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IMMIGRATION LAW BASICS How Does the United States Immigration System Work?
IMMIGRATION LAW BASICS How does the United States immigration system work? Multiple agencies are responsible for the execution of immigration laws. o The Immigration and Naturalization Service (“INS”) was abolished in 2003. o Department of Homeland Security . USCIS . CBP . ICE . Attorney General’s role o Department of Justice . EOIR . Attorney General’s role o Department of State . Consulates . Secretary of State’s role o Department of Labor . Employment‐related immigration Our laws, while historically pro‐immigration, have become increasingly restrictive and punitive with respect to noncitizens – even those with lawful status. ‐ Pro‐immigration history of our country o First 100 Years: 1776‐1875 ‐ Open door policy. o Act to Encourage Immigration of 1864 ‐ Made employment contracts binding in an effort to recruit foreign labor to work in factories during the Civil War. As some states sought to restrict immigration, the Supreme Court declared state laws regulating immigration unconstitutional. ‐ Some early immigration restrictions included: o Act of March 3, 1875: excluded convicts and prostitutes o Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882: excluded persons from China (repealed in 1943) o Immigration Act of 1891: Established the Bureau of Immigration. Provided for medical and general inspection, and excluded people based on contagious diseases, crimes involving moral turpitude and status as a pauper or polygamist ‐ More big changes to the laws in the early to mid 20th century: o 1903 Amendments: excluded epileptics, insane persons, professional beggars, and anarchists. o Immigration Act of 1907: excluded feeble minded persons, unaccompanied children, people with TB, mental or physical defect that might affect their ability to earn a living. -
Public Charge and Naturalization
Practice Advisory | November 2018 PUBLIC CHARGE AND NATURALIZATION By Erin Quinn and Melissa Rodgers I. Introduction On October 10, 2018, the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) published a proposed rule related to public charge in the Federal Register. The proposed rule is not current law. We are many steps away from a final rule and its implementation. Even after the 60-day comment period for the proposed rule, DHS must review and consider all submitted comments before the rule becomes final. If the agency chooses to proceed with the rule, the final rule will then be published in the Federal Register. We expect it to be many months before DHS publishes a final rule on public charge. Even after publication, legal challenges could delay implementation. The proposed rule interprets a provision of the Immigration and Nationality Act (INA) pertaining to inadmissibility. The inadmissibility ground at issue says a person is inadmissible if they are likely to become a public charge, which is a concept having to do with the likelihood that an immigrant will be financially self-reliant or need publicly funded support. (INA § 212(a)(4)). This law only applies to individuals seeking admission into the United States or applying for adjustment of status. This is not a provision of the law that applies to all immigrants. 1 Indeed, the eligibility requirements for naturalization do not include a public charge test. The legal use of government benefits and programs does not disqualify a permanent resident from naturalization. This practice advisory provides an update on public charge for advocates providing naturalization legal assistance. -
The American Dream
1 The American Dream That American dream of a better, richer, and happier life for all our citizens of every rank . is the greatest contribution we have yet made to the thought and welfare of the world. —James Truslow Adams, The Epic of America On September 5, 2012, Benita Veliz, an undocumented youth advocate from San Antonio, Texas, took the podium during prime-time coverage of the Democratic National Convention. She made a plea for immigra- tion reform and urged fellow Latinos to reelect President Barack Obama because, she said, “he fought for my community.” Benita was brought to the United States as a child “like so many Americans of all races and backgrounds.” Unlike most of her U.S. citizen peers, Benita graduated at sixteen as the valedictorian of her high school and finished college at twenty with a double major, a record that would have made her eligible for citizenship if the Dream Act had passed in the U.S. Senate in 2010. First proposed in 2001 by Illinois senator Dick Durbin with bipartisan support, it was designed to give legal status to young immigrants who had entered the country before the age of sixteen and completed college study or military service. Benita explained, “I feel just as Ameri- can as any of my friends and neighbors. But I’ve had to live almost my entire life knowing that I could be deported.” She reminded her listeners, “When Congress failed to pass [the Dream Act], President Obama . took action so people like me can apply to stay in the country and contribute.” On June 15, 2012, late in the presidential campaign and under pressure from Latino groups, Obama issued an executive order that offered a temporary reprieve from deportation and short-term work authorization to young immigrants like her. -
