter was in between

18-21 and since she didn’t play in the juniors, she had to wait until she was 21 to join the adult league,15 and Glinda plays for ECRG and coaches the juniors. The only member of her family who was not a derby skater was her son and that was because ECRG did not

15 At the time of the interviews, ECRG required adults to be 21 and older to join unless they were matriculating from the Junior league. ECRG has since lowered the adult age to 18 to join.

66 have a junior boys’ team. KaraKaze was enamored with “the fact that an entire family has

found an activity that they all participate in and love” and that Glinda’s family is not an

isolated instance.

Another important component of the way in which derby players challenge

hegemony of masculinity and redefine “family” is through derby weddings. My

participants talked about RollerCon16 in Las Vegas, Nevada as the place where derby weddings and the idea of a “derby wife” were created. This is one of the ways that roller

derby parodies traditional roles and redefines them. RollerCon17 was started in 2004 by

three skaters who wanted an excuse to get away, compete against other leagues, share

trade secrets, host training sessions, and be social with each other. RollerCon is the

worldwide roller derby convention. Thousands of people come from all over the world to

attend RollerCon.

The four-day convention is broken up into bouts and challenges, classroom seminars, scrimmages, lots of social events, opportunities to trade your equipment and

buy new equipment, and a training camp. Friday night of RollerCon will always have a

Derby Wedding reception where you can marry your derby wife (Bomber 2014) or in some cases leagues marrying leagues. In 2008, ECRG, the entire league, participated in the Derby Wedding and married one skater, Ms. Goodie 2 Skates from Rose City Rollers

(Barbee and Cohen 2010; Bomber 2014). According to Blue Ruin, ECRG married

Goodie as a way to honor her. Blue Ruin informed me that Goodie was instrumental in

16 RollerCon is an annual convention in Las Vegas, Nevada where roller derby skaters, referees, and non- skating officials attend to learn new drills, attend seminars, and socialize with others.

17 RollerCon history http://rollercon.com/about/the-history-of-rollercon.

67 helping ECRG when they were starting out. Goodie helped ECRG understand the derby culture and how to create their identity as a derby league.

Roller derby takes traditional roles, such as a widow and wife, and traditions like weddings, and redefines them. A derby widow is the non-derby partner who is left behind while the derby skater spends as many nights on the track practicing or is involved doing her cooperative league service. Sometimes, the derby widows will give their partners an ultimatum. Applebottoms Up relayed her teammate’s experience “it did come down to her husband telling her ‘you either quit one of your teams (she was playing both home and travel, going someplace every other weekend [and] at practice five nights a week) or we’re getting a divorce. She quit the travel team to stay on the home team.”

When my participants discussed “derby widows,” they only referenced the husbands or male partners of a derby skater. I do not know if the term is applied to female partners of derby skaters. There are two components of a “derby widow” that are interesting. The first is the terminology used. In mainstream society, a “widow” is used to describe a woman whose husband has died and a “widower” is the term for a man whose wife has died. The second component is the acceptability of the female leaving her children with her husband or partner while she went off and played roller derby. The idea of a derby widow is not a simple role-reversal where the man stays home while the wife goes out to “play.” It is the idea of shifting the culture of gender frames and creating an acceptable culture for a wife or mother to take care of her needs while the husband supports her and still maintains his masculinity. There are websites devoted to selling t- shirts and other clothing for men to wear and they label themselves as a derby widow.

68 Finally, derby redefines the traditional role of the “wife.” In 2003, LA Derby

Doll, Kacey Bomber invented the concept of a “derby wife.” She defines a derby wife as your roller derby soul mate. She is the one you feel like you were separated from birth, who is there for you in a crunch, rides with you in the ambulance, sets you straight and backs you up even when you’re wrong (Bomber 2014). Your derby wife is someone you feel like you can’t live without that you have formed a very tight kinship and bond with.

The idea of one or multiple derby wives challenges social norms that women are unable to form meaningful and supportive friendships with each other that are void of back- stabbing competition. Some derby women take the concept of a derby wife very seriously, whereas others are more casual about it. The significance of a derby wedding is to solidify the connection these women feel with each other. It is important to note both derby wives and derby weddings are nonsexual partnerships. Blue Ruin elaborated on the significance and said derby weddings also

[L]et the derby community know that you have someone to back you up and that they have someone to go to if they don’t feel comfortable coming to you directly. One example might be if a skater is acting inappropriately, someone might go to her wife and ask her to check in with her wife before doing something formal like filing a complaint. Derby weddings can be just like traditional weddings. They can be elaborately planned or done in the spur of the moment. Several of the ECRG participants had one or more derby wives. Star Baby and Blue Ruin each were monogamous. Little Italy, Scarletta

Vendetta, Applebottoms Up and Glinda had multiple wives within the league and Q-Bert had two wives, neither of which was even in the same time zone as her or each other.

Derby wives and derby weddings are two of the many ways roller derby defies and redefines heteronormativity. Derby wedding can utilize all the symbols of a traditional, heteronormative wedding. The derby brides can be dressed in white wedding gowns,

69 someone officiates the ceremony, vows are said, proclamations are made, and it ends with an “I Do.” At the same time, they defy heteronormative traditions by allowing

“women to marry women.”

The subculture of the derby community creates a space for women to maintain their femininity while redefining aspects of the dominant culture they find restrictive and oppressive. The derby community manipulates defined gender frames (Ridgeway 2009,

2013) by reinventing acceptable behavior for women, wives and especially mothers in order to partake in leisure activities. Secondly, it revisits the idea that women are unable to join together holistically and resists the idea that age is something to be feared. Finally, the parodies to social traditional roles and traditions allow women the opportunity to resist aspects of emphasized femininity (Connell 1987). They revise the meaning of being a wife and widow which are framed as roles subordinate to men by social agents of the dominant culture into roles that are empowering in spite of any relation to men.

The Transgressive Nature of Roller Derby

This transgressive nature of roller derby is rooted in the derby idea that one is not born a woman but instead becomes a woman. This idea not only challenges binary notions of gender but also encourages sexual experimentation. In challenging both hegemony of masculinity and heteronormativity, the transgressive nature of derby is evident by a gender policy that allows transgender and intersex women the ability to play in women’s derby.

70 “One is not Born a Woman, but, Rather, Becomes One”18

Women in our society have a need that derby seems to be filling. It is one of the reasons why the sport has been growing exponentially at such a rapid pace. Derby is providing a space where women can be continually challenged, mentally and physically, while consorting and supporting each other. Providing a sense of value is one component that derby fills for these women. A woman’s value historically has been her ability to attract a man, get married, and procreate. Several of my participants discussed how participating in roller derby provides them with a sense of value unrelated to their children, husband or their ability and desire to have children. Applebottoms Up described how she has found value as a woman by playing derby:

I have come to realize most of these women hold down families, or jobs or are single mothers or are these amazing, "no I didn't have kids and no I don't have a man and yeah, I’m here enjoying life" single, strong women. For me, it’s really given me hope that if I’m not a mother and that isn’t my fate to find a man that I can tolerate to reproduce with, that there are other things in life for me besides and beyond the traditions “you either are a mother and you have value because of that or you’re not and ‘oh sorry…there’s something missing in your life.’” And I guess in one sense of the role, it does provide you with something else in your life that gives you value and makes you feel like you’re part of something bigger than you. For Applebottoms Up, being in a community, surrounded by single, strong women has given her permission to be single and strong as well. In derby, she does not have to explain why she does not have children and gets to avoid hearing sympathetic comments about being a single woman in her early-thirties who is motherless. She is able to find value in the contributions she makes to her team, the league, and the overall derby community as well as in her own accomplishments as a skater and athlete.

18 De Beauvoir 1952:267

71 One component of motherhood is the “requirement” to become self-sacrificing. It is common for a mother’s value to become directly related to the accomplishments of her children or spouse. Elena is a stay-at-home mother of two and expressed her gratitude at what roller derby provides for her. “I love having something individual…. There’s nothing in my life that is just me. And my own strengths and my own skills that has nothing to do with being a mother and its actually weird.” Lastly, a woman’s value is often based on her age, size, and appearance. The closer a woman is to the cultural ideals, the higher her value is. KaraKaze explained that part of the magic of derby is that it

“reinforces that people are worthwhile and they have something to contribute and that whatever your size, appearance, or shape or education or whatever, you have a valid contribution.”

The experiences expressed by Applebottoms Up, Elena, and KaraKaze are some examples of how roller derby allows women to gender maneuver (Shippers 2007).

Traditionally, there are two common gender frames that a woman’s value is measured against (Lorber 1993). The first is related to her beauty, which is directly correlated to the second gender frame, her ability to marry and have children. Both are restrictive in obtaining value in the sense that gender frames connect value with the ability to beauty or being married with children (Ridgeway 2009, 2013). Roller derby has created an environment where women are able to find value in themselves and their own abilities to contribute to their community regardless of their ability to attract a man or to procreate.

In doing so, these women redefine gender expectations of being a wife and mother in connection with value.

72 There are several ways in which roller derby is helping to redefine femininity

outside of the bounds of “emphasized femininity.” For Connell (1987) emphasized

femininity involves women complying with subordination and accommodating the

interests of men. Derby players are instead engaging in what Connell (1987) calls

“strategies of resistance or forms of non-compliance” (183). One of the ways roller

derby is doing this is through tag lines such as “hit like a girl,” “get in touch with your feminine side” and “there’s no sorry in derby” in images and sayings within the derby culture. These sayings mingle aggressiveness with beauty and femininity. They give permission for women to be who they are without the need for apology. Girls are socialized to apologize, not just out of politeness, but as a way of subordination and compliance with hegemonic norms. The only time a derby skater is expected to apologize

is when she executes an inappropriate hit, especially if that hit causes an injury. Terrin

Skirtz explained this derby cultural expectation when she described how she dislocated

her shoulder a month prior to the interview:

I was jamming. I had come out of the pack, I was gaining speed and she [one of the new skaters] came at me out of control, [it was a] complete douchebag hit, it was not appropriate, [and] didn't need to happen. We do play with some ethics when we do play derby. J[She j]ust took my feet out from underneath me and when I fell, I fell on my elbow. You have padded elbows so you want to fall on your elbow, not your face. It just jammed my shoulder up and out…. In our league, we don’t' skate to be douche bags, we don’t' skate to hurt people, it's a game and there are rules and we play by those rules. When somebody does a douche baggy hit and somebody elbows you in the nose with your elbow pad, you apologize. The girl, who hit me and did my shoulder, didn't apologize. I'm not very happy with her right now.

