Dionysios Mourelatos- Monumental Painting 6th-12th c.

DIONYSIOS MOURELATOS

The formation and evolution of Monumental Painting in (6th-12th centuries). The role of Byzantine Art*.

The role of Byzantine art in the formation and evolution of the Monumental Painting in Georgia is definitely important, since Georgian Medieval Art and Byzantine Art were developed in parallel and under the same dogma. However, the degree of this influence remains an issue for interpretation1. The lack of extended written sources allows different approaches for the nature of the evolution of local artistic production, namely its independence or not from the trends of metropolitan monumental painting. In this paper it’s attempted to explore the ways that byzantine art influenced2 the formation of Georgian monumental painting from its beginnings until the end of the 12th century, namely the period of creation and evolution of Georgian Art and before the time of Queen Thamar (the period of flourishing of Georgian art). The Christianisation of the country resulted in the creation of special ties between Georgia and the Byzantine Empire, despite the fact that Georgia remained an independent state. Since converting into Georgia eventually came under the influence of Byzantium in order to establish an official iconography, based on Church dogma3.

*I am very grateful to Professors Nina Chichinadze and Zaza Skhritladze for their help in this text.

1 Even if they are referred to different historical periods, see different approaches in Z. Skhritladze, “Early Paintings in the Gareja desert”, Eastern Approaches to Byzantium (ed. A. Eastmond), Hampshire 2001, 159- 160. Idem, “Early Medieval Georgian Monumental Painting: Establishment of the System of Church Decoration”, OrChr 81 (1997), 203-206. D. Mouriki, “The formative role of Byzantine art on the artistic style of the cultural neighbors of Byzantium”, JöB 31/2 (1981), 725-728. 2 Ch. Amiranachvili, “Apparition et condition historiques du développement dans l’art géorgien de l’iconographie nationale et ses parallèles stylistiques”, BK XXVII (1970), 24-45, especially, 24 and 34. She notes that Georgian wall paintings are closely connected to the monuments of Christian East, while the influence of byzantine art wasn’t direct in 9th and 10th centuries. G. Nosadze, “Apercu sur l’ancienne peinture réligieuse géorgienne”, BK VIII-IX (1960), 65-78, especially 65 and 67. In this paper, Nosadze revised the opinions of Georgian scholars on the byzantine influence in Georgian Monumental art. 3 K. Matchabeli, “Georgia and the Byzantine World: Artistic Aspects”, Perceptions of Byzantium, op.cit., 188- 197.

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According to tradition4, , who was held hostage and converted King Mirian of Iberia, introduced Christianity there in the 4th century, circa 3305. Very few monuments survive in Georgia6 from the age of transition from the late antiquity to the medieval world. Among them the pavement mosaics in Bicvinta are included, while the oldest wall mosaics are dated to the 6th-7th centuries. Τraces of a mosaic found in the small church of Jvari at can be reconstructed as a cross, inscribed in a glory/mandorla, that was decorated the apse and possibly dated to the second half of the 6th century7. The Church of C’romi8 is dated to 626-634. The decoration of the church seems to be simultaneous with its construction. Preserved parts of the mosaics allow the theme of the depiction of Christ between two angels to be restored in the upper part of the conch of the apse. Below it, the Virgin Orans and apostles are depicted in a fresco. The combination of mosaic and frescoes indicates a quest for a cheaper solution for the decoration of the church. Its iconography conceivably betrays an oriental approach9, even maybe Georgian, developed apart from the byzantine influence10.

4 Z. Alexidze, “Four Recensions of the «Conversion of Georgia»”, The Christianization of (, Georgia, Albania) (ed. W. Seibt),Vienna 2002, 9-16. 5 N. Lomouri, “The history of Georgian-Byzantine Relations”, Perceptions of Byzantium and its Neighbors (843-1261) (ed. O. Z. Pevny), New York 2000, 182-187. For the history of the introduction of Christianity see especially p.182-183. 6 There are some fragments of pavement mosaics from the Baptistery of the Church of Bicvinta, dated to the 5th century. See more in Alpago-Novello et al., Art and Architecture, 88. M. Odisheli, Spätantike und frühchristliche Mosaiken in Georgien, Vienna 1995, 31-62. L. Khouskivadzé, “Les mosaïques antiques et médiévales de la Géorgie”, Λαμπηδών. Αφιέρωμα στη μνήμη της Ντούλας Μουρίκη (επιστ. επιμ. Μ. Ασπρά- Βαρδαβάκη), I, Αθήνα 2003, 421-425. 7 Skhirtladze, “Early Paintings in the Gareja Desert”, Eastern Approaches to Byzantium, op.cit., 149-167. Idem, “Early Medieval Georgian Monumental Painting”, op.cit., 169-206 and especially in 169-171. N. Thierry, “Iconographie sacrée et profane en Transcaucasie. Caractères ponctuels des influences”, Il Caucaso: Cerniera fra Culture dal Mediterraneo alla Persia (Secoli IV-XI), t. 2, Spoleto 1996, 974-980. Khouskivadzé, “Les mosaïques antiques”, op.cit., 425. 8 Skhirtladze, “Early Medieval Georgian Monumental Painting”, op.cit., 171-4. Alpago-Novello et al., Art and Architecture, 88. Z. Skhirtladze, “A propos du décor absidal de C’romi”, REGC 6-7 (1990-1), 163-183. Τ. Velmans, “Les mosaïques pariétales en Géorgie et les problèmes qu’elles posent”, Mosaïque. Recueil d’hommages à Henri Stern, Paris 1982, 338-342. Ν. Thierry, “La peinture médiévale géorgienne”, CorsiRav 20 (1973), 410. Khouskivadzé, “Les mosaïques antiques”, op.cit., 425-426. 9 Skhirtladze, “A propos … C’romi”, op.cit., 171-172. 10 Idem, “Early...Monumental Painting”, op.cit., 173-174. The exploration of style in this church isn’t easy, because of its bad preservation. However, Skhirtladze (in “A propos du décor absidal de C’romi”, op.cit., 170- 171) notes that the proportions of the figures and the moulding of the drapes present particularities, showing similarities with monuments in Syria and Palestine.

