AN ANALYTICAL STUDY OF DOMESTICATION IN V. G. KIERNAN’S TRANSLATION OF MUHAMMAD IQBAL’S POETRY INTO ENGLISH
By Jamil Asghar
NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF MODERN LANGUAGES ISLAMABAD
January 2014
An Analytical Study of Domestication in V. G. Kiernan’s Translation of Muhammad Iqbal’s Poetry into English
By Jamil Asghar
M.A. English, National University of Modern Languages, 2002 M.A. Political Science, University of the Punjab, 2007 M.A. Philosophy, University of the Punjab, 2010
A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF
DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
In English
To
FACULTY OF HIGHER STUDIES
NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF MODERN LANGUAGES, ISLAMABAD
January 2014 Jamil Asghar, 2014
ii
NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF MODERN LANGUAGES FACULTY OF HIGHER STUDIES
DISSERTATION AND DEFENSE APPROVAL FORM
The undersigned certify that they have read the following thesis, examined the defence, are satisfied with the overall exam performance, and recommend the thesis to the Faculty of Higher Studies for acceptance:
Dissertation Title: An Analytical Study of Domestication in V. G. Kiernan’s Translation of
Muhammad Iqbal’s Poetry into English
Submitted By: Jamil Asghar Registration #: 432-MPhil/Ling/Aug09
Doctor of Philosophy Degree Name in Full Dell (e.g Master of Philosophy, Do
English (Linguistics) Name of Discipline
Dr. Nighat Ahmad ______Name of Research Supervisor Signature of Research Supervisor
Dr. Shazra Munnawer ______Name of Dean (FHS) Signature of Dean (FHS)
Maj. Gen. Masood Hasan (R) ______Name of Rector Signature of Rector
______Date
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CANDIDATE DECLARATION FORM
I Jamil Asghar
Son of Muhammad Asghar
Registration # 432-MPhil/Ling/Aug09
Discipline English (Linguistics)
Candidate of Ph.D. at the National University of Modern Languages do hereby declare that the thesis submitted by me in partial fulfillment of Ph.D. degree, is my original work, and has not been submitted or published earlier. I also solemnly declare that it shall not, in future, be submitted by me for obtaining any other degree from this or any other university or institution.
I also understand that if evidence of plagiarism is found in my dissertation at any stage, even after the award of a degree, the work may be cancelled and the degree revoked.
______Signature of Candidate Date
___Jamil Asghar______Name of Candidate
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ABSTRACT
Thesis Title: An Analytical Study of Domestication in V. G. Kiernan’s Translation of Muhammad Iqbal’s Poetry into English
The researcher has explored the elements of domestication in Kiernan’s translation of Iqbal. The study has established the presence of highly structured and complex domestication in Kiernan’s translation. Domestication is a translation strategy which seeks to obliterate the linguistic and cultural identity of the source text and re-writes it in line with the norms and canons of the target text. The researcher has also examined the nature and effects of this domestication on the translation. Through a thematic and extended discussion it has been established that there are multiple categories of domestication present in the data such as Anglicization, classificational dislocation, explicitation, omission, ennoblement, qualitative impoverishment, distortion, mistranslation, and prosodic domestication. Moreover, in order to give a wider and deeper reliability to the findings, the researcher has also carried out a comprehensive corpus analysis of the data. For this purpose he has designed an elaborate corpus of eighty five highly domesticated words/phrases. Each of these words/phrases has been subjected to an extensive analysis and the insights emerging thereby have been correlated to the issue of domestication. The study has also demonstrated how this domestication has considerably deprived Iqbal of his ‘voice’ and has affected the linguistic and cultural features of the source text. For the methodology, the researcher has employed the textual analysis which is primarily situated in the domain of qualitative research. Through this analysis, the researcher has critically interpreted and evaluated the data instead of merely describing it. All the conclusions/findings have been consistently correlated with the textual evidence from the data. All these findings and insights have enabled the researcher to problematize Kiernan’s translation and relate it to a larger body of investigation in the discipline of translation studies. As regards the theoretical framework the researcher has used Lawrence Venuti’s model of foreignization and domestication which contends that, rather than being a liability, it is one of the greatest assets of a translation to appear unfamiliar and foreign since that is the only way to register and negotiate the linguistic and cultural features of the source text. Besides, as per this model, the researcher has conceptualized translation in a broader perspective as a site of ideological conflict for power and supremacy which is constantly animated by multiple linguistic and literary factors/variables.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Chapter Page
THESIS AND DEFENCE APPROVAL FORM ...... ii CANDIDATE DECLARATION FORM ...... iii ABSTRACT ...... iv TABLE OF CONTENTS ...... v ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ...... viii DEDICATION ...... ix
1 INTRODUCTION……………………………………………….. 1
1.1 Language, Translation and Society-Some Preliminaries------1 1.2 Lawrence Venuti’s Notion of Domestication------5 1.3 Background of the Study------7 1.4 Statement of the Problem------10 1.5 Objectives of the Study------12 1.6 Research Questions------13 1.7.1 Main Question------13 1.7.2 Subsidiary Question------13 1.8 Significance of the Study------14 1.9 Scope and Delimitation of the Study------16
2 LITERATURE REVIEW…………………………….………..…. 18
2.1 Introduction------18 2.2 Translation: Some Definitional Considerations------19 2.3 The Birth of Translation-Antiquity------20 2.4 The Christian Tradition and the Domesticating Trends------27 2.5 The Middle Ages and the Domestication Tendencies------31 2.6 Domestication during the Renaissance------35 2.7 The Enlightenment-A New Reign of Domestication------38 2.7.1 Denham, Dryden and the Dominant Poetics------42 2.7.2 D’Ablancourt and Pope------47 2.7.3 Arabian Nights-A Redefinition of the Oriental Tales------50 2.7.4 Prévost, Bodmer, Breitinger and Gottsched------57 2.7.5 Tytler and Campbell------59 2.7.6 Voltaire’s Domestication of Hamlet------63 2.7.7 Domestication Going beyond Literature------64 2.8 Colonialism-A Domestication of Text and Territory------67 2.8.1 Colonial Motives and Translation------69 2.8.2 Translation, Subjugation and Stereotyping------71 2.8.3 Translation and the Missionary Programs------72 2.8.4 Domestication and the Quran------74