If the new skater had hit Terrin Skirtz using a legal or appropriate hit, Terrin Skirtz would

not have expected an apology. Since the hit was a “douchebag hit,” derby culture expects

the skater to have apologized. Roller derby challenges the oppressive nature of

emphasized femininity by creating an environment where apologies are not necessary for

73 executing hard hits and performing a “new” femininity. Derby purposefully manipulates

gender performances by making it acceptable to “hit hard” which then challenges the hegemonic relationships between masculinity and femininity (Schippers 2002). It

challenges the hegemonic relationship by encouraging women to become independent,

strong, and aggressive.

Another way derby redefines femininity is by showcasing different types of

women as beautiful. By creating an environment that is accepting of all types of women,

several women expressed how playing roller derby has increased their sense of

femininity. Glinda realized that by playing roller derby allowed her to gain more

confidence, and thus, feel more feminine:

[F]unny thing, I never wore dresses, ever before I started playing roller derby. I wear skirts all the time now just because I feel comfortable in my own skin. Before I didn't wear certain things because "Oh my legs are fat" or this or that, other little things. Now I wear what I want and if anybody says anything, be damned, I don't care. I love myself, I love who I am, [and] it’s changed that a lot for me. I feel more feminine now than I did before. Is that possible? That roller derby would do that? I feel more feminine. She was quite stunned at the realization that playing such an aggressive sport would

actually make her feel more feminine, rather than more masculine. Glinda’s realization

at feeling more feminine by playing roller derby is an example of roller derby

transgressing gender frames. Glinda is manipulating the relationship between masculinity

and femininity and as a result redefining femininity (Schippers 2002). The confidence

that Glinda gained, as a result of skating, allows her to create a new feminine ideal, which

contests traditional gender frames. Since Glinda is also one of the coaches to the Junior

Gems, she is able to pass on the new feminine ideal to the Gems and who reproduce a

new way of performing femininity.

74 Star Baby said “derby is helping the idea that you don’t have to necessarily put on lipstick and a nice dress after your bout, match, game [or] whatever. Derby is helping people see women come in short hair, long hair, big bodies, small bodies…” Star Baby then explained when she first started watching derby bouts with her nieces:

I saw that it was women literally of all sizes. The first player, jammer, blocker that my family and I basically looked up to, you'd consider a glamazon basically. She was probably close to 6-0 and had the stockier build, but very athletic. It wasn't the typical Barbie model that I felt like we usually get in the media. I saw [my nieces] seeing that you can, you don't have to be pretty to be awesome. They’re also both short, so seeing short players helped in that too. Star Baby’s experience of how derby displaying different types of women as beautiful is an example of how the derby culture is redefining femininity by gender maneuvering at the collective level (Schippers’ 2002). As a collective, derby redefines what it means to be feminine that is contrary to the current gender frames and beauty ideals. As Star Baby described, not all derby skaters fit in the mold of a socially ideal beauty. By promoting women of all shapes, sizes, and height, derby is changing the idea of what is feminine and beautiful.

Sexual Fluidity and Derby

Historically, openly gay athletes have been subjected to scrutiny and stigmatized in sport and in society (Anderson 2002), yet they are welcomed in the derby world.

Several of my participants told me the most common stereotype they had heard was related to roller derby women being lesbians. KaraKaze said she had heard they were all

“a bunch of drunk sluts…‘drunk slutty lesbians’” and Jabbin’ Twilight said “the urban dictionary says we're [roller derby] a lesbian making machine.” The origin of this myth could be attributed to roller derby’s history of being welcoming to all types of women, regardless of sexual orientation. Several of my participants explained how the community

75 has created a safe environment for women, lesbians, and people. This sense of safety has

allowed women to express themselves freely, to discover who they are, and to experiment

with their bodies, lives, and sexuality.

Roller derby culture is a good place for the expression of sexual fluidity or sexual

flexibility (Diamond 2008). It provides a safe space for sexual exploration without

judgment. There is a saying in the derby world that most derby women are “3-beer queer”

and all it takes is a few beers and she will start making out with anybody. The saying is

not the same as performative bisexuality where heterosexual women make out with other

heterosexual women in bars and clubs for the benefit of male gaze. Being “3-beer queer”

was described by several of my participants more as a woman whose inhibitions were

lowered as a result of alcohol and she was able to be fluid in her sexuality and explore it.

Several of the women discussed how roller derby allows for sexual fluidity.

Glinda explained that roller derby “is a really supportive environment and it's a really good place to be if you have questions about yourself. It will put who you are right up in your face and you have to study it and acknowledge it.” Glinda is explaining that derby

essentially holds up a mirror and forces you to study yourself. Derby requires skaters to

be aggressive to each other and requires skaters to challenge themselves. In order to

succeed as a derby skater, you have to become comfortable with doing things like hitting

other women, using your body as a weapon, depending on others and being depended on,

among other things that may challenge your comfort. Through the process of becoming

comfortable with performing differently than you may have been socialized to, it also provides a space to examine and study other aspects that may have been repressed.

76 Little Italy described the derby space as “it definitely gave me a place to explore

my sexuality a little bit more. I was always attracted to women but have dated primarily men…It’s nice, these last 4 years, to have a space to really be open with that, explore it, and finally go for it.” The derby community is also more accepting of women who experiment with their sexuality. Scarletta Vendetta explained how as a result of the sense of safety and acceptance created by the derby community, “there are a lot of people who experiment more once they get into this.”

Additionally, since derby skaters do not judge you for your sexual orientation, it is possible that the sport attracts more women who fall within the continuum of sexual orientation.19 Terrin Skirtz explained it as:

You have a spectrum, just like you do in the real world of extremely straight individuals…probably 3-4 girls that are very straight, heterosexual. And then you have the other end of it where you have extremely lesbian/dyke gals. And then you have a bunch in the middle. In derby, you have very empowered, liberal women who are going to sow their oats however that may be for them, and then you have the end pieces. Terrin Skirtz’s speculation of where derby women fall within the spectrum of sexual

orientation supports one of the components of sexual fluidity where a woman’s sexuality

can be dependent upon the situation and her sexual responsiveness. Terrin Skirtz’s

describes derby women as “very empowered and liberal” who may take the opportunity

to “sow their oats” in a new and liberal way because they are in an environment that

allows and supports sexual exploration.

Aside from roller derby creating a space for women to explore their sexuality, it

also attracts lesbian, queer, and gender non-conforming women to the sport. Smiley

19 Alfred Kinsey created a continuum of sexual orientation based on attraction and sexual behavior towards the same or other sex. The continuum is a 7-point scale with 0 being exclusively heterosexual with no homosexual attractions or behaviors and 6 being exclusively homosexual with no heterosexual attractions or behaviors.

77 Doom said the reason she joined roller derby was because she “wanted to meet some

ladies.” Initially, she wanted to meet someone romantically and then decided to keep her

love life and her derby life separate. “I didn’t want to join rugby and I wanted to play a

sport…. [T]here are definitely a lot of lesbians [in roller derby] and it’s nice to see. There

are a lot of straight girls too and that’s awesome. We can all play [roller] derby together

and it’s wonderful.” Roller derby created an environment where women of all sexual

orientations can coalesce together.

Transgender and Derby

There is a cultural disbelief that women are capable of performing at the same

level as men. When describing a stereotype Star Baby heard about women who play

roller derby, she told me “if a woman is too good, [then] she’s actually a man.” In the

athletic community there is a concern related to transgender women competing or playing

alongside cisgender women. The concern is that since the transgender woman is

biologically male, she could potentially have higher testosterone levels and thus may

have some physical superiority over the cisgender women. This superiority would give

the transgender woman an added opportunity over the cisgender woman.

There are several problems with this concern. The first is testosterone levels, in

both males and females are highly variable. Secondly, while males do produce ten times

more testosterone than women (Brizendine 2006), there are some cisgender women who

naturally produce a higher amount of testosterone and other androgens20 than other

cisgender women and even some cisgender males, which would giving the cisgender

20 Adrenal Hyperplasia and Female Hyperandrogenism are endocrine conditions where the body produces and excess of androgens. Females diagnosed with hyperandrogenism are not eligible to participate in the Olympic games in either female or male categories (International Olympic Committee 2012). Female hyperandrogenism is one of the leading symptoms in women with Polycystic ovarian syndrome.

78 woman a greater advantage. Thirdly, there are also certain genetic conditions or

Complete Androgen Insensitivity Syndrome (XY) where the person identifies as female, has external female genitals and breasts, but is genetically male and may have male internal reproductive organs, such as undescended testes (Looy and Bouma 2005; T’sjoen et al. 2011). Finally, the drugs used as part of the transgender hormone replacement therapy temporarily alter the individual’s original sex hormones to bring them in within the normal range of the desired sex. What this means is a male transitioning to female will receive a hormone replacement therapy (HRT) cocktail that suppresses his testosterone and other androgens while supplementing female hormones, such as estrogen and progesterone (Spears 2004). As long as she was on the HRT cocktail, her hormones would stay within the hormone range of a cisgender female. The HRT cocktail would eliminate the concern that a transgender woman would have “higher” testosterone levels than a cisgender female.

As mentioned previously, WFTDA implemented a gender policy allowing transgender and intersex women the ability to play as of January 01, 2012. KaraKaze provided a little more history to how and why WFTDA created the gender policy:

I think that WFTDA and leagues across the country are growing at this huge rate … there were already transgendered people on leagues by the time they [WFTDA] started that policy. It would have been nice if it had already been in place, but the reality was that specific leagues had created transgendered policies prior to WFTDA’s coming out with it. I think that the leagues were creating their policies as a result of wanting to make sure they [the league] were protected legally as well make sure that future leadership who were involved in their league would continue to be welcoming to transgendered people. As KaraKaze described, WFTDA created the gender policy as a reaction to other leagues, within the organization that had already created league policies. By other leagues creating gender policies, the organization (WFTDA) needed to have an organizational policy in

79 order to protect the organization. It is important to note the reason individual leagues

created their policies before WFTDA. Aside from being protected legally, they wanted to make sure the transgender skater would be allowed to continue skating in the event that a change in leadership brought a change in opinion. Without a league policy, any leadership change could put the transgender skater’s derby status at risk.