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Other monuments from this early period are also very fragmentarily preserved in Georgia. In the conch of the chancel of the rock-cut monastery of T’et’rti Udabno11 in the western part of Gareja desert, the existence of a large radiant cross inscribed into a mandorla was recently discovered. Below it a composition of the Presentation in the Temple was revealed, comprising of three figures. In the left part Simeon is depicted holding the Child and in the right the Virgin is standing. Although it is difficult to determine a more precise date for the painting, because of its fragmentary preservation, the most probable date is the 7th century, even if its iconography is more frequently connected with the post-Iconoclastic period12. The aniconic decoration in Ateni Sion is also most likely dated to the 7th century, after the construction of the church13. Other aniconic programs14 are located in the churches of Erc’o Sion (8th c.), Jaleti (8th-9th c.) and Benisi (9th c.). In the church of Mravalcqaro15 there are some extremely damaged wall-paintings. More precisely: Christ in Majesty, a votive image of the Virgin and Child, a stylites saint, female saints and donors, probably dated to the mid-ninth century. Because of the state of these wall paintings, it is rather difficult to draw any conclusions about the stylistic trends they follow. Approximately the same situation exists in the church of Saint Dodo16 (fig. 1-3) rock-cut monastery in Gareja. The damaged state of the paintings only allows us to understand its decorative system in general terms. In the apse of the church there was the representation of Christ enthroned in Majesty. He is surrounded by the personifications of the sun and the moon in medallions, by tetramorphs and by two archangels. In the north wall three warrior saints were depicted. These wall paintings have been dated from the 7th

11 Idem, “Early Paintings in the Gareja Desert”, op.cit., 150-155. 12 Ibid, 155. 13 Skhirtladze, “Early…Monumental Painting”, op.cit., 201. 14 Ibid, 201-202. 15 Ibid, 155-157. 16 Skhirtladze, “Early Medieval painting”, op.cit., 179, 184-186. Alpago-Novello et al., Art and architecture, 88-89. Thierry, “La peinture médiévale”, op.cit., 412. G. Nozadzé, “Aperçu sur l’ancienne peinture géorgienne”, ΒΚ VIII-IX (1960), 67. A. Volskaia, “Sur les particularités des peintures anciennes de David Garédja (Les peintures murales de l’église à coupole du monastère de Dodos-Rka) ”, Λαμπηδών, II, op.cit., 881-888.

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to the 9th century17, although a date in the late 9th century18 seems more probable. The representation of the apse was influenced by prophetic visions. This subject is also known from the Byzantine art, before 1000 but surely occurs more frequently in east Christian monuments19. Τheophanic compositions of Christ in Majesty in the apse are also found in Sabereedi monastic complex (it includes 4 churches)20 in the Gareja desert, where mural paintings of the 9th century are preserved (churches N5 and N6). The decoration of the apses in both churches is divided into two zones. The peculiarity of the division in two registers is more common in east Christian monuments21. Other quite fragmentary wall paintings are preserved in the churches in the gorge of the Ksani River: Kabeni, Armazi, Cirkoli. These belong to a highly abstract stylistic trend. At Armazi, dated to 86422, three busts of saints are depicted on the masonry chancel screen. Among the group of monuments close to the Ksani river is the church of Telovani23, which bears two layers of painting (8th and 10th centuries). The iconographical programme of 8th century can be partly reconstructed. The conch of the apse was adorned with Christ enthroned between two praying Archangels, while the Holy Mandylion above the chancel window and eight Apostles divided into two groups complete the decoration of the apse. The absence of a mandorla around the figure of Christ in the conch is considered a peculiarity, which reflects the tradition of Georgian medieval painting24, since it’s common

17 Alpago-Novello et al., Art and architecture, 88. 18 Skhirtladze, “Early Medieval Painting”, op.cit., 179. 19 Velmans – Alpago-Novello, Miroir, 27-29. The representation of the Deesis and the transformation of prophetic visions into a Deesis occurs in Georgia from 10th century onwards. T. Velmans, “L’image de la Déisis dans les églises de Géorgie et dans celles d’autres régions du monde byzantin, 1er partie”, CahArch 29 (1980-81), 47-54 and 100-101. The placement of visions in the apse during the 9th century, shortly after Iconoclasm, is an archaic preference. 20 Skhritladze, “Early Monumental Painting”, op.cit., 178-179. Volskaia, “Sur les particularités des peintures”, op.cit., 882 και 887 (for church Ν6). 21 Skhritladze, “Early Monumental Painting”, op.cit., 178. Their bad preservation does not allow us to make clearer observations on their style. 22 Alpago-Novello et al., Art and Architecture, 89. 23 Z. Skhritladze, “Under the Sign of the Triumph of Holy Cross”, CahArch 47 (1999), 101-118. Idem, “Early Medieval Painting”, op.cit., 178. Alpago-Novello et al., Art and architecture, 89. 24 Skhritladze, “Under the Sign ”, op.cit., 104, especially 110-111, indicates that the composition of the apse of Telovani transforms the general trend into a local artistic identity.