Ussct Brief Template
No. 20-449 IN THE Supreme Court of the United States DEPARTMENT OF HOMELAND SECURITY, et al., Petitioners, v. NEW YORK, et al., Respondents. ON PETITION FOR A WRIT OF CERTIORARI TO THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE SECOND CIRCUIT BRIEF IN OPPOSITION FOR THE STATES OF NEW YORK, CONNECTICUT, AND VERMONT, AND THE CITY OF NEW YORK LETITIA JAMES Attorney General State of New York BARBARA D. UNDERWOOD* Solicitor General MATTHEW COLANGELO STEVEN C. WU Chief Counsel Deputy Solicitor General for Federal Initiatives JUDITH N. VALE ELENA GOLDSTEIN Senior Assistant Deputy Bureau Chief Solicitor General Civil Rights Bureau 28 Liberty Street MING-QI CHU New York, New York 10005 Section Chief (212) 416-8020 Labor Bureau [email protected] *Counsel of Record (Counsel list continues on signature pages.) i QUESTION PRESENTED The Immigration and Nationality Act provides that an immigrant is “inadmissible,” and thus ineligible for legal-permanent-resident status, if the immigrant “is likely at any time to become a public charge.” 8 U.S.C. § 1182(a)(4)(A). “Public charge” is a term of art that has long been limited to individuals who are primarily dependent on the government for long-term subsistence. In August 2019, the United States Department of Homeland Security issued a Final Rule that, for the first time, expanded the statu- tory term “public charge” to include individuals who receive any amount of certain publicly funded supple- mental benefits for twelve months out of a thirty-six- month period, even though Congress designed these benefits to supplement health, nutrition, and economic stability rather than to provide long-term subsistence. -
19-161 Department of Homeland Security V
(Slip Opinion) OCTOBER TERM, 2019 1 Syllabus NOTE: Where it is feasible, a syllabus (headnote) will be released, as is being done in connection with this case, at the time the opinion is issued. The syllabus constitutes no part of the opinion of the Court but has been prepared by the Reporter of Decisions for the convenience of the reader. See United States v. Detroit Timber & Lumber Co., 200 U. S. 321, 337. SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES Syllabus DEPARTMENT OF HOMELAND SECURITY ET AL. v. THURAISSIGIAM CERTIORARI TO THE UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE NINTH CIRCUIT No. 19–161. Argued March 2, 2020—Decided June 25, 2020 The Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act (IIRIRA) provides for the expedited removal of certain “applicants” seeking admission into the United States, whether at a designated port of entry or elsewhere. 8 U. S. C. §1225(a)(1). An applicant may avoid expedited removal by demonstrating to an asylum officer a “credible fear of persecution,” defined as “a significant possibility . that the alien could establish eligibility for asylum.” §1225(b)(1)(B)(v). An ap- plicant who makes this showing is entitled to “full consideration” of an asylum claim in a standard removal hearing. 8 CFR §208.30(f). An asylum officer’s rejection of a credible-fear claim is reviewed by a su- pervisor and may then be appealed to an immigration judge. §§208.30(e)(8), 1003.42(c), (d)(1). But IIRIRA limits the review that a federal court may conduct on a petition for a writ of habeas corpus. -
Changes to the Public Charge Definition Handout
Analysis of Proposed Rule on Public Charge Prepared for International Refugee Assistance Project By University of Minnesota Law School Immigration and Human Rights Clinic (Law Students Anna Somberg, Emily Thornton, Dante Cade Harootunian, and Lesley Roe; Clinic Director Stephen Meili) October 29, 2018 Introduction This memorandum analyzes the rule recently proposed by the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) entitled “Inadmissibility on Public Charge Grounds.”1 This analysis focuses on the millions of immigrants legally working and residing in the United States, as well as U.S. citizens, who will be directly harmed by the rule. It also addresses the damage which the rule is likely to inflict on society as a whole. The proposed rule will make it impossible for many legal immigrants to remain in the U.S. as a result of their past usage – and/or likely future usage – of a wide variety of public benefits programs. It will also adversely affect naturalized citizens and U.S.-born citizens. Additionally, as DHS itself acknowledges, it will harm public health and the national economy. The proposed rule will change the way the federal government determines whether a person is inadmissible, and therefore deportable,2 on “public charge” grounds. The benefits which will render a noncitizen deportable under the proposed rule include healthcare, food, and housing assistance. In other words, any noncitizen who is “unable to meet their basic needs without government help” could be considered a public charge.3 The proposed rule applies to those applying for: • admission to the U.S; • permanent residence (i.e., a Green Card); • a temporary visa; • extension of stay or change of status.4 The proposed rule will disproportionately affect vulnerable populations, including children, pregnant women, and disabled individuals. -
The Invisible Wall: Public Charge Policy Impacts on Immigrant Families