WFTDA’s new policy was not openly embraced by all leagues. Autumn Falls described the conflict several leagues had with the policy when it was introduced for vote in 2011:

[S]ome people thought that it was too strict and too invasive of people's privacy. I actually, when I was at the tournament last year [2011] - ECDX or East Coast Derby Extravaganza in - they were having petition signatures and handing out stickers that were about awareness of the transgender policy.…I think different leagues voted it down because they thought it was too strict. And you know what other leagues probably voted it down because they didn't think transgendered people should play…. I know people had a problem with the invasive nature of it and that some people would not want to subject themselves to that sort of scrutiny just to play a sport. The Philly Roller Girls21 were the league at ECDX petitioning the strictness and

invasiveness of WFTDA’s policy. WFTDA’s policy defines a “woman” as a person who

takes on a female identity and is “living as a woman and having sex hormones that are

within the medically acceptable range for a female…” (Crouse 2011:8WFTDA 2012a).

The invasiveness, scrutiny and strictness that Autumn Falls was referring to, that many

skaters had issues with, are related to the hormone verification. While each league is

responsible for verifying if the skater is eligible, if a skater’s sex was called into question,

she might be subjected to proving her hormones were medically acceptable for a female.

With this policy, any skater could have her sex questioned, regardless if she was

21 Prior to 2015, they were the Philly Roller Girls. As of January 2015, they Philly Roller Derby.

80 cisgender female or transgender. Autumn Falls could not remember if she had already

transferred to ECRG when the league voted on the policy, or how the league voted on the

policy.

Most of my participants either had no issues or concerns skating against a

transgender woman, viewed playing against one as a challenge, or had experienced

skating against Lenore Gore.22 Smiley Doom understood the medical effects taking

hormones on a transgender woman and said “[h]onestly, if you’re taking hormones,

you’re going to be pretty soft and womanly and not some big dude on the track.” A

hormone replacement therapy (HRT) regime changes the hormone levels in a transgender

woman to suppress her testosterone and androgen production and brings her closer to a

female hormone range. One of the results of HRT is her body can change and become

softer and more womanly.

Several participants viewed playing against a transgender woman more as a

physical challenge. Little Italy said:

I might be a little hesitant at first, especially if the transgendered woman was particularly large and muscular, but if you identify as a woman – join us, its fine. I’ll just have to hit you like I hit the bigger girls because we’ve got women of all shapes and sizes. If you’re a little bigger – it’s ok, you’re just more of a challenge physically. For Little Italy, it is more important to her that the transgender skater identifies as a

woman than actually being one. Q-Bert also expressed being a little hesitant at first and

then realized that some of the cisgender women she skates against are terrors on the track

“AtomBomb isn't transgendered and she's a terror on the track.”

22 Lenore Gore is the most well-known transgender skater. She was discussed in depth in the Gender Policy section in chapter two.

81 Finally, two of my participants had played against Gore. Autumn Falls skated against her and didn’t see any difference skating against her versus skating against some of the cisgender women in her team. She said “I think you’re going to have strong, aggressive, good skating women that are biologically born women that are as strong or just as strong as transgendered women so I don’t feel like it’s an unfair advantage really.”

Q-Bert, on the other hand, noticed that Gore hit differently and skated a lot faster than the other women on the team. Since Q-Bert practices with the men’s team, she knows how men hit differently than women. “I practice playing derby with men, I play full contact roller derby with men, I scrimmage with the men. They are a different body type, they do hit a lot harder, they skate differently” When Q-Bert played against the DC Rollers, she said:

[W]e played against a team that had a transgendered skater. That skater did hit differently and did skate a lot faster and so I don't know. I'm kind of torn. I'm sure not all transgendered women will skate like that. That one for sure did and it was clearly, "whoa...that chick's not a chick. No way." … I wasn't going into the bout picking out the transgendered skater. The only reason I knew about it was because they [Gore] wrote an article and posted it online about the policy and how they felt about it. That’s the only reason why I knew who they were. Maybe I was paying attention to their skating style more over the rest of their teammates, because of that, but I definitely felt like they skated differently. Q-Bert’s reluctance to address Gore using the proper pronoun indicates her discomfort at not knowing how to address a transgender skater. Her confession that since she knew the identity of the transgender skater, she may have focused on Gore’s skating style a little closer, could be the reason she noticed the difference in skating against Gore at all.

Overall, the support from my participants was overwhelmingly positive. It seemed like the most important aspect of being comfortable with transgender women was the fact that these women identify as a woman. Several of my participants vehemently expressed they were not against any person who identified as a woman playing roller derby. These

82 expressions of support align with Butler’s statement that “[g]ender can denote unity of experience” (1990:22). The women are bonded and unified in the fact that they present themselves as women. That sense of sisterhood goes above everything else. The fact that derby women are so openly accepting of transgender women is another example of how roller derby is transgressive. Glinda and KaraKaze boiled it down to acceptance and respect. KaraKaze said “the Emerald City Roller Girls and WFTDA should absolutely be accepting of anyone who identifies as being female” and Glinda said, “we as humans should respect other humans and if someone identifies as a woman then they should be treated as a woman. I wouldn’t have any problem playing with someone who was actually a man who felt like they were a woman.”

One’s identity is created and simultaneously constrained by the use of gender framing. Gender framing (Ridgeway 2009, 2013) is one way in which people compare themselves to the hegemonic norms and adjust their behaviors in accordance with behaviors deemed appropriate based on specific sex categorizations. Roller derby goes beyond the limits imposed by gender frames in several ways. First, it provides a sense of value to the skater beyond being a wife and mother and redefines what it means to be feminine. Secondly, roller derby’s culture creates a space that transgresses gender binaries by encouraging sexual exploration and welcoming women of all sexual orientations. Finally, roller derby is transgressive compared to other athletic institutions in allowing transgender or intersex women to skate regardless of surgery status, hormone replacement therapy regimes, or mental health diagnosis. No other sport is as openly supportive of sexual fluidity, experimentation, and orientation as roller derby has been historically.

83 Roller derby stretches beyond the boundaries set by gender frames by creating a safe space for women to redefine themselves, explore their sexuality, and welcome transgender skaters. Roller derby is redefining feminine values by women discovering their value as women is not contingent upon being a wife or mother, her age, sex, or appearance. Instead, her value can be in spite of all that. Secondly, roller derby challenges cultural views of femininity by manipulating the acceptability of gender performances. The newly defined acceptability challenges hegemonic relationships by encouraging women to become independent, strong, and aggressive. Thirdly, it is a safe space for all women to explore their sexuality and redefine who they are. Finally, roller derby skaters do not pass judgment on their transgender sisters and thus has become a safe space for these women to play the sport. This is all done through the collective attitude and participation in the sport itself.

The Commodification and Athleticism of Derby

Roller derby is more than a commodity with sexy women. It is a highly competitive and athletic sport. Roller derby manipulates gender performance in order to challenge the relationship between masculinity and femininity in multiple ways. First, derby women self-objectify and use sex as a commodity to ensure the success of the sport. Secondly, roller derby is a sport that challenges emphasized femininity. Lastly, injuries incurred by derby women manipulate gender frames. Through these three components, roller derby illustrates that it is more than just sexy women, but also how women manipulate gender performance.

84 “We’re more than Strippers on Skates”23

Roller derby was created as a commodity. Seltzer sold it as entertainment in the

1930s and to television networks in the 1950s through the early 1970s. The

commodification of derby continued when it returned in 2001 by focusing on the selling

power of sex (Ray 2007). One of the founding women, Anya Jack, said “You know, sex

sells. So what we’ve decided is that we’re going to play along with that…somewhat, and

be sexy and be fun and be kind of a fantasy if you will” (Ray 2007). The founding

women created the penalty wheel as a mechanism to sell sex for audience enjoyment and

as a way to performing the fantasy. The penalty wheel included penalties like spank alley

where the male spectators would line up to spank the derby woman who incurred the

penalty and “pillow fights” add to the sexual fantasy where derby women had pillow

fights in the middle of the track as their penalty. These antics are what lead to misconception that derby women are strippers on skates or as Glinda contested “we’re not just putting on frilly underwear and skating around in circles and giving people lap dances while we have roller skates on.” While derby women do use sex to sell tickets,

they are much more than sexy women for sale.

Roller derby still cashes in on the sale of “sex” just as much, if not more than any

other sport. You will often see sex and sexual innuendos interspersed with most things

derby related. Sex is found in the home team names, skater’s names, names of their

strategies and even the names of their events. Little Italy described how her team uses sex

in training and strategy:

We talk about sex all the time on my team. It was funny, we had a party a couple weekends ago with my home team and one of the girls was "how does scissoring work? Do you suction together?" [laughing] I had to explain to her how two

23 Oliphant 2013.

85 women can get off that way. Now we have a play we call "Scissors," we incorporated it. All of our play names are either religious or sexual innuendos, which is typical. Only Little Italy’s home team knows that “scissors” means a particular strategy. ECRG

also incorporates sexual innuendos as the continuing theme for their worldwide

tournament. In 2012, ECRG debuted their first worldwide tournament and they called it

“The Big O – Come for the whole weekend.” The “O” stands for Oregon, but it is the play on words where most people would think of “the Big O” as a big orgasm. They continued this theme and for both 2013 and 2014, changed it to “The Big O – The World is Coming,” and again as “The Big O – Come Again?” for the 2015 event.

Historically, women have catered to the male gaze for their survival.

Theoretically, roller derby should not be any different. When roller derby first started,

over half of the fans were women (Deford 1971). One would think that the fan

demographics would have shifted and be skewed heavily towards males than females.

Both WFTDA and ECRG show fan demographics are still skewed heavily towards

female fans. The 2012 WFTDA24 demographics show that 61% of fans are female and

39% are male. Interestingly, 63% of fans have college degrees and 31% have graduate degrees (WFTDA 2012b). ECRG has similar demographics where 59% of fans are

female and 41% are male; 34% have earned an undergraduate degree and 21% have

completed a graduate degree (Emerald City Roller Girls 2011). So who are the derby

women being sexy towards if their fans are mostly women?