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in Georgia. The case of Telovani represents an example25 of the representation of a Theophany in the conch of the apse. The expressive eyes of the apostles betray a more local preference that does not follow the art of Constantinople. Two more churches at Sabereebi (N7 and N8)26 are dated to the 10th century. In N7 (fig. 4-6) there is a theophanic composition in the apse (fig. 4) and a Crucifixion in the north conch cross arm (fig. 5-6). Both compositions have peculiarities, continuing local traditions. The art of the church N8 is of finer quality and follows the decoration of an earlier church of this complex (N5). The apse again bears a bizonal Theophanic composition, while there are also representations of figures of prophets, warrior saints, two scenes (the Annunciation and Visitation) and a donor. Although, it has been noted that this church was of superior quality compared to other churches of the complex, it seems that in fact there was just a more skillful local master who followed local traditions. The unification of the provinces of Georgia was achieved under the reign of Bagrat III (975-1014) and continued under the reign of Giorgi II (1072-1089). A significant role in this unification was played by the clergy, which due to its high cultural level had contributed to the development of the and literature27. Monumental painting was also affected by these cultural changes. More important decorations were made starting from this period. Wall paintings were made at this time not only in newly founded churches but also in older buildings which were renovated as at Ateni, which was built in the 7th century and painted at the end of the 11th century. The ties with Byzantium emerge unmistakably in several cases, as can be surmised from the stylistic and iconographical analysis of the surviving monuments.

25 Ibid, 104. Similar conch compositions exist also at Saint Dodo, Nesguni, Chvabiani, Sabereebi, Dort Kilise, Kumurdo, Atsi, Iskhani, Kakhuli, Oski, Bochorma. 26 Skhirtladze, “Early Monumental painting”, op.cit., 190-198. Thierry., “Iconographie sacrée et profane …”, op.cit., 994-1003. Thierry dates church N7 at the end of 9th or the beginning of 10th century. A. Volskaia, ‘‘Sur les particularités des peintures’’, op.cit., 885 (for the church Ν7).(είχε παραληφθεί, ενώ υπήρχε στα ελλην.) 27 Alpago-Novello et al., Art and Architecture, 13. Ch. Amiranachvili, “Condition historique du développement dans l’art géorgien de l’iconographie nationale et ses parallèles stylistiques”, ΒΚ XXVII (1970), 24-45.

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The katholikon of the monastery of Dort Kilise28 (Otxta Eklesia) is adorned with a complicated iconographical program. The painting was executed in the late 10th century. The conch of the apse contains the image of Christ in Majesty. Below it, there is (from top to bottom) the representation of the Hetoimasia with a choir of Angels, and the sequence of the apostles with the Virgin and Saint John Baptist. Around the window there are representations of prophets, fathers of the Church, the image of Sion, Moses receiving the Law on Mount Sinai and Melchisedek with the Eucharistic dish29. The iconography is connected with the Eastern regions of Byzantium30. Stylistically, the wall paintings of Dort Kilise Monastery are closely related to the painted decoration of the New Church at Tokali at Goreme of Cappadocia31, distinguished as a superior example of the metropolitan art of the period32. The church at Iskhani preserves in the dome wall-paintings33 of 11th, where the restoration of the church took place in 1032, during the reign of Bagrat IV century (fig. 7-8) and some fragmentary scenes in the nave. The center of the dome, where the Pantocrator is usually depicted according to Byzantine iconographical tradition, is occupied by the composition of a glorified Cross, which may be regarded as typically Georgian feature. The lower part of the dome depicts the vision of Prophet Zachary.

28 Z. Skhirtladze, “The Mother of All the Churches. Remarks on the Iconographic Programme of the Apse Decoration of Dort Kilise”, CahArch 43 (1995), 101-116. Skhirtladze, “Early Monumental painting”, op.cit., 194, 199-200. N. et M. Thierry, “Peintures du Xe siècle en Géorgie méridionale et leurs rapports avec la peinture byzantine d’Asie Mineure”, CahArch 14 (1975), 73-113, but for this church especially 75-86. N. Thierry, “Le souverain dans les programmes d’églises en Cappadoce et en Géorgie du Xe au XIIIe siècles”, REGC 4 (1988), 138-139. Eadem, “La peinture médiévale”, op.cit., 411. T. Virsaladze, From the history of Georgian painting, Tbilissi 2007, 242-246. It’s dated probably in 970’s, see Skhirtladze., “The Mother of All the Churches”, op.cit., 109-111. 29 Skhirtladze, “The mother of All the Churches”, op.cit., 101-116. The image of Sion was interpreted as Saint Nino by Lafontaine-Dosogne (see Alpago-Novello et al., Art and Architecture, 89). 30 Skhirtladze, op.cit., 105. 31 A. Wharton-Epstein, Tokal Kilise: tenth-century metropolitan art in Byzantine Cappadocia, Washington 1986. 32 Thierry, “Peintures du Xe siècle”, op.cit., 84-86. 33 Alpago-Novello et al., Art and architecture, 89. Thierry, “Peintures du Xe siècle’’, op.cit., 86-105. Thierry, “La peinture médiévale”, op.cit., 410-411. Ν. Thierry, “ A propos des monuments du T’ao”, REGC 8-9 (1992-3), 241-246. W. Djobadze, ‘‘The Georgian Churches of -Klarjet’i: Construction Methods and Materials (IX to XI century)’’, OrChr 62 (1978), 129. D. Piguet-Panayotova, “L’église d’Iskhan: partimoine culturel et création architecturale”, OrChr 75 (1991), 198-253. Eastmond, Royal Imagery, 226-228. Virsaladze, From the history, op.cit, 246-252.