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2.9 The Romantic Age------76 2.9.1 Cary’s Rewriting of Dante and Foscolo------77 2.9.2 Leigh Hunt and the Story of Rimini------80 2.9.3 Schleiermacher’s Valorization of the Foreign------81 2.9.4 Macpherson’s Ossian------85 2.9.5 Fitzgerald’s Domestication of Khayyam------86 2.9.6 Newman’s Foreignization of Homer------91 2.9.7 Arnold versus Newman------93 2.9.8 Lamb, Frere and the Censored Translations------96 2.10 The Twentieth Century------98 2.10.1 Pound’s Experiment with the Foreign------100 2.10.2 Fitts’s Criticism of Pound------106 2.10.3 The Publishing Industry and the Hegemony of English------108 2.10.4 Jones’ Re-Interpretation of Poetics------112 2.10.5 Graves and Weaver------115 2.10.6 The Domestication of the Far Eastern Literature------120 2.10.7 New Trends and New Considerations------123 2.10.8 Venuti’s Problematization of Translation------129 2.10.9 Translation and the Politics of Power------132 2.10.10 Context, Culture and Representation------133 2.10.11 Translation as Rewriting------134 2.11 Iqbal’s Poetics and Translations-Some Considerations------135 2.11.1 Reynold Alleyne Nicholson (1868-1945)------137 2.11.2 Arthur John Arberry (1905-1969)------141 2.12 Difficulty of Translating Iqbal------144 2.13 Conclusion------146
3 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY………………………………… 147
3.1 Introduction------147 3.2 Conceptual Framework------149 3.3 Theoretical Framework------151 3.4 Research Methodology and its Rationale------152 3.5 Research Design------153 3.6 Collection of Data------155 3.7 Analysis of Data------155 3.8 Results/Finding------157
4 DATA ANALYSIS………………………………………………..... 158
4.1 Introduction------158 4.2 Workings of Domestication------159 4.2.1 Anglicization------159 4.2.2 Classificational Dislocation------191 4.2.3 Distortion------208 4.2.4 Mistranslation------224
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4.2.5 Omission------234 4.2.6 Qualitative Impoverishment------244 4.2.7 Prosodic Domestication------258 4.2.8 Expansion/Explicitation------264 4.2.9 Ennoblement------278 4.3 Corpus-Analysis of the Word-Level Equivalents------283 4.4 Conclusion------330
5 CONCLUSION……………………….…………………………… 332
5.1 Findings------334 5.2 Recommendations------339 5.3 Suggestions for Future Researchers------343
REFERENCES…...……………………………………..……………… 347
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ACKNOWLEDGEMET
First and foremost, I am timelessly grateful to Allah Almighty beyond all possible expressions Who always sustained me during all the bleak and dark hours of my life and Who gave me the strength to believe in my dreams and courage to pursue them against all odds. At this occasion, I feel an overwhelming sense of gratitude to my father who, though could not live to see my dream come true, remained the single most important source of encouragement and hope for me during my research. May Allah bless his noble soul eternally! In writing this thesis I have benefited greatly from the suggestions of my teachers, colleagues, students and friends. I would like to express my gratitude to my supervisor Dr. Nighat Ahmad whose guidance, encouragement and support were foundational to the completion of this thesis. I am also grateful to Dr Shazra Munnawer, Dean, FHS, for her cooperation and guidance. Thanks to Dr. Nighat Sultana also for her guidance and precious suggestions. I am immensely thankful to my brother Rahil Asghar whose fatherly role has always been a great source of comfort and assurance. My two sisters have also been a blessing for me. I would like to thank my wife for her love, support and patience during the past three years. She has also been my inspiration and motivation. Special thanks to my daughter Mashal who felt my absence at home most restlessly and vocally. She is indeed the light of my eyes. It gives me great pleasure to thank my dear brother Raja Hassan whose support was also crucial for the accomplishment of this task. I would like to express my thanks to my mentors and colleagues for their unending support. Col. Syed Jawaid Ahmad, Col. Nazir Alam and Qazi Muhammd Iqbal have been affectionate and encouraging far beyond my all expectations. Their mentoring I regard very profoundly. Moreover, Mr. Arshad Mehmood, Mr. Muhammad Uzair, Mr. Habib ur Rehman, Mr. Hazrat Umar, Mr. Khurram Shahzad, Mr. Azhar Habib, Mr. Akhtar Abbas, Mr. Muhammad Bilal, Mr. Muhammad Yousaf and Mr. Aqleem Ijaz were extremely generous with their advice and motivation. They steered me away from errors and oversights. Any that remain are my own responsibility. Above all my gratitude to my mother is too immense to put in words. Without her, nothing would have been possible. What else can I say? Perhaps nothing! It brings me to the verge of the unsayable. So to her I am speechlessly thankful.
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DEDICATION
To my wife as an apology for long hours of silence.
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CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
I. I. Language, Translation and Society — Some Preliminaries
Language is the foremost and remarkable means used by human beings to make all social existence possible. Humans communicate their emotions, discuss their likes, express their fears and share their hopes by, in and through language. Not only do humans talk of that what exists; but they also have the unique capacity to fanaticize what does not exists — the counterfactual states of affairs, events and objects. “We look before and after and pine for what is not”, said Shelley, one of the finest lyric poets of English. In short, it is, indeed, language that makes a shared existence and a common life- experience possible in the first place and then successfully sustains it throw all the vicissitudes of time and chance. This centrality of language and its direct relation with the human social existence is described by the renowned British linguist R. Fowler in the following words:
There is a dialectical interrelationship between language and social structure: the varieties of linguistic usage are both products of socio-economic forces and institutions — reflexes of such factors as power relations, occupational roles, social stratifications, etc. — and practices which are instrumental in forming and legitimating the same social forces and institutions (1981, 21).