Derby uses sex to manipulate the male gaze while catering to their female

audience. Both male and female fans attend derby bouts for the “sexy” factor (Beaver

24 WDTDA has not updated the fan demographics since 2012. They are currently conducting a world-wide roller derby census of skaters, NSO’s, volunteers, officials, etc. (http://wftda.com/news/be-counted-in-the- world-roller-derby-census)

86 2014). Autumn Falls talked about how “people think you’re just going to be wearing the

skimpiest outfit and that you’re just there to put on a show of your cleavage and ass rather than a true athletic endeavor, but I mean that draws in people to come and pay the money so that we can do the sport that we’re serious about.” In reaction to that, some of the fundraising activities are sexually charged. ECRG has pudding wrestling as one of their fundraising activities. Applebottoms Up explained they sell the illusion of sex as a way to sustain the sport. Without the illusion, “how do you get people to pay to come and

watch a sport that’s not widely known, that is not recognized yet as a real sport, but keep

that factor that it’s entertaining, and kind of exciting, and different and there is some

sexualization of women.” Both Autumn Falls and Applebottoms Up are describing how

derby women are self-objectifying (Connell 1987) in order to better the league. They do

it by choosing to wear skimpy uniforms, for show, and by participating in sexually

charged events like pudding wrestling. As a result, the women are being rewarded for

conforming to gender expectations.

Derby uniforms appear sexy. Radiant Fleur explained “there's a misconception

that derby girls are all about fishnets and booty shorts.” Radiant Fleur is referring to the

idea that derby girls are just in it to look sexy and not for the sport. Fishnets and booty

shorts have a sexual component to them. Fishnets are worn in a variety of fashions. One

of which is to entice men. Booty shorts are short shorts that are skin tight. One of the

Fresh Meat participants, Elena, explained it from the outsider perspective and how her

view changed once she started playing:

[A] turn off for me was the sexiness of it. . . . I think it diminishes [the sport], coming from an athletic perspective. I don’t like people coming to watch women because they’re wearing panties. . . . As I’ve done it [derby], it becomes much more normalized. I don’t even notice the hot shorts . . . I see it more as a uniform

87 than doing it because it looks sexy. I also love the other aspect of there are women of all shapes and sizes and they’re wearing those booty shorts. In the beginning, Elena only saw women skating in panties, or booty shorts. After she got involved and attended practice, she realized the booty shorts were not being worn to look sexy, but more as a uniform. She did not describe the functionality of wearing booty shorts.

Several of the women vehemently discussed the functionality of derby clothes.

While I was watching various derby documentaries, I could hear the women clucking

their tongues when another skater came into the locker room with rink rash.25 They

scolded her for not wearing tights underneath her booty shorts. The clothes derby women wear are designed not get to in the way of skating and to protect the body. Radiant Fleur clarified the functionality when she said:

[O]nce you get a taste of what track burn feels like or having your pinky toe stuffing out of your fishnets [you learn] there are tricks for wearing clothes for derby. You have to wear pantyhose under your fishnets so your thighs don’t touch, because if you get sweaty thighs and they touch in between fishnets, [it] feels like a cheese grater, it’s horrible. Or if you have bare skin and hit the track, you’re going to get a big burn because your flesh isn’t going to slide. It’s going to go "BAM" and you're going to skid on it. It really sucks. Most of us wear leggings with booty shorts or hot pants on top . . . this isn’t about wearing fishnets and tutus. I’m an athlete and I have to wear clothes that I can’t fuck with the whole time. Applebottoms Up added to Radiant Fleur’s clarification of functionality by expanding on the functionality of derby clothes and compares derby clothes to a swimmer wearing a speedo:

There's functionality in some of those clothes. You wear spandex [and] booty shorts because guess what you put a skirt on, it starts to bunch up. You wear too baggy of pants and it starts to get stuck and you can't move freely. It's the same as when you look at a professional swimmer and he's wearing a speedo - you don't say "Oh my

25 A rash received by sliding across the track and leaves either a fishnet imprint on the leg or thigh or a traction burn if the skater was skating without tights, fishnets, or any legwear.

88 god, put some fucking clothes on, I can see everything." You don't look at it like that. You look at it as "of course he's wearing speedos, those big, baggy shorts would slow him down in the water." The spandex is, if you fall on that ground, you want to slide. You don't want to have a fabric that sticks to the ground or have your skin go right on that floor. You want something that's going to glide, and be flexible and stretchy. I’ve tried to wear other things; I've tried capris, longer pants or wear looser shorts. It's just not more comfortable for me as a skater. I ultimately feel, the most free with a pair of very tight leggings or booty shorts. Or really short skirt. Sounds terrible, but it's true. Applebottoms Up’s compares the logic of wearing booty shorts to a professional male swimmer wearing a speedo. Male swimmers do not wear speedos to be sexualized. There is functionality in wearing a speedo, just as there is functionality in derby women wearing booty shorts. According to Applebottoms Up, skaters do not wear booty shorts to be sexy and to show off everything, they do it because booty shorts are functional for the sport. The general public will see women skating around the track wearing fishnets and booty shorts and assume this is because the women want to be sexy. The reality is, wearing these items are less about being sexy and showing off your butt, and more about protecting your legs (fishnets) in case your fall and wearing shorts that allow you to move and skate faster without being trapped by pants or a skirt.

There is juxtaposition between the perceived sexiness of derby uniforms and the masculine athletic protective gear. Schippers (2002) would describe derby uniforms of a fitted jersey and hot pants and fishnets as an example of slut wear. While for derby women, the “slut wear” has a specific purpose, it also plays into the male gaze. It makes the women sexy and desirable while playing into male and female fantasies. At the same time, by pairing the “slut wear” with masculine athletic accruements, like helmets, knee, wrist, and elbow pads and mouth guards, this disrupts the sexual objectification and thus confuses the observer (Schippers 2002). The confusion lies in the gendered frames associated with each type of clothing. On the one hand, there are very distinct meanings

89 associated with “slut wear.” Slut wear is emblematic of feminine wiles, seduction, teasing, and male fantasy. At the same time, there are distinct meanings associated with athletic protective gear. Since athletics is still predominantly a masculine institution, the meanings associated with helmets, body pads, and mouth guards are aggressive, tough, and macho in behavior. When you pair them together, the observer is not sure which set of meanings they are supposed to use as a frame of reference in order to anticipate the derby woman’s behaviors. Are they supposed to expect the derby woman to be seductive and feminine or will she be aggressive and dominating?

Although WFTDA has implemented standard uniforms, each team/league votes on their uniform standardization and each skater has agency to embellish her uniform.

Derby women understand the power they have with their clothing and the ability to manipulate the male gaze. One of my participants, KaraKaze told me:

I have tattoos from derby so I like to show them off when I bout. I got my derby name tattooed across the back of my legs. I would always joke that I wanted it on the back of my legs because after I knocked you down and you looked up to see who it was, that you could read my name. It's underneath my butt and goes "Kara" "Kaze." I would wear fishnets and almost no pants and cut holes out of the back of my fishnets so it was clearly readable. The showy/exhibitionist behavior is contrary to any behavior I had done prior to that. The location of KaraKaze’s tattoo is a message to the skater she knocked down, not in order to appear sexy to the crowd by showing off her skin. Where male spectators might think that KaraKaze is purposefully being sexy and showing her butt off for their enjoyment, she is really using it as a display of masculinity in honoring her aggressive behavior on the track.

The sexualization caters to the female audience in promoting pariah femininities and by showing that it is ok to be a more voluptuous woman and still look sexy wearing booty shorts (Schippers 2002). Derby women use their clothing as a way to promote

90 being the authority, badass girl, or the cock-teaser. Symbolically, when a voluptuous

woman feels confident in “slut wear” it is emblematic of rebelling against the oppressiveness of gender frames. The gender frame for voluptuous women is they are

supposed to be ashamed and hide their bodies, not be proud and display them. The

confidence gained by playing roller derby allows these women the ability to revolt

against norms of emphasized femininity and to do gender their way. Derby women

portray the Cock-Teaser pariah femininity a lot. This is why you will always find a team

that is modeled after being a catholic school girl.

Roller derby is riddled with contradictions. On the one hand, it is a sport that

challenges hegemonic gender frames, redefines femininity by supporting strong,

aggressive powerful women, who choose to do femininity their way. It manipulates

gender performances in order to challenge the relationship between masculinity and femininity. On the other hand, the women conform to hegemonic gender frames and

perform gender appropriately by self-objectifying in order to keep the league going.

These athletes are trying to find the balance between “selling sex” for the benefit of the league and being perceived as the serious athletes they consider themselves to be.

Athleticism of Derby

Misconceptions like being strippers on skates trivialize the athleticism derby

women display both on and off the track. Being a derby woman takes dedication, a lot of

hard work and willingness to sweat. All of my participants reported playing roller derby

as the hardest thing they have ever done. Q-Bert’s first impression of derby was “I

watched it and saw the girls skating around and hitting each other and I was like ‘Oh god

91 that looks so easy’ which was the dumbest thing I’ve ever said in my entire life!” Roller

derby is deceptively hard and is not a hobby or recreational activity.26

One of the most common misconceptions that roller derby is trying to change is

that it is not a real sport. Many people view roller derby as a hobby or a recreational

sport. Roller derby is similar to other grass roots sports like those associated with the

Amateur Athletic Union (AAU). 27 Both organizations train hard with coaches and

trainers, both are competitive, and members have voting rights within the organizations.

The time commitment required from members of AAU clubs is unclear. With roller

derby, the success of the league is dependent upon each individual’s extensive time

commitment. Participating in roller derby takes more than simply showing up for practice

and competitions, it becomes a lifestyle. Radiant Fleur talks about the derby lifestyle and

culture as:

[I]t feels really good to have this gang…because we support each other . . . we bond and we win and we cry together . . . Derby isn’t really a hobby it becomes a lifestyle. People who take it on thinking it would be a fun hobby are soon disappointed when they realize that it really consumes your entire life pretty quickly. Unlike recreation leagues, roller derby relies on the skaters in order to make it work.