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Nevertheless, the representation of the Cross in the dome comprises an iconographical type found during the Early Christian period in Byzantium, since in fact, as is known, it adorned the dome of Justinian’s Hagia Sophia. The Cross is also depicted in a number of churches of the 9th and 10th century in Cappadocia34. In Georgia, however, the composition is elaborated into a scene of glorification as at Iskhani, through elements borrowed from depictions of Christ in Majesty and from the scene of the Ascension35. Stylistically, the wall-paintings at Ishani remind strongly the Byzantine metropolitan art of late 10th century36, following probably metropolitan stylistic trends with some delay. The apse of the church at Atsi37 (10th-11th centuries) is adorned with a theophanic vision. Christ is represented in bust form, blessing and holding an open gospel, between two archangels. However among the most complete compositions with theophanic visions is considered that at the church of the Saviour at Cvabiani38 (10th-11th centuries). The murals from this church are badly preserved and partly destroyed. Among the paintings of 10th century preserved here is the figure of Christ enthroned in a Glory, blessing and holding an open Gospel surrounded by four flying angels. Below them, two six-winged tetramorphs and two Archangels surround him. The church at Nesgun39(10th c.) bears another theophanic vision in the apse, which is belonged to the first layer (10th c.) (fig. 9-11). It represents Christ enthroned and two angels, while in the second register the Virgin Mary is represented in the type of the Virgin Vlachernitissa with the Christ in an imago clipeata, and is surrounded by six apostles on each side.

34 Alpago-Novello et al., Art and architecture, 89. Velmans – Alpago-Novello, Miroir, 43-47. 35 Alpago-Novello et al., Art and architecture, 89. Thierry, “ Peintures du Xe siecle”, op.cit., 88-94. 36 According to Thierry, stylistic comparisons with Cappadocian monuments (Tokali II, Elmali Kilise, Karanlik Kilise, Carikli Kilise) impose the attribution of a date around 960 for the paintings of the dome. See more in Thierry, “Peintures du Xe siècle”, op.cit., 109-110. 37 N. Aladachvili – G. Alibegachvili – A. Volskaia, École de peinture de Svanétie, Tbilissi 1983, 143. Velmans – Alpago-Novello, Miroir, 25. Velmans, La peinture murale byzantine à la fin du Moyen Âge, Paris 1977, 159. 38 Aladachvili et al., École de peinture, op.cit., 143. Velmans – Alpago-Novello, Miroir, 26-27. Skhritladze, “Under the Sign”, op.cit., 104. Volskaia, “Sur les particularités des peintures”, op.cit., 883. 39 Aladachvili et al., École de peinture, op.cit., 143. Velmans – Alpago-Novello, Miroir, 27. Alpago-Novello et al., Art and Architecture, 93. Thierry, “Notes sur un voyage archéologique en Haute Svanétie (Géorgie occidentale)”, ΒΚ XXXVII (1979), 140-141. Eadem, “Notes d’un seconde voyage en Haute-Svanétie (Géorgie)”, ΒΚ XXXVIII (1980), 53-54.

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The church of Holy Archangels at Zemo Krikhi40 (middle of 11th c.) bears another theophanic vision at the apse with Christ enthroned between two tetramorphs and the Virgin Mary and Saint (it is the representation of a Deesis), while two archangels are depicted on the vault of the apse. At the left side of the arch Prophet Isaiah is represented reading a scroll, while on the top of this arch the Annunciation is represented. The church of Holy Cross at Manglisi41 (11th -12th c.) is adorned at the center of the dome with the Glory of the Cross. Four flying angels hold the glory according to the ancient custom. The drum of the dome is occupied by a Deesis. Christ is depicted enthroned between the Virgin Mary (on the left) and Saint John the Baptist (on the right), as usual, while eight prophets follow them. In a cupola at the south west part of the church there is possibly the representation of Saint Mamas riding a lion42. The iconography of this church follows in general the Georgian traditions. The composition of the Deesis (fig. 12) is depicted in the apse of diakonikon at Udabno43 rock-cut monastery in Gareja, dated probably in the 10th century44. On the west and north walls of the diakonikon a cycle from the Life of Saint David Garejeli45 is preserved. The cycle of Saint David Garejeli is a typical Georgian theme46, as is the Glory of the Cross and Saint Nino. However, in the nave of the church (first half of 11th century) the representation of the Virgin in the apse and remains of the Second Coming on the west