True, the potential and capacity granted by the use of language bring about the sociocultural accomplishments of varying degrees and kinds. Nevertheless, language can also obstruct and impede our understanding and, therefore, can affect our communication in some of the most fundamental ways. This danger sounds all the more real given the multilingual and multicultural nature the world we inhabit. The bewildering range of
1 languages and the multiplicity of social patterns to actualize them necessitate the practice of translation. However, the inherently subjective and the culture-specific nature of translation makes its possibility and authenticity a topic of much controversy and debate.
The risk of distortion (in communication in general and in translation in particular) is everywhere ranging from the accidental misidentification of meanings to the systematic propagandas and willful mischaracterization of the cultural and linguistic ‘others’ (De Gramont: 1992, 48). The “mist and veil of words,” as the Anglo-Irish philosopher Bishop Berkeley (d. 1753) put it, is a commonly discussed topic in the discourses centered upon the issues of translation and communication (Daniel: 2007, 67). All the notable philosophers of language and translation theorists have been harboring a deep distrust of language and disputing its viability as a ‘clear windowpane’ through which facts could reveal themselves transparently (Baker: 2006).
There are novelists like George Orwell who questioned the very capacity of language to communicate (Rodden: 2007, 81) as well as the philosophers like Nietzsche who issued this somewhat totalizing statement that all language, at bottom, is metaphorical thus incapable of giving us a realist account of things (Magnus & Higgins, 1996, 152). Incidentally, Nietzsche’s characterization of translation as a form of conquest is also relevant to the point being made here (Barber & Stainton: 2010).
It was not until the first half of the 20th century that translation scholars and theorists became sufficiently aware of the conceptual intricacy and the ethico-political function of translation. At the same time, they began to appreciate that the practice of translation should be problematized not just in the domains of literature and religion but also in the fields of advertisement, media studies, information technology, cultural anthropology, international politics, scientific theory, research publication, area studies, and education. The theoretical intricacy associated with the term “translation” and the complicatedness of any effort to define it necessitate the historicization of the specific ways in which translation has been lately conceptualized (Baker: 2006, 43).
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The aforementioned ethico-political function of translation, however, has mostly been complicit with the broader questions of power, control, hegemony and authority. Translation has also been playing a pivotal role in the creation, maintenance, and distribution of differential power relations in the society. It invariably involves the socio- cultural and politico-historical imperatives and, therefore, can be considered as a political scheme of social convergence as well as antagonism. Furthermore, the social significations and implications constructed by the practice of translation create the socio- political effects which, in turn, function as a medium or mechanism by which people envisage their relation to the society at large (Sakai, 1997).
The range of implications and connotations linked with the term translation brings about such notions as ‘transference’, ‘conveyance’, ‘transportation’, ‘removal’ and ‘dislocation’. These connotations of the words commonly associated with translation are shared across many languages: translation in English, honyaku in Japanese, fanyi in Chinese, traduction in French, Übersetzung in German, tarjama in Urdu, Arabic and Persian, and so forth. The notion of translation varies widely across languages and cultures and within the English language its various definitions have been proposed. However, the researcher has taken the following definition which is considerably well worded and comprehensive:
[Translation is] the process or result of turning the expressions of one language (the ‘source language’) into the expressions of another (the ‘target language’), so that the meanings correspond (Crystal, 1999, 344).
The prominent Russian linguistic and literary scholar Roman Jakobson’s well- known classification of translation is an effort to put a ceiling on the instability inbuilt in the symbolic use of translation vis-à-vis language. Jakobson classifies translation into the following three categories (1980, 261):
. Intra-lingual Translation: An elucidation of linguistic signs by means of other linguistic signs of the same language.
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. Inter-lingual Translation: An interpretation of linguistic signs and symbols by way of some other language.
. Inter-semiotic Translation: A translation of linguistic signs and symbols by non- verbal signs and symbols.
The more technical definition, however, will appear in the second chapter. In these three categories, only the second category is considered to be ‘translation proper’ by Jakobson. Therefore, in this way, ‘translation proper’ is an inter-lingual (and therefore) inter-cultural phenomenon in which the translator simultaneously deals with two distinct linguistic codes underwritten by two distinct cultural patterns. In this regard, ‘translation proper’ appears to be what some of the discourse analysts have called a “discursive construct” — part of what may be described as “the regime of translation” (see Venuti, 1995, 5). These so-called “regimes of translation” are institutionalized aggregations of conventions, norms of behavior, canons of acceptability, notions of correctness, and modes of perceiving. Furthermore, these regimes seek to foreground those speech acts and communicative events which theorists describe as having the ‘perlocutionary’ effects (Sakai, 1997, 100).
Jokobson’s conceptualization of translation seeks to lay down and demarcate the locus of difference between two discrete national and cultural speech communities because of the fact that translation proper can take place only between two distinct languages. It, consequently, eliminates the variations within a speech community and rigorously situates the ‘foreign’ outside the boundaries of a language. Certainly such a notion of translation is a schematization of a universal and idealized notion of the ‘inter- national’ world of ours. In such a world, nations are situated at various geographical places and enclosed by the territorial borders and invested with nationalist narratives (Sakai, 1997).
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1.2. Lawrence Venuti’s Notion of Domestication and Foreignization
The American translation scholar and theorist Lawrence Venuti (1953—), a professor of English at Temple University, broadened and deepened the contemporary problematization of translation by working out his insightful and radical critique of the contemporary translation theory and practice. Venuti not only championed an “ethics of difference” in translation, but also took account of its ideological and political dimensions, thereby providing it with a more plausible theoretical substratum. Describing the scandalous and appropriating nature of translation, Venuti says:
Translation is often regarded with suspicion because it inevitably domesticates foreign texts, inscribing them with linguistic and cultural values that are intelligible to specific domestic constituencies. This process of inscription operates at every stage in the production, circulation, and reception of the translation (1998, 67).