NYLS Law Review Vols. 22-63 (1976-2019) Volume 65 Issue 2 Volume 65, Issue 2, 2020/21: A CENTURY OF TARGETING IMMIGRANTS: FROM Article 3 THE RED SCARE TO THE TRAVEL BAN January 2020 The Invisible Wall: Public Charge Policy Impacts on Immigrant Families Claire R. Thomas New York Law School, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.nyls.edu/nyls_law_review Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Claire R. Thomas, The Invisible Wall: Public Charge Policy Impacts on Immigrant Families, 65 N.Y.L. SCH. L. REV. 197 (2020-2021). This Article is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@NYLS. It has been accepted for inclusion in NYLS Law Review by an authorized editor of DigitalCommons@NYLS. NEW YORK LAW SCHOOL LAW REVIEW VOLUME 65 | 2020/21 VOLUME 65 | 2020/21 CLAIRE R. THOMAS Te Invisible Wall: Public Charge Policy Impacts on Immigrant Families 65 N.Y.L. Sch. L. Rev. 197 (2020–2021) ABOUT THE AUTHOR: Claire R. Thomas directs the Asylum Clinic at New York Law School, where she also teaches immigration law as an Adjunct Professor of Law. Her research and writing focus on migration and human rights. J.D. New York Law School, 2011; M.S. New York University, 2008; B.A. University of Chicago, 2004. https://digitalcommons.nyls.edu/nyls_law_review 197 THE INVISIBLE WALL NEW YORK LAW SCHOOL LAW REVIEW VOLUME 65 | 2020/21 I. INTRODUCTION In the late 1800s, my maternal great-grandfather, then a young adult, immigrated to the United States from his rural village in Poland. -
The President and Immigration Law
ADAM B. COX & CRISTINA M. RODRIGUEZ The President and Immigration Law A B S T R A C T. The plenary power doctrine sharply limits the judiciary's power to police immigration regulation - a fact that has preoccupied immigration law scholars for decades. But scholars' persistent focus on the distribution of power between the courts and the political branches has obscured a second important separation-of-powers question: how is immigration authority distributed between the political branches themselves? The Court's jurisprudence has shed little light on this question. In this Article, we explore how the allocation of regulatory power between the President and Congress has evolved as a matter of political and constitutional practice. A long-overlooked history hints that the Executive has at times asserted inherent authority to regulate immigration. At the same time, the expansion of the administrative state has assimilated most executive policymaking into a model of delegated authority. The intricate immigration code associated with this delegation framework may appear at first glance to limit the President's policymaking discretion. In practice, however, the modern structure of immigration law actually has enabled the President to exert considerable control over immigration law's core question: which types of noncitizens, and how many, should be permitted to enter and reside in the United States? Whether Congress intended for the President to have such freedom is less important than understanding that the Executive's power is asymmetric. The President has considerable authority to screen immigrants at the back end of the system through enforcement decisions, but minimal control over screening at the front end, before immigrants enter the United States. -
Temporary Migration to the United States
TEMPORARY MIGRATION TO THE UNITED STATES NONIMMIGRANT ADMISSIONS UNDER U.S. IMMIGRATION LAW Temporary Migration to the United States: Nonimmigrant Admissions Under U.S. Immigration Law U.S. Immigration Report Series, Volume 2 About this Edition This document discusses nonimmigrants and the laws and regulations concerning their admission to the United States. The purpose of this report is to describe the various nonimmigrant categories and discuss the policy concerns surrounding these categories. Topics covered include: adjustment of status, temporary workers, work authorization, and visa overstays. The United States welcomes visitors to our country for a variety of purposes, such as tourism, education, cultural exchange, and temporary work. Admittance to the United States as a nonimmigrant is intended to be for temporary visits only. However, some nonimmigrants are permitted to change to a different nonimmigrant status or, in some cases, to permanent resident status. This report provides an overview of the reasons for visiting the United States on a temporary basis and the nexus between temporary visitor and permanent resident. Nonimmigrants – v. 06.a TEMPORARY MIGRATION TO THE UNITED STATES: NONIMMIGRANT ADMISSIONS UNDER U.S. IMMIGRATION LAW Research and Evaluation Division U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services Office of Policy and Strategy January 2006 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This report was prepared by staff in the Research and Evaluation Division of the Office of Policy and Strategy, U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services, under the direction of David R. Howell, Deputy Chief, and Lisa S. Roney, Director of Evaluation and Research. The report was written by Rebecca S. Kraus. The following staff made significant contributions in the research for and review of this report: Lisa S. -
Table of Contents