40 Velmans – Alpago-Novello, Miroir, 34-7. Thierry, “Le souvérain ”, op.cit., 141-2. Eastmond, Royal Imagery, 49, 56, 192, fig. 31-32. 41 T. Velmans, “L’image de la Déisis dans les églises de Géorgie et dans le reste du monde byzantin”, 2ème partie, CahArch 31 (1983), 137-141, Velmans-Alpago-Novello, Miroir, 47-48. 42 There is, however, the opinion that this is a personification of sun, see in Velmans – Alpago-Novello, Miroir, 48. 43 Z. Skhirtladze, “Early…Painting”, op.cit., 186-190. Alpago-Novello et al., Art and Architecture, 90. S. Tomeković, “Le cycle peint de David Garezeli”, REGC 2 (1986), 116-118. Ch. Amiranachvili, “Condition historique du développement dans l’art géorgien de l’iconographie nationale et ses parallèles stylistiques”, ΒΚ XXVII (1970), 27-32. 44 Tomeković, “Le cycle peint de David Garezeli” , op.cit., 113-134. She dates this monument to 983 (based on Abramishvili’s book, davit garejelis tsikli kartul kedlis mkhatvrobashi, (The cycle of David garejeli in Georgian monumental painting), , 1972, but the dating by Abramishvili is based of the interpretation of very fragmented text of the inscription). 45 There is another cycle of David Garejeli in Moc’ameta, dated to the 11th century and repainted in 13th and another one in the refectory of Bertubani (beginning of the 13th c.), while there is another one in the South Church of Udabno, dated probably to the end of 9th or the beginning of 10th century. See more in Tomeković, “Le cycle peint de David Garezeli” , op.cit., 114-116. Amiranachvili, “Condition historique du développement dans l’art géorgien”, op.cit., 27-32. 46 Tomeković, “Le cycle peint de David Garezeli”, op.cit, 113-134. Eastmond, Royal Imagery, 56.

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wall of the same church betray a Byzantine influence. Additionally, the portraits of the donors (fig.13), dated in the middle of 11th century, are represented on the north wall of the main church47. The fine quality of the wall paintings, executed with strict design and schematized molding, is perhaps due to the personality of the donors48, who still remain unidentified. For this reason their role in the decoration of the monument as well as in the origin of the elements which form the decoration cannot be understood. Noteworthy from an iconographical perspective is also the decoration of the refectory (fig. 14) in the monastery of Udabno (middle of 11th c.), where interesting wall paintings have been preserved, though rare in similar structures of this period. The representations of the Last Supper (fig. 15) and of the Holy Trinity, Eucharistic themes, are generally customary in the iconographical programs of refectories49, though the depiction of the Deesis in the apse on the east wall of the refectory at Udabno must be a Georgian particularity50. In another monastery complex at Bertubani a small rock cut chapel is probably originally dated to 9th century51. The representation of Virgin Hodegitria in the niche of the east wall, even if it’s badly damaged, is ascribed to the end of 11th century.52 At the Church of Oshki53 some interesting wall paintings are preserved. More specifically, there was a painted54 Deesis in the south cross arm, dated by inscription to

47 Eastmond, Royal Imagery, op. cit., 56. Eastmond considers that the representations of the donors according to stylistic affiliations with the donors at Zemo-K’rixi are dated in the middle 11th century – this concerns the donors on the north wall of the nave of the main church, not in the diakonikon. 48 Ibid., 56. Eastmond suggests that the rulers of K’axeti are represented. 49 A. Volskaia, “ Peintures murales des réfectoires géorgiens médiévaux”, ΒΚ XXXIII (1975), 392-393. Eadem, Rospisi srednevekovnych trapeznych Gruzii, (= Peintures murales des réfectoires géorgiens médiévaux), Tbilisi 1974, 30-97. 50 Alpago-Novello et al., Art and Architecture, 90. 51 G. Abramishvili, “The painting of Bertubani Martyrium”, L’arte georgianna dal IX al XIV secolo. Atti del Terzo Simpozio Internazionale sull’arte Georgianna (ed. M. S. Calo Mariano), Galatina 1986, vol.1, 199- 203. In the later Georgian version of this article the middle of the 9th century is considered the possible date of the first layer of the painting. 52 Z. Skhirtladze, “Martys and Martyria in the Gareja Desert”, CahArch 2006 (under publication), 2 (of the manuscript). 53 N. Thierry, “A propos des Déisis d’ Osk’i” , OrChr 76 (1992), 227-234. Eadem, “A propos des monuments du T’ao”, op.cit., 248-251. Eadem, “Le souverain”, op.cit., 131-134. W. Djobadze, “Four Deesis Themes in the Church of Oski”, OrChr 72 (1988), 168-182. N. Thierry, “Peintures historiques d’ Osk’i (T’ao)”, REGC 2 (1986), 135-171. Eadem, “La peinture médiévale”, op. cit., 410-411. Eastmond , Royal Imagery, 41-42 and 232-234.