Venuti, therefore, stands for an “ethics of difference” in translation. Instead of leaving “the reader in peace as much as possible” and “moving the author towards him,” a translator should, according to Venuti, “move the reader towards him” (see Munday, 2001, 29). Venuti further postulates that instead of eliminating the linguistic and cultural differences for the sake of fluency, a translation ought to register and communicate them. To him, a translation, in an ethnodeviant manner, should defy and resist the Eurocentric and assimilationist tendencies. Or else it will be considered a domesticated translation which ipso facto seeks to appropriate the linguistic and the cultural identity and uniqueness of the source text (1995, 20). To counteract the practice of domestication in translation, Venuti proposed the strategy of “foreignization” — a technique which has made its way to the translation encyclopedias and dictionaries.
Foreignization can be described as a translation strategy which seeks to send the reader abroad instead of bringing the author home. Unlike domestication, it does not seek to create the illusion in the mind of the reader that whatever he or she is studying is
5 indistinguishable from the original text in an unproblematic way. Nor does it lay any claim to substitute the source text in any absolutist way. It aims at highlighting and communicating the identity of the source text hence precluding any possibility or likelihood of the ideological domination of the target culture.
Foreignization also attempts to privilege and foreground the cultural and linguistic peculiarities of the source text. In this way, it makes a strategic effort to evoke a sense of “otherness” and “foreignness” in order to stressing its “translated” nature of the text it is dealing with.
Therefore, rather than being a liability, it is one of the greatest assets and strengths of a translation to appear “unfamiliar” and “foreign” because that is the only way it could effectively register and negotiate the linguistic and cultural differences between the source text and the target text. Whereas, a domesticated translation is usually deemed to be complicit with power, a foreignized translation is considered to be resistant and subversive to it. In the same way, unlike a domesticated translation, a foreignized translation does not devalue the source text by flattening out its linguistic and cultural uniqueness.
Venuti’s indictment of domesticated translations is very compelling. Domesticated translations are usually characterized by “fluency” which creates what Venuti calls “an illusion of originality”. With this fluency, a translation can lay a pseudo claim to be an absolute substitute for the original text which, clearly, is not the case. The practice of domestication has been one of the givens of the Anglo-American translation tradition and the translators from this tradition have been robbing the non-European texts of their cultural identities and making them conform to the dominant Anglophone cultural and linguistic patterns (genres, registers, styles, etc.). To Venuti, this amounts to an act of violence which refuses to take the foreign texts on their own terms and seeks to “conquer” them by seamlessly assimilating them. Therefore, this fluency which is one of the most common characteristics of domesticated translations, though facilitates the reader at home, yet comes with a huge price. It prevents a dialogic engagement with the
6 other cultures and peoples and endorses an Anglophone literary elitism in the world which is at once hegemonic and self-righteous.
This, in turn, brings about a “cultural closure” which entails a lack of openness to the ethnolinguistic multiplicity, especially to the non-European modes of thinking and ultimately results in Eurocentrism and all of its attendant ills (Venuti, 2009, 16). In additions, when a translation reads like the original, the translator imperceptibly wrests the role of authorship from the actual writer. This is also considered to be scandalous by Venuti. Moreover, the prevalence of domestication in the Anglo-American culture positively hinders the enrichment of the Anglophone literary tradition as well.
Finally, as Venuti observes, along with all this, what complicates the situation manifold is the ascendant and hegemonic position of the English language. The existing economic and military influence of the United States coupled with the global weight of the Anglophone culture has placed English in a uniquely privileged position (Munday, 2009, 65). Therefore, the translator working from the epicenter of this tradition feel all the more mandated to domesticated the source texts they take up to translate.
I.3. Background of the Study
The notion of translation and interpretation has always intrigued the scholars and researchers of language. It can be maintained that at the broadest level all human communication hinges on the role of translation and interpretation. However, the immediate background of this study is what has lately been called as the “cultural turn”. The second half of the 20th century witnessed the rising influence of cultural studies on translation. Therefore, the translation scholars sought to move away from such static and conventional notions such equivalence, meaning, and fidelity to a more consequential discussion of cultural considerations.
This novel conceptualization perceived the practice of translation in a broader perspective and found it to be a site of ideological conflict for power and supremacy
7 which is constantly animated by an intricate interplay of various sociocultural and literary factors. Language was seen as “culture” itself and not just a mere part of it. For this reason, meanings are not just “carried” as such by language but are constantly negotiated by the complex linguistic, cultural and social variables. Consequently, translation was also seen as a “form of manipulation” (Hermans, 1985, 41). These steps constituted major benchmarks in the history of translation during the 20th century (Vermeer, 1989).
With such varied developments and with the cultural considerations now playing an ever fuller part, the notion of context acquired unprecedented significance. As this period too was marked by an unparalleled attention to culture, it was hailed by many as the “cultural turn” of the translation studies (Snell-Hornby, 2006, 55, Bassnett & Lefevere, 1990, 83). At this time, neither the word, nor the text, but the culture became the operational ‘unit’ of translation.
Moreover, such issues as gender, identity, ethics, hegemony, power, and cultural relativism were brought into sharp focus by the researchers and students of translation alike. André Lefevere’s work on the ideology-translation nexus and Venuti’s notion of domestication and foreignization helped bring the questions of ideology and identity to the fore and therefore broadened the theoretical base of the discipline. This ingenious and innovative understanding of translation proved to be a paradigm shift, to use Thomas Kuhn’s expression (Kuhn, 1962). This shift increasingly saw translation in paralinguistic terms — an intercultural communication embedded in numerous discursive practices and underwritten by ideological and power considerations.
Translation scholars like Philip Lewis (1985), Antoine Berman (1992) and Lawrence Venuti (2003) challenged the Anglo-American literary traditions of translation and created space for a cultural debate. Lefevere, identifying the prevalent mood in the discipline of translation studies, rightly pointed out that whenever, in the course of translating a text, linguistic considerations clash with ideological/cultural considerations, the latter mostly tend to win out (1992a, 39). Similarly the prominent Indian translation theorist Tejaswini Niranjana likens the practice of translation with an act of containment
8 which by employing specific means of representing the “other”, consolidates the hegemonic practices of the power elite (1992, 3). At the same time, Niranjana makes an extraordinarily brilliant observation when she maintains that translations operate insidiously by constructing transparent and coherent discourses which result in the repression of the cultural and linguistic differences of the source texts. She also maintains that the practice of translation has been enmeshed in a dual idiom of betrayal and fidelity and resultantly has assumed an unproblematic notion of ‘representation’ (Niranjana, 1992, 78).