With recreation leagues, the recreational center organizes the league, pays for the coach,

and your only responsibility or commitment is to practice and competitions. As a member

of a recreation league, you just have to show up, practice or compete, and then go home.

With roller derby, the members have to do everything. You are not allowed to simply

26 There are several leagues that have community recreation derby for people who are looking for a casual derby experience.

27 “The AAU was founded in 1888 to establish standards and uniformity in amateur sports” (http://www.aausports.org) and is a considered a grass roots organization providing athletic opportunities and training to youth and adults. “The AAU works closely with the Olympic movement to prepare athletes for Olympic games” (http://www.aausports.org).

92 show up to practice and the bout and not put in the time to make the bout or any event happen.

Being a derby athlete requires a financial, time, and personal commitment. In

1938, Honey Thomas described a “Girl Roller Racer” as having six specific qualities. She needed to have “1. Nerve and spunk. 2. [The] ability to take bumps and bruises. 3. [Has a] natural athletic ability. 4. A fighting heart that will not quit. 5. Some natural endurance

[and] 6. Some skating ability” (Coppage 1999:10). The qualities of a derby woman have not changed much since 1938.

According to my participants, a successful derby woman is one who is aggressive, has an athletic mentality, accepts her body, is brave, maintains the collective view (league first, then team, then me), is competitive with herself and others, is dedicated and tenacious, ego-less, knows her limits, open minded to criticism, has a positive attitude, persistent and determined, a social butterfly, and is a tough and confident woman. None of the qualities described include having a history of being an athlete or having any

“innate” athletic ability. They all have to do with variations and types of attitudes and/or mentalities. One important mentality is that of the athlete. Compare the current derby qualities to those described by Honey Thomas in 1938, and you will find several similarities. While in 1938, you needed to have some athletic ability because you had to be able to hit the track skating, now, the derby culture will train you in order not to exclude anyone who wants to be a part of the sport.

The qualities of a successful derby woman are illustrative of challenge gender frames and performing gender simultaneously. Hegemony of masculinity ascribes men to be aggressive, have an athletic mentality, accept and be confident of their bodies, brave,

93 being competitive with self and others, tenacious, open to criticism, positive attitude,

persistent, determined, know her limits, tough and confident. I placed “knowing her

limits” under hegemony of masculinity because culturally speaking, women who perform

gender successfully are submissive in nature. As such, a submissive woman would not

know her limits as they would be set by the dominant male. By derby women displaying

these characteristics, they are knowingly challenging and redefining the relationship between masculinity and femininity. At the same time, derby women need to maintain a collective view, be ego-less, and be a social butterfly. These characteristics are illustrative of femininity. The order of the collective view places the skater last after

everyone else is cared for/considered. By being ego-less would imply she had an ego,

which is a masculine trait and being a social butterfly illustrates being compassionate and

concerned for the wellbeing of others, which is a feminine trait.

We have all heard the term “man up” which means to be brave or tough, rise to a

challenge or to act like a man in unpleasant situations. Men will say this to other men as a

term of encouragement. There are female equivalents to “man up.” In the rodeo or

cowboy world, you will hear “cowgirl up” and among female athletes, you might hear

“suck it up buttercup” or “suck it up princess.” In the derby world, they use “doll up.” All of these terms mean the same thing. They all mean to rise to a challenge, act brave or tough in an unpleasant situation, and are used as terms of encouragement. Focusing solely on derby’s term to “doll up,” they are both playing into the social construction of gender while challenging it at the same time.

On the surface level, by using the term “doll,” derby women invoke the image of being subordinate, delicate, gentle, beautiful and girly, like a china doll. The reality is

94 these women use the phrase to invoke masculine characteristics and to maneuver their

gender. On the one hand, they embrace the vulnerability of being a “doll.” On the other

hand, they use it as a signifier of strength, determination and aggression. By contradicting

the cultural definition of appropriate gender behavior, derby women use the gender

marker of “doll up” the same way men use “man up.” The ability to “doll up” when you

are injured or to push through muscle aches and force yourself to do one more suicide28 is

indicative of an athlete’s mentality. Athletes will push themselves through injuries and

commonly believe if it isn’t broken, just wrap it so I can play.

Terrin Skirtz expressed the difficulty she has finding a medical provider who understands the athlete’s mentality:

When you go to the doctor’s office they tend to brush it [playing roller derby] off. They don’t understand that I play roller derby [and can’t take 6 weeks off]. Don’t you get it I have a bout in 3 weeks and need to make my attendance so I can bout. It’s hard to find a care provider who gets that. I have a physical therapist who does because she was an Olympic ice skater. She gets that….She will tape me up, and then I work on rehab. Terrin Skirtz’s experience with doctor’s brushing off the fact that she plays roller derby is

an example of how roller derby is not perceived as an athletic sport. If it were, she would

not have such a hard time finding a medical provider who would be able to tape her up so

she could make her attendance and bout and then worry about rehab after the bout.

Another component of having an athletic mentality is the ability to be a mental

athlete as well. Being a mental athlete requires the athlete to remain positive, motivate

themselves, and visualize. Radiant Fleur explained how “you can’t be negative self-

talking and saying that you suck. You have to prepare like you’re doing a marathon. You

have to learn to talk to yourself and nurture your own soul when it comes to derby.”

28 Suicides are endurance drills.

95 Several women talked about visualizing and mental preparation as part of their pre-bout

rituals. They would run different plays in their head in order to visualize their responses,

come up with alternative strategies, and defense mechanisms.

Playing roller derby is more than just a physical and mental challenge and

commitment. It is also an expensive financial and time commitment. According to

WFTDA’s 2012 roller derby demographics, the average annual cost to play roller derby

is $622 for equipment, $656 in travel and other expenses, and another $223 for

miscellaneous costs like dues and event tickets. That adds up to approximately $1,500.

Each skater is required to carry WFTDA skater insurance ($70) in addition to her own

private insurance. If a skater, like Terrin Skirtz, also plays with the men’s team, she is required to carry USARS insurance ($60),29 which covers any injuries incurred while

skating with men. WFTDA skater insurance only covers injuries that occur when skating

against a cisgender or transgender woman.

Terrin Skirtz broke down the costs of playing roller derby for ECRG. According

to Terrin Skirtz, the required equipment costs anywhere from $760 - $1,260. This

includes skates ($500-1,000); 30 wrist guards, elbow and knee pads ($150); helmet ($60); mouth guard ($50), and your team jersey ($60). These costs do not include any additional safety equipment you may want to purchase, like tailbone pads, shin guards, or face shields. ECRG’s dues are relatively cheap at $35 per month. These expenses do not include the cost of gas, childcare, your deductible, or co-insurance. It is recommended

29 Per USARS insurance application (http://usars.info/forms/2014/2014%20Membership%20Application.pdf)

30 More expensive skates are indicative of a more serious commitment to the sport. In the beginning, most skaters buy cheap skates until they figure out if they want to stay and the right fit for their feet.

96 that you replace your skates every three months, similar to runners having to replace their

running shoes every three months. If you’re on the travel team, your expenses have at

least doubled. You have two uniforms, you have to replace your skates more often, and

your travel expenses have increased. Some skaters choose to carry additional insurance

policies, beyond their private medical and WFTDA skater insurance. Applebottoms Up

told me that she has “disability, liability, regular insurance, skater insurance, [and]

AFLACK insurance only because I have a career [where] if I break my hand, I’m fucked.

I’m not working and I book my patients six months out.” As a dental hygienist, she

would be unable to work if she broke or severely injured either of her hands.

In addition to the financial aspect, there is at time commitment. The time

commitment is broken up into two categories: cooperative league service obligations and

practice. Cooperative league service obligations include committee work, bout

production, team cohesion events, and attending promotional events to name a few. At

the time of the interviews, ECRG did not have a minimum number of hours required for

cooperative league service.31 KaraKaze reported between her day job and league

responsibilities, she was banking 80 hours per week and Applebottoms Up puts in

between “8-16 hours a month on sponsorship.”

Practice time is based on the skill level of the team. Each skill level has different

practices. KaraKaze broke it down for me. The Fresh Meat practice two hours twice a

week and their practices are mainly focused on strength training and balance training

before getting into derby skills. Since many women come into derby without ever having

participated in a sport, their bodies are not conditioned to execute derby skills and drills.

31 Currently ECRG requires each skater must log at least 3 hours per month of Cooperative league service as part of her attendance requirements in order to be eligible to be on the roster for the next bout.

97 Focusing on strength and balance training reduces the risk of injury. The home teams will

practice two hours twice a week and have a scheduled scrimmage that lasts another two

hours. The Skatesaphrenics, all-star team, practice two and a half hours, twice a week, and has a scheduled scrimmage as well. They can practice up to six days a week by jumping onto any home team’s practice.

KaraKaze further explained that practice for both the home teams and the travel team consists of pace lines,32 drills, one hour of hard push endurance training, 125 laps

on the track clockwise and 25 laps counter clockwise, suicides,33 sprints, stretching,

learning to play offense and defense simultaneously, toolbox drills,34 strength training and cross training. While observing the travel team practices, I was able to experience a little bit of what KaraKaze was talking about. While watching these women complete some of the drills, like suicides, I wanted to throw up from their effort. KaraKaze laughed when I described the drills they were doing from an outsider’s perspective.

Finally, KaraKaze explained why all skaters practice how to fall. For the travel team, they practice it because since they have a higher skill level, they don’t fall as much on the track. When they do fall, it uses up more energy for them to get back up and build momentum back. Another reason skaters practice falling is to make sure they train their muscles how to fall properly. This prevents injuries if you fall during a bout. One injury

32 Pace line is a drill where everybody skates in a line and the skater at the front of the line sets the pace. They do this for about 30 minutes without stopping. The purpose is to build endurance.

33 Suicides are found across sports. In swimming, they’re called “in and outs” where the purpose is to swim a lap, pull yourself out of the water, diver in and swim another lap. Suicides are also found in sports like basketball, football, etc. The goal is to run across the track or court, touch the floor and run back the other way. In roller derby, they do the same thing only wearing 5 lb. skates and they have to do 3 sets of 12 in 2 minutes. Suicides, regardless of the sport, are meant to make you want to vomit from pushing your body so hard and to build endurance.