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1036. This representation is badly preserved but photos of 1917 and surviving fragments allow us to reconstruct this composition. Saint John the Baptist is standing at the center and an unidentifiable bishop to his right and a secular figure, perhaps the donor on his left. This is between two other scenes: on the right (east) side there is the Crucifixion55, while on the left (west) side two groups of men are depicted, divided by a vertical strict in front of the church of Bana. The latter represents perhaps the coronation of the young Bagrat (1027) or his marriage (1032)56, which enforced his prestige as leader of unified Georgia, since he married princess Helen, niece of emperor Romanos Argyros. The church of Ateni57 preserves high quality wall paintings of late 11th century (fig. 16-20). It is a tetraconch, royal patronage, as revealed by a series of portraits. The Virgin of the Kyriotissa-type is located in the main apse to the east, while the Pantocrator in a medallion is added beneath the Virgin in the arch of the east conch. The traditional positioning of the Cross in the dome in Georgia explains the placement of the Pantocrator in the apse. Christological scenes adorn the south apse, Mariological scenes the north apse, while in the west apse the Second Coming is depicted. Seven donors, one of whom is dressed in royal costume, are depicted together with figures of prophets, in the north apse at Ateni, which is adorned with the Mariological cycle, as mentioned. As far as the stylistic rendering is concerned, painting at Ateni is certainly influenced by Byzantine artistic ideas and it can be related to Byzantine metropolitan monuments of the end of 11th century, like

54 Djobadze supposes that this is a common representation of the Deesis (according to him, Virgin Mary is placed on the right side of Christ, as it’s commonly represented and Saint John Prodromos on His left side, both in a position of a prayer). There are other three engraved representations besides the painted one. See Djobadze, “Four Deesis”, op.cit., 168-82. 55 Djobadze supposes (in “Four Deesis Themes”, op.cit., 168-82) that this is part of a composition of Christ on the way to Golgotha, seeing Christ led by two roman soldiers to be crucified. 56 Thierry, “ Peintures...d’Osk’i”, op.cit., 136-138. 57 Thierry, “Le souverain”, op.cit., 139-140. G. Abramichvili, “La datation des fresques de la cathédrale d’Ateni”, Zograf 14 (1983), 17- 26. Alpago-Novello et al., Art and architecture, 91-92. Thierry, “La peinture médiévale”, op.cit., 414-415. G. Nozadgé, “Aperçu sur l’ancienne peinture géorgienne”, ΒΚ VIII-IX (1960), 69. D. Mouriki, “Observations on the style of the wall paintings of the Sion church at Ateni, Georgia”, L'Arte Georgiana dal IX al XIV secolo : atti del Terzo Simposio Internazionale sull'Arte Georgiana (M. S. Calo Mariani ed.), Bari-Lecce, 14-15 ottobre 1980, 173-185. Eadem, “The formative role ”, op.cit. (note 1), 728- 732. Eastmond, Royal Imagery, 43-58 and for the identification of the donors 235-237. Virsaladze, From the history, ό.π., 252-259. Mouriki supports a date between 1072 and 1089, because she identifies one of the donor figures as King George II Bagrat (1072-1089), while Abramichvili considers most probable a dating to 1093-1096. However, Eastmond believes that the church was painted soon after 1089 by the son of King Giorgi II Bagrat, King Davit IV, which seems more probable.

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the mosaics of Daphni and the frescoes at Chrysostomos near Koutsovendis in Cyprus58. However, at the same time, other features, such as linearity and the selection of specific colors make the expression of Georgian tradition more prominent. The church in Doliskana59 bears at least two phases of painting60. In the first layer belong the wallpaintings of the apse, that is divided in three registers, as it is common in Georgia and Asia Minor. The conch bears the representation of Christ enthroned. Below him the frontal figures of Apostles are depicted and at the lowest register frontal figures of bishops. Also at the first layer belong the wallpaintings of the dome, where the Ascension is represented and those of the tambour, where figures of Prophets are depicted. Based61 on stylistic criteria, the painting of Doliskana seems to belong at the end of 11th or the beginning of 12th century. The 12th century is regarded as a period of prosperity in Georgia62. The boundaries of the country extend from the Black Sea to the Caspian Sea and from the Caucasus to Asia Minor, including Kurdistan and Trebizond. Furthermore, in the first quarter of the 12th century two academies were founded, one at Gelati63 and the other at Ikalto, which illustrates that the tradition of the University penetrated from Constantinople into Georgia, as part of the flourishing milieu in all levels of life. This also affected monumental painting. A fine example is the art of the painter Tevdore and of his school, which is characterized by the linear design. Tevdore, from , painted a group of churches: Iprari64 (1096) (fig. 21-22), Lagurka65 (1112), Nakipari66 (1130) (fig. 23) and tentatively