It is against this politico-cultural and literary background that the present study has been conceptualized and structured. Sir Muhammad Iqbal (1877 — 1938), celebrated Muslim philosopher, poet, and political leader, born in Siālkot, India (now Pakistan), has variously been translated into English by different British translators of note. Among them, Victor Gordon Kiernan’s translation of Iqbal (Poems from Iqbal 1955) enjoys a unique and prestigious status. V. G. Kiernan (1913 — 2009) was a British writer, historian, translator and a scholar of imperialism.
Since its publication, Kiernan’s translation has been received with great acclaim and the translator has rightly been eulogized for his literary merits and aesthetic prowess. However, there has been an acute dearth of criticality which could help evaluate this translation from the sociocultural and ethnolinguistic perspectives. Up to the best of the researcher’s knowledge, no one has, thus far, problematized Kiernan’s translation of Iqbal from the perspectives of critical discourse analysis with reference to Venuti’s model of foreignization and domestication. A large number of allusions, tropes, idioms and metaphors used by Kiernan have led directly to a wholesale domestication of the intents and purposes of Iqbal. The researcher is of the view that the fluent and transparent translation discourse of Iqbal constructed by Kiernan stands in dire need of deconstruction in order to bring to the fore the elements of appropriation and domestication present therein.
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I.4. Statement of the Problem
Translations are often problematic for those who consume them because they have little direct access to the meaning of the original texts. The practice of translation is intricate and is usually defined with relation to the target language culture rather than the source language culture. Moreover, in the process of translation, cultural and linguistic norms of the source text are steadily redefined, re-presented and, at times obliterated — in short domesticated. The issues of power and appropriation come into play very actively. Translations are not between two texts but rather between cultures; and this cross-cultural process is determined by the amount of relative prestige the source and target cultures enjoy. The bilateral relations between the two cultures also have a direct bearing on the practice of translation. Hence translation is not merely between two set of words; rather, it is between two set of worlds which, more often than not, are very distinct from each other.
The present study examines the highly domesticated translation of Iqbal by V. G. Kiernan. The researcher contends that this highly domesticated translation has deprived the poet of his voice and authorial presence to a considerable extent. The researcher is of the view that Kiernan’s translation of Iqbal has led to a wholesale appropriation of the intents and meanings of the poet to such an extent that, in certain cases, it appears to be a rewriting of the source text.
In examining Kiernan’s translation of Iqbal, the researcher has found a great deal of highly structured, complex and hitherto unnoticed presence of the elements of domestication. The fact that Kieran’s translation has received such great acclamation and uncritical acceptance is the sign of the general level of insensitivity toward the power politics of translation and its complicity with the dominant discourses. Therefore the researcher is aimed to de-construct and dismantle Kiernan’s translation of Iqbal using Venuti’s model of domestication and foreignization. By this dismantling, the researcher also intends to show deeply embedded lines of tension, and imprecisions on the one hand and outright departures and distortions on the other.
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While translating Iqbal, Kiernan appear to have applied what David Katan has termed as “cultural filter” whose clear aim is communicate the meanings to the target text reader in accordance with the canons of target culture only (2004, 78). Kiernan’s translation, on occasion, seem to be marked by distortions, lacunae, misidentification of meanings and employment of false equivalents resulting largely from the translator inability (unwillingness?) to communicate the complex cultural and linguistic aspects which underwrite the source text. Most of the existing research on Iqbal’s translation into English is largely based on the literary and aesthetic analyses. There is, however, an acute scarcity of research on the specific issues such as domestication and the Eurocentric appropriation of the source text mostly done by the European translators. These translators, including Kiernan, have routinely sought to adapt the source text to the poetics and politics of the target text in order to make it more acceptable at home. For this reason, these translations continue to enjoy uncritical acceptance in the Anglophone world and have not been sufficiently problematized and deconstructed.
Coincidently, the Urdu language happens to be a subordinate partner in the cultural power relationship with English and this very asymmetrical power relations between the two languages have impacted negatively upon and Kiernan’s translation. Stark power differentials between these two languages are a historical and social fact. The status and character of Urdu and English differ so widely that they are entirely two different and distinct languages unlike Spanish and Portuguese or, for that matter, Italian and French which are sister/cognate languages (Campbell, 2004, 128).
Lastly, the renowned translation theorist André Lefevere justifiably observes that the European and non-European cultural and literary traditions are so different that the translators dealing with these traditions have been historically engaged in a process of “cultural mapping”. More often than not, the non-European cultures have been conceived, constructed and situated within the European categories (Lefevere, 1992, 45). To a considerable extent it is true of Kiernan’s translation of Iqbal also as the translator has negotiated the meanings of the source texts and the proposed equivalents within the
11 categories borrowed from the European (more specifically Anglophone) thought and culture.
I.5. Objectives of the Study
Today when the questions of the cultural and linguistic identities are increasingly coming into play, the practice of translations can hardly be effectively theorized merely by resorting to the conventional paradigms and theories of translation. The present research, by employing Lawrence Venuti’s model of domestication and foreignization, seeks to trace the elements of domestication present in V. G. Kiernan’s translation of Iqbal. More precisely, the study attempts to lay bare the deeper questions of power, ideology, hegemony, control, culture which underpin the domestication of Iqbal by Kiernan. For that reason, the study dismantles the tropes, metaphors, idioms, value systems, epistemological canons and literary schemes used by the translator, and intends to show their Eurocentric and Anglophone nature. The study also examines how, as a result of an extensive domestication of Iqbal, the overall semantic and syntactic scheme of the target text has been compromised. The researcher also demonstrates that, at times, Kiernan’s transparent and fluent translation of Iqbal reads more like a rewriting of the source text which has led to a radical appropriation of the intents and purposes of the poet.