Encyclopedia of American Immigration Table of Contents A Abolition movement Accent discrimination Acquired immune deficiency syndrome Adoption Affirmative action African Americans and European immigrants African immigrants Afroyim v. Rusk Alabama Alaska Albright, Madeleine Alien and Sedition Acts Alien land laws Alvarez, Julia Amerasian children Amerasian Homecoming Act American Colonization Society American Jewish Committee American Protectivist Association Americanization programs Angel Island immigration station Angell's Treaty Anglo-conformity Anti-Catholicism Anti-Chinese movement Anti-Defamation League Anti-Filipino violence Anti-Japanese movement Anti-Semitism Antimiscegenation laws Antin, Mary Arab immigrants Argentine immigrants Arizona Arkansas Art Asakura v. City of Seattle Asian American Legal Defense Fund Asian American literature Asian immigrants Asian Indian immigrants Asian Pacific American Labor Alliance Asiatic Barred Zone Asiatic Exclusion League Assimilation theories Association of Indians in America Astor, John Jacob Au pairs Australian and New Zealander immigrants Austrian immigrants Aviation and Transportation Security Act B Bayard-Zhang Treaty Belgian immigrants Bell, Alexander Graham Bellingham incident Berger v. Bishop Berlin, Irving Bilingual education Bilingual Education Act of 1968 Birth control movement Border fence Border Patrol Born in East L.A. Boston Boutilier v. Immigration and Naturalization Service Bracero program "Brain drain" Brazilian immigrants British immigrants Bureau of Immigration Burlingame Treaty Burmese immigrants C Cable Act California California gold rush Cambodian immigrants Canada vs. the U.S. as immigrant destinations Canadian immigrants Canals Capitation taxes Captive Thai workers Censuses, U.S. Center for Immigration Studies Chae Chan Ping v. United States Chain migration Chang Chan v. Nagle Cheung Sum Shee v. Nagle Chicago Chicano movement Child immigrants Chilean immigrants Chin Bak Kan v. -
Anticipated “Chilling Effects” of the Public-Charge Rule Are Real: Census Data Reflect Steep Decline in Benefits Use by Immigrant Families
MENU Home » Newsroom COMMENTARIES DECEMBER 2020 Anticipated “Chilling Effects” of the Public-Charge Rule Are Real: Census Data Reflect Steep Decline in Benefits Use by Immigrant Families By Randy Capps, Michael Fix and Jeanne Batalova Immigrant Integration Children & Family Policy Health & Welfare Benets see more... iStock Researchers, service providers, and immigrant-rights advocates have long predicted that sweeping revisions by the Trump administration to the denition of who constitutes a public charge would deter large numbers of immigrant- led households from using public benets for which they are eligible. Recently released U.S. Census Bureau data offer the rst opportunity to see if the predictions were accurate, and indeed the drop in usage by noncitizens and their U.S.-born children of federal means-tested public-benet programs such as Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP, or food stamps), or Medicaid has been dramatic. Based on their analysis of data from the Census Bureau’s American Community Survey (ACS), Migration Policy Institute (MPI) researchers nd that during the rst three years of the Trump administration, participation in TANF, SNAP, and Medicaid declined twice as fast among noncitizens as citizens. The public-charge revisions made nal by the Trump administration on February 24, 2020 and rst telegraphed just weeks after Donald Trump took ofce, stand as perhaps one of its most signicant and controversial immigration policy changes. The rule makes it more difcult for immigrants to become lawful permanent residents—in other words get a green card—if they participate in a range of federal means-tested public-benet programs. -
Amy Coney Barrett's Record on Issues Affecting People with Disabilities
Amy Coney Barrett’s Record on Issues Affecting People with Disabilities Background: Amy Coney Barrett was nominated by Donald Trump to the Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals on May 8, 2017 and confirmed by the Senate on Oct. 31, 2017. She is 48 years old and a member of the Federalist Society. Before her confirmation to the Seventh Circuit, she was a law professor at Notre Dame law school. She clerked for Justice Antonin Scalia on the U.S. Supreme Court and conservative judge Laurence Silberman on the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals. She also worked briefly (three years) for a law firm, where she assisted with representation of George Bush in the Supreme Court case of Bush v. Gore. She has seven children, including one with Down Syndrome and two adopted from Haiti. Barrett was on President Trump’s short list for the Supreme Court in 2018, when he selected Neil Gorsuch and reportedly told others that “I’m saving her [Barrett] for Ginsburg.” She was also on the short list for the Court in 2018, when the President selected Brett Kavanagh. Judge Barrett Has a Record of Hostility Toward Disability Rights: Unlike Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg, whose decisions consistently respected and advanced the rights of individuals with disabilities, Amy Coney Barrett has demonstrated a hostility to disability rights that raises grave concerns about her replacement of Justice Ginsburg on the Supreme Court. Healthcare: Barrett has written that the Affordable Care Act (ACA) should have been struck down as unconstitutional, and criticized Justice Roberts for concluding that the penalty for not having health insurance was a tax.