58 Mouriki, “The formative role”, op.cit., 729. 59 N. Thierry, “L’art monumental byzantin en Asie Mineure du XIe aux XIVe siècle”, DOP 29, 100. Eadem, “Peintures géorgiennes en Turquie”, ΒΚ XLII (1984), 135-141. 60 In the second layer belong the wall-paintings of the narthex, where a cycle of Last Judgement is depicted, as it is common also in Byzantine monuments, dated perhaps at the first half of 13th century. 61 N. Thierry, “Peintures géorgiennes en Turquie”, op.cit., 140-141. 62 See above Panayotidi p. 18-20. 63 For the Academy of Gelati see R. Melishasvili T. Virsaladze, Gelati, Tbilissi, 1982, 7. 64 Aladachvili et al., École de peinture, op.cit., 144. Velmans, “L’image de la Déisis”, op.cit., 60-61. Alpago- Novello et al., Art and architecture, 94. N. Thierry, “Notes sur un voyage archéologique en Haute Svanétie (Géorgie occidentale)”, ΒΚ XXXVIII (1979), 150-153, M. Kenia, “General concept of the 12th and 14th century murals in Upper Svaneti (Georgia) ”, Λαμπηδών, Ι, op.cit., 383-384. 65 Aladachvili et al, École de peinture, op.cit., 144-145. Velmans, “L’image de la Déisis”, op.cit., 61-62, Alpago-Novello et al., Art and architecture, 94. Thierry, “Notes sur un voyage archéologique en Haute Svanétie”, op.cit., 150-153. Kenia, “General concept of the 12th and 14th century”, op.cit., 384-385.

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the church of the Saviour at Cvirmi (c. 1130)67. All of them have similar (but not identical) apse programs68. More specifically all of them are adorned with the Deesis at the apse. In the Church of Nakipari (1130) there are only four Christological scenes and there are five from the Life of Saint George as well as various figures of other saints. This may reveal local tendencies in worship. Another artist is also renowned, Mikael Maglakeli, who painted the church at Matzkhvarisi69 (Svaneti) in 1140. The apse is adorned with a Deesis (fig. 24), prophets and apostles while scenes from the Dodekaorton are depicted in two registers on the walls of the church. The lowest register is occupied by a series of isolated figures of saints, the northeast niche shows Saint Barbara and the Coronation of Saint Catherine, in the southeast niche Saints Marina and Irene with the donor of the church, K’virik’e, are represented, while at the southwest niche three warriors saints are depicted, George, Theodore and Demetrios. Very interesting is the depiction of the Crowning of King Demetre I (1125- 1156) in the northwest niche of the church70. Demetre dressed in a lavish Georgian robe, is depicted receiving the blessing of Christ and being crowned by an angel, while two nobles anoint him with a sword. This representation illustrates that the Byzantine iconographical tradition of Crowning was formed here, based on local customs. In general iconography and style of Mikael Maglakeli is clearly influenced by the churches painted by Tevdore.

66 Aladachvili et al, École de peinture, op.cit., 143-144. Velmans, “L’image de la Déisis ”, op.cit., 75-76. Alpago-Novello et al., Art and architecture, 94. N. Thierry, “Notes sur un second voyage en Haute Svanétie (Géorgie)”, ΒΚ XXXVIII (1980), 82-83. Eadem, “Notes sur un voyage archéologique en Haute Svanétie”, op.cit., 158-161. Nozadgé, “Aperçu sur l’ancienne peinture”, op.cit., 71. Kenia, “General concept of the 12th and 14th century”, op.cit., 384. 67 Eastmond, Royal Imagery, 55. Velmans, “L’image de la Déisis”, op.cit., 62-63. Thierry, “Notes sur un voyage archéologique en Haute Svanétie…”, op.cit., 161-164. Kenia, “General concept of the 12th and 14th century”, op.cit., 384. 68 Aladachvili et al., op.cit., 144-145. 69 Thierry, “Le souverain”, op.cit., 134-138. Alpago-Novello et al., Art and architecture, 94. N. Thierry, “Iconographie capadocienne et géorgienne. Similitudes”, ΒΚ XXXVIII (1980), 96-112. Eadem, “Notes sur un second voyage”, op.cit., 54-57. Eadem, “Notes sur un voyage archéologique en Haute Svanétie”, op.cit., 142- 144. Velmans, “L’image de la Déisis”, op.cit., CahArch 29 (1980-81), 84. Eastmond, Royal Imagery, 73-91. N. Thierry, “Antony Eastmond: Royal Imagery in Medieval Georgia, Pensylvania, 1998”, Cahiers de Civilisation Médiévale 43 (2000), 207. T. Velmans, “Antony Eastmond : Royal Imagery in Medieval Georgia, Pensylvania, 1998”, CahArch 48 (2000), 185-186. Kenia, “General concept of the 12th and 14th century”, op.cit., 385-386. 70 Eastmond, Royal Imagery, 74-83.

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The painting school of Svaneti also includes a series of monuments with a provincial character (Ipkhi, Adischi71, Zhibiani, Murkmel, Tangil)72. The case of the church of Saviour at Adischi is characteristic because of its big dimensions. It’s the main church of the village and its donor is a local archon, M. Tsceghiani, who is represented near the entrance at the south wall. At the upper zone of the apsis the usual –at least for the painting of this region– theme of Deisis is represented. At the bottom zone a series of Apostles is depicted, probably frontal. The rest of the church is adorned with scenes from the cycle of Dodekaorton. Aladachvili dates this church at the end of 12th century and she supports that it shows the continuation of the school of painting in Svaneti, as it’s obvious also from the style of the second layer of the church of Saviour at Nesgun73, that is dated to the second half of 12th century and it shows the trends, that we meet later at Adischi. The church of Saint Georges at Boc’orma 74 in K’axeti (dated to the first quarter of 12th c.) is a hexaconch and it is adorned in the three eastern conchs with scenes of Dodekaorton. The three western conchs are decorated with scenes from the life of Saint George, the miracles of Christ and the scene of Last Judgment, which traditionally is represented at the western part of the church. The Great Church at the monastery of Gelati75 represents a high-quality trend (fig. 25-30). The church was dedicated to the Virgin and built around the first quarter of the 12th century, in a cross-in-square plan with dome. From the original decoration has survived only the mosaic in the conch of the apse, where the Virgin Kyriotissa is depicted between the Archangels and (fig. 25-27). This mosaic may be dated to circa 1125- 1130, since the style reveals knowledge of the latest developments in the painting of