In fact, it is pertinent to mention here in passing that most of the existing research on Iqbal’s English translations has not usually gone beyond such commonplace issues as comparisons, contrasts, thematic analysis, stylistics, textual criticism, aesthetic, literary analyses, etc. However, the present research avowedly aims at investigating Kiernan's translation from a politico-cultural and ideological perspective. Moreover, instead of judging the translation for its relative merits or demerits, the researcher goes on to prolematize Kiernan’s translation for its ethnocentric violence and for its Anglophone appropriation of the source text.
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Another lacuna which the present study hopes to bridge is the persisting split between the practice and theory of translation with specific reference to Iqbal’s translation into English. The researcher is of the view that Venuti’s championing of foreignization and his denunciation of domestication can serve as a viable theoretical paradigm for the English translators of Iqbal as it accords full recognition to the cultural and linguistic features of the source text. In this way, Venuti’s model can broaden the theoretical base of Iqbal’s translations into English and can adequately sensitize the translators culturally and ideologically.
Finally, at a broader level the study hopes to provide insights into the practice of translation and the question as to how best a translation can be cured of the problem of domestication. Such domesticated introductions of Iqbal to the English speaking world has received very little attention from the researchers so far and remain one of the most essential areas of inquiry in translation studies. In the end, it remains part of the responsibility of the researcher to show that a judicious and perceptive use of foreignization can be a valuable tool in registering and communicating the “voice” of the source text.
1.6. Research Questions
1.6.1. Main Question
What are the elements of domestication in V. G. Kiernan’s translation of Muhammad Iqbal into English?
1.6.2. Subsidiary Questions
I. What are the major categories in which the domestication of Iqbal’s poetry by Kiernan operates?
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II. What are some of the culturally specific features of Iqbal’s poetry which make its translation into English difficult, thereby resulting in imprecisions, misunderstandings and, at times, outright distortions?
Primarily, the study is grounded in and guided by these questions. With an urgent sense of all these questions and the rigors and demands they entail, the researcher has taken translation studies as his main theoretical framework which is an interdisciplinary subject comprising elements from humanities and social sciences. Given this interdisciplinary nature of the discipline of translation studies, these questions are dealt with in a diverse and cross-disciplinary way. The research brings to light the elements of domestication present in Iqbal’s translation by Kiernan with reference to the aforementioned questions.
In seeking viable answers to these research questions the researcher addresses the problem of domestication in the light of broader issues of power and ideology. Iqbal wrote in a distinctly Islamic (Arabo-Persian) idiom and all this poetic thought is underwritten by the Islamic religious themes, references to the Muslim history, Quranic citations, historico-political allusions and literary expressions. Not only did Iqbal write in a distinctly Islamic idiom but he also added an altogether original and unconventional dimension to it. Therefore, translating him considerably compounds the task of a translator and with reference to the present research this aspect will be explored across a variety of perspectives and variables.
1.7. Significance of the Study
We are living in troubled times when the question of intercultural dialogue and negotiation has assumed unprecedented proportions. The world in which we are living, individual nation-states are increasingly embroiled in socioeconomic and information networks. The competing national and linguistic identities are compounding the inter/trans-cultural relations. Of late, the global reach of the sociopolitical institutions and technological gadgets has just added to value and relevance of translation. Today when
14 we are confronted with rapid and radical changes all around us and the modern technologies are just precipitating this process of social and cultural transformations. In the transnational relations and in the intricately structured and inter-dependent economic and military affairs, translation is operating at every level (Berman and Wood, 2005). Indeed in a turbulent and increasingly polarized world, the role of translation is so fundamental that Ilan Stravans rightly said, “modernity…is not lived through nationality but through translationality (quoted in Sokol, 2002, 138). Moreover, globalization with all its violent discontents coupled with rampant terrorism and genocidal wars calls for a much more nuanced and intimate understanding of all the cultural others.
In the development of such self-critical understanding, translation plays essentially a crucial, if often unappreciated, role (Berman and Wood, 2005). By negotiating meanings, translation has the potential to create a meditational zone of intercultural conciliation which is of key importance in a global and transnational world. Without such meditational zones, different peoples are likely to remain partitioned in their own cultural cocoons. Such distancing among different cultures will cause misunderstandings at best and ethnic cleansings at worst. The only antidote to these problems is a deeper and broader understanding of other peoples and nations.
However, translation has the immense potential to do more harm than good if it domesticates the source text by submerging all its cultural and linguistic identities. This recognition of the problem of domestication in connection with the practice of translation is identified with the works of Lawrence Venuti (1992, 1995, 1998). Venuti is right in cautioning the translators that domesticated translations will only create what he varyingly calls “Eurocentrism”, “ethnocentrism”, “narcissism”, “isolationism”, etc. Viewing from this perspective, domesticated translations are very likely to be partial and partisan. As a result, the entire business of translation is imprudently reduced to an act of making selections (inclusions as well as exclusions), and the representations of the source text happen to be little more than a sum total of all these selections. It is this partiality of perspective associated with domesticated translations which has them play a complicitous
15 role in the politics of power, hegemony and control. This, in turn, leads to a perpetuation of the dominant power structures in the society (Tymoczko, 2010).
In the light of these apprehensions the significance of the present study can easily be appreciated.
I.8. Scope and Delimitation of the Study
Although the researcher has dealt intensively with the question of domestication of Iqbal’s poetry by Kiernan, there are several theoretical and methodological issues which delimit the present inquiry in more than one way. All of these issues define the scope of this research and delimit the application of its findings. The following three considerations must be kept in mind as the delimitations of the present study:
. The study deals with a total number of one hundred Urdu poems of Iqbal and their translation by Kiernan. More specifically, the researcher, in order to give rigor to his investigation, has limited himself to those poems/extracts/verses which bear directly on such issues as otherness, appropriation, domestication, power, hegemony, manipulation, etc. Coincidently, these are the poems in which the themes of imperialism, liberty, resistance, culture, identity, theology, etc. have been foregrounded by Iqbal. That constitutes the actual sample for the present research. Besides this, no attempt has been made to include the Persian poetry of Iqbal for the simple reason that the number of Persian poems translated by Kiernan is too small to enable us to draw viable generalizations (just eight out of a total number of one hundred and eighteen). However, a similar analysis of the English translation of Iqbal’s Persian poetry is definitely a distinct topic of research in its own right and an interesting direction in which the future research can proceed.