34 Toolbox is a series of skills and techniques that all derby women need to continue practicing. These are different than endurance training. Some examples are skating backwards and skating in threes.

98 all derby women try to prevent is called a “vagshiner.” A “vagshiner” is a bruise on or in

your vagina caused by landing on the wheel of your roller skate.

The women also practice skating in a squat position. Applebottoms Up explained the significance of the squat over standing upright is because “the lower you are, the less

distance there is between you and the ground and it’s your best center of gravity.” This

then makes it harder for a blocker to knock you over. KaraKaze added that in addition to

practices, ECRG will put on additional classes such as “speed and endurance classes that

focus on increasing your speed and lung capacity.” On top of this, skaters are responsible

for their own cross training. Radiant Fleur explained, “as a skater we get

overdevelopment of your quads and outer legs. Meanwhile the insides of your legs get

weak and can cause knee injuries.” By cross training, you strengthen the inner muscles of

your legs, knees, and core in order to prevent injuries.

The athleticism of derby challenges emphasized femininity in multiple ways.

First, women’s sports are not supposed to be dangerous enough to require extensive protective gear and insurance to protect in the case of injury. Secondly, women who participate in sports like roller derby would be less likely to be subservient to men.

Finally, roller derby does not exemplify femininity as it is traditionally framed.

Derby Injuries

Like other athletic sports, derby women incur injuries. Most people do not realize how many injuries are incurred and the degree of debilitation of these injuries, with the most severe being paralysis (Barbee and Cohen 2010). Several academic studies have been conducted on the epidemiology of roller derby injuries. In 2002, a study conducted by Kneer et al. (2010) from the University of Utah, found the most common injuries were

99 to the knee (46%), foot and ankle (15%) and finally shoulder (12%). In March 2013, the

Department of Orthopedics and Sports Medicine at the University of Alabama at

Birmingham also conducted a study focusing on injuries incurred from roller derby.35

Those results have not yet been published.

Of my 13 participants, all reported some injury or other. The most common

injuries were knee, 2 had meniscus tears and 4 incurred ACL/MCL tears; ankle, 3 sprains

and 2 breaks; and shoulder, 1 dislocation, 1 rotator cuff, and 1 broken shoulder. Three of

my participants had undergone surgery for their injuries to their knees or ankle. Several

reported how many of their teammates were off roster due to injuries and several more

were going in for surgery.

Since injuries are so prevalent among derby women, all participants are required

to carry WFTDA insurance as well as their own private medical insurance. There are

several mandates that WFTDA has created in order to help reduce the risk of injury. All

participants must go through a training program in order to learn skills and techniques to

keep themselves and other skaters safe. Only after skaters have passed their skills assessments can they move onto being drafted by a team. Another way WFTDA tries to minimize injury to skaters is by educating the skaters on the importance of cross-training

in order to strengthen other muscles and tendons in the legs, especially around the ankles

and knees. There are policies established on what to do when a skater goes down during a

bout, and all skaters are required to wear protective gear such as mouth guards, helmets,

wrist guards, elbow and knee pads (WFTDA 2014c) while on the track, even in the

35 The 2013 study was advertised on WFTDA’s home page http://wftda.com/news/academic-study- examines-roller-derby-injuries as well as on the Roller Derby Injuries Facebook page to try and recruit participants.

100 penalty box. WFTDA does not enforce the use of tailbone protectors, which are butt pads that protect against tailbone breaks or bruises. Of my 13 participants, 2 had sustained tailbone injuries: 1 break and 1 bruise.

Derby women consider their bruises as a badge of honor. There is a Facebook page called “Roller Derby Injuries” which is devoted to skater’s world-wide posting photos of injuries, bruises and x-rays and they encourage details of the injuries to accompany the photos. Storms (2008) explained the need to share the details and images of their injuries as a way to show the sport is real and as a “temporary transcription on their physical body as a testament to something women are not thought to be capable of by mainstream society” (82). Smiley Doom described when she fell during try-outs:

I was doing my crossovers and I wiped out so hard. I was down on the ground and was like "If I can get up and keep going, it's going to be just fine." It totally was. I had the biggest bruise. It was probably about softball size. I had it for about 3-4 weeks and I was so proud of that. Her bruise became a symbol of strength. It reminded her that she was able to accomplish something she was not sure she would have been able to. She got up and kept going after falling. In society, bruises on a woman are a symbol of weakness, of being a victim, and of being abused. Jabbin’ Twilight explained:

My school asked if my mother was beating me once because I came to school with a bunch of bruises. I've had people ask if I'm doing all right and I reply "yeah, I do roller derby and then their faces clear." It makes total sense that I would have all these bruises from roller derby.

In roller derby, bruises are just the opposite. They are symbols of strength.

There is an understanding among derby women that injuries are inevitable.

Scarletta Vendetta told me they have a saying that “it’s not IF you get hurt, but when.”

What is interesting is the line between injury and quitting for many is very high. The derby women who are very invested in the sport will set the injury bar quite high before

101 they quit playing. They have incurred bruises, torn ligaments and tendons, broken bones, undergone surgeries, dislocations, and concussions and they still play. When I interviewed Autumn Falls, her left ankle was in a cast. She broke her ankle during practice the week before the interview and was recovering from surgery:

I had sprained my right ankle … [and] was off skates for 6 weeks. I sort of came back, wore a brace and weaned myself off of it. And then when we played those 3 bouts in 2 days at Wild West Showdown, by the third bout my ankle was hurting and during the third bout I had an awkward fall and really hurt it, took my skate off, was like...ok, and put my skate on and skated again. But then it was really sore for a while. I took like a week off or so. Then I came back, this was my second practice back after hurting it again. We were doing sort of awkward toe- stop runs where we're on our toe stops and we're running and then we're slowing down while still on our toe stops. And I think I was either compensating or sort of awkward because my ankle hurt when I was up on my toes and yeah, either my ankle gave out or I lost my balance. I just fell down basically on top of myself and this leg was stuck underneath me. I dislocated my foot from my leg and that broke my fibula. The ambulance came to the SportsPlex. I was freaking out and they gave me an IV of fentanyl before they even tried to move my foot at all. They had to cut my laces off to get the skate off, [and] then they took me away in the ambulance to the emergency room and set it there. And then I had surgery this last Tuesday. They put in a plate to hold my fibula together with screws on each side and two long screws across the tibia and fibula, right along the base to hold the ankle all back together. And they might take those ones out. This was not Autumn Falls’ first injury, although it is her worst. Another skater, Glinda was also injured during her interview. She described some of the emotions she felt related to returning to derby after she healed from her injury:

I was drafted two and a half weeks after I suffered a major injury. I had ACL, MCL. ACL replaced and MCL repaired. I've been out for 6 months. I get to come back in 6 weeks. I'm excited and scared. This has been a big change to have such a catastrophic injury to my body, it's been hard because there was a time right after I had my surgery, right after I had it, I thought to myself "I don't think this is worth it. I don't think I'm going to go back because it's my body and it's my health." But as I get closer and closer to being better, I don't feel that way anymore. It was scary. It was really scary when I got hurt. Both Autumn Falls and Glinda are highly invested in playing roller derby.

102 The skaters who are not as invested will set the injury bar low and quit after their

first injury beyond muscle soreness and bruises. Elena was part of the Fresh Meat and

said if she were injured she highly doubted that she would go back simply “because of

the impact on my family and every things else.” Elena is a married mother of two young

children who viewed playing roller derby as something fun and recreational. Elena

setting the injury bar low because it would impact her ability to care for her family shows

that although she finds value in being something other than a wife and mother, she still

holds the highest value in being a wife and mother (Lorber 1991).

Injuries like these manipulate gender frames in several ways. The first is derby

women showcase and share their injuries with each other often in graphic detail. In doing

so, they manipulate gender frames where injuries are acceptable and become something

to take pride in rather than hide from. Secondly, mothers are choosing to play a sport that

could temporarily threaten their ability to nurture and care for their children. Lastly, they

use the injuries as a testament to their strength and abilities rather than their weakness.

When a derby woman is injured, her derby sisters rally around her. ECRG has a

“sunshine committee” that cares for their derby sister in times of need, injury, new baby,

birthdays, deaths, etc., by way of bringing food, offering childcare, and transportation.

Terrin Skirtz explained “when people break their legs or we have lots of ACL tears on

our team, it’s ‘who needs dinner?’ It’s just women supporting women in a very hard,

powerful sport.” The larger derby community also rallies around an injured sister. Often

times this is in the form of fundraising to help pay for medical expenses incurred as a

result of the injury (Barbee and Cohen 2010). During ECRG’s Big O tournament in

2014, Kim Janna, a Canadian derby skater broke her leg. Photos and videos of her injury

103 went viral and a “Go Fund Me” was established to help with her medical bills. Janna

decided to keep half of the funds and give half of the funds away to another injured derby

skater. Kim said she did this “simply because I am quite attached to everyone that I’ve

met in my 5 years skating and they are from all parts of the globe.”36 The Go Fund Me raised $1,550.00. Her plan is to establish a charity to help offset medical expenses.

Roller derby women are part of a community that challenges emphasized

femininity and manipulates gender frames. Roller derby provides a space for women to

have agency in their own sexual objectification and allows women to challenge

emphasized femininity and manipulate traditional gender frames. It encourages women to

blur the gender frame lines by combining the use of “slut wear” and protective gear.

Finally, it redefines the symbolism of a bruise as a symbol of strength and

accomplishment, rather than the cultural view of weakness and abuse.

36 Personal correspondence through Facebook, June 11, 2014.

104 CHAPTER 7 – DISCUSSION

While conducting this research I discovered the complex way that derby players simultaneously challenge hegemony of masculinity and reinforce the gender order. This happens through transformative processes that include the social construction of derby identity, body acceptance, membership in a global community, and a redefinition of

“family.” It also happens through transgressive processes that are rooted in a re- examination of femininity, sexual fluidity, and a policy that is inclusive of transgender and intersex players.

The interviewees discussed changes in their own identity or witnessing someone else’s identity changing as a result of playing roller derby. An overwhelming majority of my respondents expressed how derby shaped their identities by their increased sense of empowerment. Their identity transformations were the result of being immersed in the derby community, seeing an increase in their confidence levels and having a sense of value that was unrelated to the social value placed on being a woman.