71 N. Aladachvili, “Un des monuments de l’école de peinture svane (Les peintures murales de l’église du Sauveur d’Adichi)”, Λαμπηδών, I, op.cit., 1-10. 72 Eadem, “Volkstumliche Strömung in der Malschule von Swaneti (Die Wandmalerei der Kirche Tangil)”, L'Arte Georgiana dal IX al XIV, op.cit., 137-145. 73 Eadem, “Un des monuments de l’école de peinture svane”, op.cit., 9. For the second layer at Nesgun see Kenia, “General concept of the 12th and 14th century”, op.cit., 386-388. 74 Thierry, “Le souverain”, op.cit., 142. S. Tomekovic, “Les miracles du Christ dans la peinture murale Géorgienne”, REGC 6-7 (1990-1), 190-191. Velmans – Alpago-Novello, Miroir, 97. Velmans dates it to the end of 11th-begininng of 12th century. 75 R. Melishasvili - T. Virsaladze, Gelati, Tbilissi, 1982. Mouriki., “The formative role”, op.cit., 737-739. Alpago-Novello et al., Art and architecture, 92-93. T. Velmans, “Les mosaïques parietals en Géorgie et les problèmes qu’elles posent”, Mosaïque. Recueil d’hommages à Henri Stern, Paris 1982, 342-344. Thierry, “La peinture médiévale”, op.cit., 416-417. Eastmond, Royal Imagery, 58-67, Khuskivadze, ‘‘Les mosaïques antiques”, op.cit., 426-429. Eadem, The Mosaic of Gelati, Tbilisi, 2005.

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Constantinople76. We have to note that this is the only surviving monumental mosaic after the 7th century in Georgia. It is an attempt to imitate the glory of Constantinople and its churches from King David IV77, since he founded it in order to be his burial place, even though he did not live to see it completed. Although the Byzantine iconographical tradition is applied, given that the Virgin with Child is depicted in the apse (fig. 25-27), a certain selection of colors, which creates a specific artistic impression and particularly the way that this composition is organized78 (the Archangels are very close to Virgin) betray a clearly Georgian artistic taste. The badly damaged frescoes of the narthex depict representations of the Seven Ecumenical Councils (fig. 28-30). Like the apse mosaic, they are also dated to the first quarter of 12th century, based on stylistic comparisons, since they follow the trends of Constantinopolitan painting of this period79. At Gelati there seems to be a definite participation of Greek artists or possibly Georgian artists who had been trained in Byzantium in the difficult technique of mosaic80. Some of the most beautiful wall paintings of the end of the 12th century are preserved at the church of Pavnisi 81(circa 1170-1180). The conch of the church of Pavnisi is adorned by the Deesis, following Georgian tradition. There is also an extensive cycle of the patron saint (Saint George), inspired by literary texts that had already propagated his myths from the 11th century. Beyond all the scenes of his Life, his martyrdom is emphasized here. From the miracles the youth who returns from captivity is only depicted in Georgia during this period, where the devotion to Saint George was especially great. The figure of Saint George on horseback is considered a local creation, since it’s represented in Byzantium only at the end of the 12th century, although it is also found in Cappadocia in the 11th century. From the stylistic point of view, these wall paintings indicate that this particular painter was very familiar with Byzantine models. Since the written sources are mainly silent about the artistic relations between Byzantium and Georgia –at least for this period–, we can only trace this Byzantine

76 Mouriki, “The formative role”, op.cit., 738. See above Panayotidi p. 19. 77 Eastmond, Royal Imagery, 61-62. 78 Mouriki, “The formative role”, op.cit., 738. 79 Melishasvili et al, Gelati, op.cit., 17. 80 ibid., 17. Mouriki, “The formative role”, op.cit., 738. 81 E. Privalova, Pavnissi, Tbilissi, 1977. Alpago-Novello et al., Art and architecture, 94. Velmans, “L’image de la Déisis”, op.cit., 84-85. Thierry, “Le souverain ”, op.cit., 142-143. Eastmond, Royal Imagery, 55.

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influence on iconography and style through our present albeit limited knowledge on the surviving monuments. After the examination of all the above mentioned monuments the role of Byzantine art in the formation and evolution of Georgian medieval art from 6th to 12th century becomes clear. Georgian medieval art is inspired more or less by Byzantine models but follows its own evolution and keeps its own artistic preferences. Evidently, the Byzantine influence, particularly in iconography, is limited since local customs predominate in the decoration of important sections of churches, the domes and the apses, whereas stylistically the relation of Georgian painting to Byzantine artistic production seems clearer. Even the most impressive decorations like Ateni or Gelati, clearly inspired by Byzantium, have a particular and predominant local (Georgian) character. Finally, we could assume that political independence and local traditions played a very important role in the formation and evolution of Georgian monumental painting until the end of the 12th century and before the flourishing period of Thamar.

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