. It must also be made clear at the outset that domestication of a translation does not affect its aesthetic appeal in any real sense. The researcher’s claim that Kiernan’s translation is a domesticated one does not subtract from the aesthetic or literary
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import of the translation. In fact, the purely aesthetic and literary features of Kiernan’s translation remain outside the purview of this research as such. A translation may be extremely pleasing aesthetically and with incredible literary value, yet domesticated to its core (Venuti: 2013, 48). Similarly, the fact that Kiernan’s translation is immensely popular also does not invalidate the central premise of this research since to be popular is not a proof that a translation has done real justice with the source text also.
. The fact that the study deals with a translator who belongs to the Anglophone literary tradition should not lead to the conclusion that all the Anglophone translators of Iqbal produced domesticated translations. In addition, there is a sizable collection of translations done by the Pakistani, Indian and Persian translators also which must be taken in a completely different light and with an entirely different set of epistemological and methodological assumptions (Ghani: 2004). Furthermore, the fact that Kiernan’s translation is domesticated does not necessarily imply that he did it on purpose or anything of that sort. Rather one of the most intriguing features of domestication is that it can imperceptibly permeate translation which is very likely to go unnoticed because of the “pious ignorance” of the translator.
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CHAPTER 2
LITERATURE REVIEW
2.1. Introduction
In this chapter, besides enlarging the knowledge of the topic and putting it in proper historical/chronological perspective, the researcher also aims at furnishing a critical appraisal of the subject at hand. The literature review is strictly organized around and centered upon the issue of domestication in translation throughout the European literary tradition of translation with special emphasis on the Anglophone literary tradition of translation. All the insights emerging from this historical survey have also been analyzed as well as synthesized and the areas of controversy have been carefully identified and discussed. Moreover, the review comprises both methodological and theoretical issues whereby the researcher seeks to define and explicate the controversial character of translation, its tendency to domesticate the foreign texts, and its politics of interpretation.
As regards the scope of this review it must be said that it includes the published sources of literature on translation including books, journals, academic documents, book reviews, etc. Furthermore, the researcher has made extensive use of indexing and abstracting and has attempted to reach as many sources as possible in order to enlarge the horizon of this review. Within this broad framework, the relevant literature has been carefully surveyed and a viable research design has been worked out which has been discussed in Chapter 3. In this way, the literature review has enabled the researcher to collect and critique data with greater meaningfulness and relevance.
Instead of just listing and abstracting major works on translation chronologically, the researcher has critically analyzed them weighing their implications for the present
18 research topic. Salient translation trends and dominant moods of each epoch have been duly taken into account. Major debates on the thorny issues of translation have been given special place here as they distinctly mark the intellectual progression of the age they belong to. Throughout the review a sustained effort has been made to relate each source to the central thesis of this inquiry — domestication.
One of the declared objectives of this chapter is to find gaps in the research literature on translation with special reference to the issue of domestication. Yet another objective is to put the present research in an evolving historical perspective by contextualizing it and situating it in relation to other studies in this domain. The researcher, by making use of various theoretical and epistemological insights, has surveyed the strengths as well as the weaknesses of numerous translation trends stretching back to antiquity. The strengths of these translations have been capitalized upon; while their weaknesses have served as valuable cautions for the overall theoretical and methodological trajectory of the present research.
2.2. Translation: Some Definitional Considerations
It is the origin of language itself, or more specifically the origin of writing, which forms the bases and origins of translation. At the broadest level, translation implies communicating the meaning of a source-language text by means of an equivalent target- language text. Etymologically the word “translation” has a Latin origin (translātiōnem) and dates back to the 14th century with such meanings as “to carry across”, “to bring across” “to remove to heaven”, and “to carry a saint's relics to a new place.” The ancient Greek word for translation is μετάφρασις which means “speaking across” thus giving the term a more oral and rhetorical turn (Partridge, 1958, 349).
Perhaps the most useful definition, particularly useful for the present study at hand, is that of Lawrence Venuti. He defines translation in the following words:
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Translation is a process by which the chain of signifiers that constitutes the source-language text is replaced by a chain of signifiers in the target language which the translator provides on the strength of an interpretation (1995, 17).
This definition is remarkable for more than one reason and especially pertinent to the study at hand due to the following strengths:
. It reiterates the basic Derridean assertion that meanings are unstable effects unleashed by the relations and differences among the signifiers along with an endless continuum. Similarly Venuti also, in the aforementioned definition, has postulated the temporality of meanings as they hinges upon “the strength of an interpretation”.
. It brings out the polysemic and inter-textual nature of language which is foundational to the theory and practice of translation. What is more, it disputes any attempt of making translation an unmediated and purely lexico-grammatical process through which meanings are supposed to be communicated unproblematically.
. It affirms the derivative character not only of translation but also of the target text, thereby destabilizing the very notion of pseudo ascendancy claimed by the target language culture.
. It calls into question, by reinforcing the centrality of “interpretation” to the overall practice of translation, the Saussurean confidence in the efficacy of “signification”. It gives it a post-structuralist coloration and transposes it from an utterly positivistic paradigm to a subjective and constructionist framework.
For such reasons the researcher has selected this definition which will underpin and inform all the explorative and analytical aspects of this study.