Derby defies socially imposed gender expectations in the ways that it redefines femininity, encourages women to appreciate and accept their bodies, and is a space for all women to feel safe. Derby women challenge femininity and sports in that they redefine what it means to be a feminine athlete. Derby women boast about their abilities to hit hard and fierce as part of their feminine strengths. They showcase their injuries, bruises, and rink rash as badges of honor and find them sexy. Additionally, they become examples and role models to young girls by showing them an alternative example of beauty, strength, and femininity than is portrayed in the media. Derby women do this by

105 competing fiercely, embracing their aggressiveness, and displaying their confidence in who they are, as they are.

Roller derby is the only sport that accepts women of all shapes, sizes, heights, ages, and orientations. Derby women embrace their bodies and use them as tools to become better derby skaters. By doing this, they demonstrate pride in oneself regardless of size or height. These results support examples of Schippers’ gender maneuvering in the ways that derby is creating a new image of femininity. Finally, roller derby creates an environment for women to explore their sexuality and be accepting of transgender and intersex women. I find it interesting that the derby women were overwhelmingly supportive of a transgender or intersex woman who wishes to play roller derby, yet were not as supportive of the men’s roller derby league. Instead, at the time of the interviews, they viewed the men’s league more as a tool to help them become better and stronger skaters. Much of the hesitation was geared towards many women feeling threatened and a bit territorial over roller derby being a woman’s sport and not wanting to share another sport with men.

Roller derby is a sport wrought with deviance. The sport and its participants challenge social mores and traditional gender expectations in numerous ways. The sport provides women with the ability to see themselves through a new lens where her value as a woman does not come from her ability to be a wife or mother, but instead she finds value in her abilities to contribute to the success of her league. The sport showcases how women can work together, support each other, and compete against each other in a positive fashion. This goes against social views and stereotypes that women are incapable of working together without being passive-aggressive. Women who participate in roller

106 derby go through a series of transformations that are often contrary to societal gender

rules. Roller derby provides an arena for these women to find their voice, their strength

and power, and to appreciate their bodies, skills, and accomplishments and achievements.

Finally, roller derby creates an environment where women can take agency over their

sexualization and objectification in the name of sport. They choose to wear booty shorts for two main reasons. First, they have a new sense of confidence in their bodies and feel comfortable in their own skin and, second, wearing booty shorts allows them to be better

athletes so they can skate better and faster. They choose a derby name that are sexy or

have sexual innuendoes because it means something to them. Lastly, they engage in self-

objectification, like pudding wrestling, for the purpose of bettering their league and team,

not for the benefit of male spectators.

Secondly, I show how roller derby is a very rare social space where women can manipulate their gender performances and challenge the hegemonic relationship between masculinity and femininity. One way derby does this is through WFTDA’s gender policy

and MRDA and JRDA’s non-discrimination policies. These three policies go beyond the

gender binary in allowing members to participate. Only WFTDA’s policy is contradictory by reinforcing the naturalization of gender and requiring hormones to be within “female limits.” WFTDA does have the disclaimer that it is up to the league to vet the skater’s eligibility to skate. None of the policies require surgery or verification of hormone replacement therapy as compared to the NCAA and IOC’s non-discrimination policies.

Both of which require the completion of surgery and hormone replacement therapy.

Previous research either does not mention WFTDA’s gender policy or it is mentioned as

107 a footnote. I use preliminary data on player’s reactions to the gender policy. Lastly, I

discuss the functionality of derby uniforms going beyond looking sexy.

Limitations

There are several limitations to this research. One limitation is the league I studied

is neither racially nor ethnically diverse. This may be due to the lack of ethnic diversity in

Eugene, Oregon. Both Eugene and the state of Oregon is predominantly Caucasian (U.S.

Census 2012). This lack of diversity limited my ability to study the intersections of

race/ethnicity and gender within the dynamics of the league. However, after reviewing

rosters from multiple leagues across the United States, , , and New

Zealand, there are an overwhelmingly high proportion of Caucasian women to ethnic

minorities. One significant implication of the lack of ethnic diversity is the experiences of

gender; body acceptance, identity formation, and femininity are all from the perspective

of the ethnic majority group. Additionally, since roller derby is a seemingly middle-class sport due to financial and time obligations, the cultural perspective is that of the cultural majority as well. The result is roller derby consists of a privileged group of participants.

These results may be significantly different if ethnic minorities and those in a lower socioeconomic status were equally represented.

A second limitation is the geographic location of the league I interviewed.

Eugene, Oregon is a liberal city in a liberal state. This liberalism could account for the support expressed towards intersex and transgender women, as well as the openness and acceptability of sexual fluidity, expression, and exploration several of the participants expressed. More reform states or leagues may not be as forthcoming with their sexual explorations and acceptance of it. Thirdly, I only interviewed one league and spent a

108 short amount of time with the league and its participants. Out of the 163 skaters and 36

non-skating officials active in ECRG, I only interviewed twelve skaters (7% of the

league) and one non-skating official (2.7% of the league). I employ a small sample of in-

depth qualitative interviews this is not representative of the ECRG league or the Derby

world. While my results are consistent with previous studies of roller derby, further study

is needed to compare leagues.

Implications for Future Research

The findings of this research indicate there are three primary implications for

future research: first, a cross-cultural comparison; second, a longitudinal study of junior

skaters; and finally, a comparison of derby culture between banked track leagues and flat

track leagues. Additionally, there is a large community of Deaf and Hard of Hearing37

skaters, referees and NSO’s. This sub community within a subculture calls for further

investigation as well.

Roller derby is a world-wide sensation. Conducting a cross-cultural comparison

would be sociologically significant in identifying which parts of the derby lifestyle and

culture are found uniformly versus country or region specific. For example, would the

gender freedom and fluidity that is experienced and cherished with the ECRG women be

equally as experienced and cherished among the derby skaters of Cairo, Egypt? It seems

as though the sense of empowerment and increased confidence is derby culture specific.

Nofeartity from CaiRollers (Cairo, Egypt) discussed the confidence she has gained by

playing roller derby and how “the roller derby is also carrying a spirit of solidarity”

37 Deaf and Hard of Hearing (DHH) is capitalized because of the meaning held by the Deaf culture. Capitalization DHH symbolizes the DHH person is connected to the Deaf community and does not consider their Deafness or Hearing loss as a disability. Lowercase deaf or hard of hearing symbolizes a person who is not connected with the Deaf community and views their deafness or hearing loss as an impairment or disability.

109 (Nofeartity 2014). The same goes for the gender maneuvering experienced by so many

American derby women. Would the CaiRollers, who play wearing their hijabs,

experience the same gender maneuvering, or would theirs be a little different?

Secondly, most roller derby leagues have a juniors league allowing girls as young

as 7 through 17 to play in either moderate-contact or full-contact roller derby. Most of the women commented on the impact the sport had on transforming their perspectives of themselves, their bodies, and their shifts in identities. Additionally, some of the women who coach the juniors reported seeing the same transformation in their juniors and their daughters who played. It would be interesting to conduct a longitudinal study of the girls of their perceptions of themselves when they start playing the sport and as they transition through their teenage years into early adults, especially as participating in derby relates to their identity formations and transformations.

Thirdly, there are significant differences between leagues that are flat track versus banked track. The most important difference is in the derby culture, attitudes, and

lifestyle that the women are part of and portray. These differences are interesting from a

sociological perspective when compared to the founding leagues. The league that

founded WFTDA, Texas Rollergirls, was very methodical in the image and the vision

they had for the sport. The result is flat track leagues have stricter rules, codes of conduct,

and behavior with some fun and flair thrown into the mix. The league that eventually

founded the Banked Track leagues, TXRD Lonestar Rollergirls were more like

renegades. This is evident in some of the fundraising events, theatrics at bouts, and their

overall attitude. LA Derby Dolls (LADD), a banked track league, posted a fundraising

110 event38 at their favorite bar. The event would show the film Kansas City Bomber with

Raquel Welch. Participants would then play The Kansas City Bomber drinking game

while watching the movie at the local bar in order to support the LADD. The tagline for

the event was “The Drunkest Thing on Wheels.” LADD is supporting the myth that

roller derby women are wild and crazy and party all the time.

Finally, roller derby participants pride themselves on the roller derby community

having a reputation for inclusivity. It is of no surprise that roller derby has a large Deaf and Hard of Hearing (DHH) community of DHH derby skaters, referees, and NSO’s. The merging of these two subcultures into one community is significant to investigate because this welcomed inclusion is not found in other sports. While the DHH community do not view themselves as disabled, society does, and it appears that roller derby is the one sport where they are not viewed as “disabled.” WFTDA does not currently have a policy to allow interpreters on the track; however they are working on implementing one in order to support their DHH skaters (Steck 2014). On the DHH Facebook page, one of the featured skaters said that Deaf jammers are better jammers than hearing jammers because as a Deaf person, she is more aware of her surroundings than a hearing person is. Deaf skaters often teach hearing skaters how to become better jammers and blockers and to rely less on their hearing and more on their other senses.

Roller derby is constantly changing. In the three years since I started this research,

ECRG has already changed. They have lowered their participation age in the adult league from 21 to 18, implemented a stricter attendance policy, and created a recreation league

38 Fundraising event posted on the LA Derby Dolls Facebook page on February 06, 2015. The announcement was a modification of the original movie poster. The tagline on the original movie poster was “The Hottest Thing on Wheels” and the LADD changed it to “The Drunkest Thing on Wheels.” The event was being held on Sunday, February 08, 2015 at the Virgil at 8:00 p.m. The film Kansas City Bomber was made in 1972 and featured co-ed Roller Derby action.

111 for members of the community. These are just some surface changes that I was able to discern from their website. Attitudes towards the men’s league seem to have drastically changed as well. The men’s leagues are represented in events like the Derby World Cup and ECRG’s “The Big O.” It seems as though the men’s league is being viewed more as derby’s brotherhood as opposed to a tool to help derby women strengthen their skills.

Another way roller derby, as a whole, is changing is in reference to the gender policy.

WFTDA implemented a gender policy in 2012 and within two years, MRDA and JRDA implemented non-discrimination policies, similar to WFTDA’s, yet more liberal.

Roller derby presents a unique environment to examine the interrelation of gender, identity, sports, and community. Previous research has not discussed WFTDA’s gender policy. The data for this study was collected at the very beginning of the gender policy’s implementation. As more transgender players join the league and more leagues adopt similar gender policies, there will be a need for researchers to turn their attention to the ways in which such policies have the potential to challenge hegemony of masculinity and binary thinking on gender in new and dynamic ways. This research hopes to start a discussion about the complex ways that women athletes (outside of derby) may transform and transgress gender boundaries in ways that have not previously been examined in the sociology of sport.

112

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121 APPENDIX A: CALL FOR VOLUNTEERS

122 APPENDIX B: COUNSELING LIST

Low-Cost Counseling Resources Information Verified by Researcher: January 2012

Following is a list of agencies in the Eugene-Springfield area that offers free or low-cost counseling. Eligibility requirements may apply.

Center for Community Counseling Options Counseling 1465 Coburg Road 1255 Pearl Street, #102 Eugene, OR 97401 Eugene, OR 97401 Phone: 541-344-0620 Phone: 541-687-6983 Cost: Based on a sliding scale Cost: $10-$45, based on sliding scale Hours: M-Th: 9:00-3:00 Hours: depends on specific location www.ccceugene.org www.options.org

Center for Family Development Volunteers in Medicine Clinic 1258 High Street 2260 Marcola Road Eugene, OR 97401 Springfield, OR 97477 Phone: 541-342-8437 Phone: 541-685-1800 Cost: $5-$20, based on sliding scale Cost: based on sliding scale Hours: M-F: 8:00-5:00, evenings and Hours: M: 9-12, 1:30-5, 5:30-8:30; T: weekends 1:30-5, 5:30-8:30; W: 9-12, Th: 9-12, www.c-f-d.org 1:30-5; F: 9-1 www.vim-clinic.org Center for Family Therapy HEDCO Education Building Northwestern Christian University University of Oregon Counseling Center 1655 Alder Street, Suite 170 755 East 11th Avenue (1st floor of south wing) Eugene, OR 97401 Eugene, OR 97403 Phone: 541-349-7471 Phone: 541-346-0923 Cost: $5.00 Cost: $15 to $100, based on sliding scale Hours: M-F 9:00-6:00 Hours: M-F: 9:00-8:00 http://nwcu.edu/about/contact-us/by- http://education.uoregon.edu/path.htm?s department/counseling-center.aspx etpath=36&setsubpath=75 White Bird Clinic The Counseling Hut 341 East 12th Avenue 915 Oak Street, Suite 210 Eugene, OR 97401 Eugene, OR 97401-3142 Phone: 541-342-8255 Phone: 541-342-8144 Cost: $30, based on sliding scale Cost: $100/session Hours: By appointment http://www.thecounselinghut.org www.whitebirdclinic.org

123 APPENDIX C: INTERVIEW QUESTIONS

Background Questions/Participation in Roller Derby:

1. What name would you like to use for this interview? (Real, stage, other, or none)

2. Tell me a little bit about why you got involved in Roller Derby?

3. Did you ever participate in any other sports before getting involved in Roller

Derby?

4. How long have you been skating in the league?

5. What position do you play?

6. What is your favorite part of the bout? How do you prepare for it or psych

yourself up?

Identity Questions

7. How do you decorate your body before a bout? (Ex: adorn heavier make-up, frilly

panties under your skirt, torn fishnets, drawn tattoos, etc.) What is the meaning

behind the decorations?

8. Tell me about any positive or negative stereotypes you have encountered or heard

are associated with women who play in Roller Derby. How have you dealt with

the stereotypes?

9. One of the common misconceptions about women athletes, and especially Roller

Derby, is they are lesbians. What do you think of this misconception?

10. The WFTDA recently implemented a gender policy to allow intersex and

transgendered women to participate in the leagues. How has this policy affected

you? What are your thoughts/opinions on the subject? Do you think an intersex or

transgendered woman should be able to play? Why or why not?

124 11. How do you think the role of women in sports, in general, has changed over the

years? How has it changed specifically in Roller Derby?

Role of the Sport in Women’s Lives

12. What do you do for a living?

13. What role does playing in Roller Derby play in your life (social, economic,

emotional, physical, psychological, etc.)?

14. How does the sport and the larger Roller Derby community play in your life?

15. How does your family feel about your playing in Roller Derby?

16. How does your experience playing in Roller Derby affect any other areas of your

life, if at all?

17. How has your sense of yourself as a woman changed since you started playing

Roller Derby? (Ex: more confident, feel sexier, feel more powerful, etc.)

125 APPENDIX D: SURVEY

1. What is your age?

18 -21 22 -25 26 -30 31 -40 41 -50 51 -60 61 and older

2. What is the highest level of education you have completed? Some High School High School or G.E.D. Some College or Trade School 2- year College Degree (Associates Degree) 4- year College Degree (B.A. or B.S.) Master’s Degree Doctoral Degree Professional Degree (M.D. or J.D.)

3. What is your personal income and your total household income?

Personal Income Less than $25,000 $25,000 - $39,999 $40,000 - $49,999 $50,000 - $74,999 $75,000 - $99,999 $100,000 - $124,999 $125,000 - $149,999 $150,000 and above

4. What is your total household income?

Household Income Less than $25,000 $25,000 - $39,999 $40,000 - $49,999 $50,000 - $74,999 $75,000 - $99,999 $100,000 - $124,999 $125,000 - $149,999 $150,000 and above

126

5. What is your current marital status?

Single, (Never Married) Married Separated Divorced Widowed

6. Are you currently in a relationship?

Yes No (if no, skip to question #8)

7. Which of the following best describes your current relationship?

Married and living in household with spouse Domestic Partnership/Civil Union and living with partner Not married (cohabitating) – currently living in same household with significant other Not married – live in separate household from significant other

8. What is your religious affiliation?

Christian Jewish Muslim No Religious Affiliation Other (please specify):

9. What is your race?

White, Non-Hispanic African -American Hispanic or Latino/a Asian Pacific Islander Native American Other (please specify):

127 10. What is your employment status?

Unemployed (not currently looking for work – ex: Retired, full-time homemaker, full-time student) Unemployed (looking for work) Employed Part-Time (work less than 40 hrs./week) Employed Full-Time (work 40 hrs./week or more)

11. How many children do you have?

How many children do you have? 0 1 2 2 4 5+

12. How many of your children are living at home?

Living at home? 0 1 2 3 4 5+

13. What is your sexual orientation?

Straight Gay Lesbian Bi -Sexual Transgender Other (please specify):

Thank you for your time in participating in the survey

128 APPENDIX E: PARTICIPANT DEMOGRAPHICS

Participant

Question 01 02 03 04 05

Age 26-30 31-40 31-40 41-50 26-30

Education 4-year Professional Master’s Master’s 4-year college degree degree degree college (MD/JD)

Personal $25,000- Less than Less than $50,000- $25,000- Income $39,999 $25,000 $25,000 $74,999 $39,999

Household $25,000- Less than $150,000 and $50,000- $25,000- Income $39,999 $25,000 above $74,999 $39,999

Marital Status Single, Single, Married Single, Single, never never never never married married married married

Currently in a No No Yes No No Relationship? No, skip next

Relationship Skipped Not married Married Not Skipped description living with married spouse

Religion None None None None None

Race White, White, Non- White, Non- White, White, Non- Hispanic Hispanic Non- Non- Hispanic Hispanic Hispanic

Employment Employed Employed Unemployed Employed Employed status full-time part-time – not looking full-time full-time for work

# of children 0 0 2 0 0

# of children 0 0 2 NA 0 at home

Sexual Bi-Sexual Straight Straight Straight Bi-Sexual orientation

129 Participant

Question 06 07 08 09 10

Age 41-50 26-30 26-30 31-40 22-25

Education 2-year 4-year 2-year 2-year 4-year college college college college + college trade school

Personal Less than $25,000- $50,000- $50,000- Less than Income $25,000 $39,000 $74,999 $74,999 $25,000

Household Less than $25,000- $50,000- $50,000- Less than Income $25,000 $39,000 $74,999 $74,999 $25,000

Marital Status Married Single Single Single Single

Currently in a Yes Yes No No No Relationship? No, skip next

Relationship Married Domestic Skipped Skipped Skipped description living Partnership; with living with spouse partner

Religion None None None Other: None Spiritual, not religious

Race White, White, Non- White, Non- White, White, Non- Hispanic Hispanic Non- Non- Hispanic Hispanic Hispanic

Employment Employed Employed Employed Employed Employed status full-time full-time full-time full-time full-time

# of children 4 0 0 2 0

# of children 3 0 NA 2 0 at home

Sexual Straight Straight Bi-Sexual Straight Other: orientation Pansexual

130 Participant

Question 11 12 13

Age 41-50 31-40 18-21

Education Master’s Master’s 2-year college degree degree

Personal $40,000- $40,000- Less than Income $49,999 $49,999 $25,000

Household $40,000- $40,000- Less than Income $49,999 $49,999 $25,000

Marital Status Divorced Single Single

Currently in a Yes No No Relationship? No, skip next

Relationship Not Skipped Skipped description married – live in separate households

Religion Other: not None Other: specified undecided

Race White, White, White, Non- Non- Non- Hispanic Hispanic Hispanic

Employment Employed Employed Unemployed status full-time full-time – not looking for work

# of children 2 0 0

# of children 2 0 0 at home

Sexual Lesbian Straight Straight orientation

131 APPENDIX F: WFTDA LEAGUES

Approved WFTDA Leagues WFTDA Apprentice Leagues Country # Country # Australia 3 1 Canada 10 Australia 11 Columbia 1 Austria 1 1 4 1 Brazil 2 1 Canada 9 Germany 4 Finland 1 Japan 3 France 9 1 Germany 2 2 Ireland 1 2 1 United Kingdom 12 New Zealand 1 United States 201 Puerto Rico 1 Wales 2 1

243 Sweden 2 Switzerland 1 United Kingdom 5 United States 65

114

Author created table analysis based on information provided by WFTDA 2014b.

132 APPENDIX G: IRB APPROVAL

133