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2.3. The Birth of Translation — Antiquity
Translation has been playing a crucial role throughout the human history whenever there has been an intersection of two cultures and/or languages. However, for a large part of the human history, the practice of translation has always been a deemed as subversive, controversial and a perilous business — an act of betrayal looked at with suspicion and distrust (Hermans: 1985, 56). However, it is also true that, in the human history, translation has been around since time immemorial as one of the constants of our sociocultural existence. Bilingual inscriptions from Mesopotamia and Assyria are a testament to this reality. It is because of this constant presence of translation that there have been numerous discussions about its theory and practice stretching back to antiquity. The subject of translation has fascinated not only the linguists but such diverse professionals as anthropologists, historians, archaeologists, cultural studies experts, theologians, philosophers, historiographers, etc (Venuti: 2013, 89).
Since the earliest known civilizations, the practices and trends of translation have exhibited extraordinary continuities throughout history. The traces of translation are found in all the ancient civilizations dating back to the advent of writing. The first significant instance of translation in the West was that of the Septuagint — a translation of the Hebrew Bible into Greek made between the 3rd and the 1st centuries BCE. The legend has it that seventy translation scholars from various places were commissioned to translate the Testament and for this purpose they were confined separately for seventy days and all the translations produced by them (in isolation of one another) were identical which, according to them, vindicated the divine origin of the Testament (Baker: 2001, 67).
Later, the Septuagint became the officially canonized source text for the subsequent translations of the Testament into various languages and acquired an authoritative status — a virtual standard against which the subsequent translations were to be judged and seen. However, a full-fledged discussion regarding the Bible translations will feature later in this literature review (Venuti: 2013, 194).
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If the Hebrew translation scholars set the benchmarks of the theory and practice of translation, a more systematic account of translation had to wait the advent of the Greek tradition of translation. The Greek translation scholars were the first to found the vernacular practice of translation on more formal and theoretical grounds by drawing a distinction in translation which was destined to stay for all time to come: (1) “metaphrase” (literal rendition of the source text) and (2) “paraphrase” (non-literal rewording of the source text). To this day, this distinction introduced by the Greek remains relevant to the theory and practice of translation. At about the same time another center of translation emerged in Alexandria which was the most important of the cities of in the Mediterranean and a home to Jewish translators of the Testament who dared not tamper with the Word of God. However, in order to cater for the theological needs of their non-Hebrew co-religionists, they agreed on a strictly word-for-word translation of the Old Testament (Baker: 2001, 97).
At around this time, the Buddhist, the Indian and the Chinese translation traditions also experienced a lively flourishing. One of the prominent features of the practices of translation during this period was an unconcealed bias towards the target languages and the target language cultures. As a result, a large number of translators began to theorize about translation in terms of target language. The Buddhist monks, for example, tilted their translations of the Indian Sutras in favour of Chinese in order to make them more comprehensible to the Chinese readers. For this purpose, the Chinese culture was fully foregrounded in the translation with its typical family values of filial piety and parental sacrifices (see Baker: 2006, 78-81). A domesticated and ideologically assimilationist approach to translation can be seen at work in the translations made during this entire period.
The renowned German philosopher Friedrich Nietzsche, whose diverse interests also included the subject of translation, slated the Greek as well as the Roman translators for their extensive domestication of the texts they translated (Magnus & Higgins, 1996 108). It is largely because of these deeply seated domesticating tendencies of translation
22 in general that Nietzsche termed an act of translation as “a form of conquest”. To him, the leading Roman lyric poet Horace and the Latin elegiac poet Propertius translated the classical Greek works into contemporary Latin with an utter disregard for the cultural and linguistic features of the original texts. Thus whatever Horace and Propertius translated seemed Nietzsche to be a “form of conquest” (Frenzel, 1967, 93).
However, in domesticating the foreign texts, the Roman translator left their Greek predecessors far behind and it can be maintained that the practice of domestication proper began with the Romans who appropriated the foreign texts they translated. The Romans while translating these foreign texts made extensive use of additions and deletions. This led to an appropriation and domestication of the texts thus translated. It was because of this widespread domestication that even the general Roman readers consumed these translations as texts actually written in the Latin language (Baker, 1998, 241).
In fact the Romans were rhetoricians par excellence and they conceived of translation too as a rhetorical task. Most of the translations during the Roman Period (27 BC — 393AD) were done from the Greek language. The notable Roman figures such as Cicero, Horace, Quintilian, etc. saw translation as a kind of rivalry and ideological conflict between the translator and the actual author. To Cicero, translation is essential in order to get rid of the misunderstandings and inter-communal confusions arising from an increasing linguistic and cultural split between the Greek and Roman worlds. Horace particularly cautioned against the literal translation — verbum pro verbo. To him, literal translation amounted to an outright slavish imitation of the source text which just added to the difficulty of the task (Kasparek, 1983, 84.). Seneca, the celebrated stoic philosopher and a contemporary of Horace, on the other hand advocated a strictly literal translation in order to preserve what he termed as the “truth” of the source texts.
At about the same time many distinguished translation scholars and practitioners flourished who produced several noteworthy translations but most of them domesticated the original texts they undertook to translate one way or the other. A large number of these translations were, in fact, not translations as such. Instead these were more like
23 adaptations from the earlier Greek playwrights and distinguished poets. Even if some of them were translations, they were mere instances of loose paraphrasing (Baker: 2001, 67). Among these translators two names specially merit mention: the Greco-Roman playwright Livius Andronicus (280 BC — 200 BC) and the Roman playwright Titus Maccius Plautus (254 BC — 184 BC).
Andronicus translated Homer’s Odyssey in Saturnian verse. This translation which is of great historical import is a blend of literal and free translation. It was the first literary translation of note as before this most of the translated works were either political or religious. Besides a large number of these works were also juridical. Andronicus’ translation introduced the Roman readers to Homer. It also ushered in a new era of the cultural and artistic development in the ancient Rome which was to have its impact on all the subsequent periods of literary activities in Europe (Conte & Solodow, 1994).
Nevertheless, Andronicus’ translation of Homer also contained certain unmistakable elements of domestication. In fact, Andronicus was faced with a tricky problem. Latin did not have a literary tradition of epic as a literary genre; therefore, he resorted to archaized forms with the intention of adding some solemnity and intensity to his translation (Venuti: 2013). For instance, the phrase “equal to the gods” was rendered as “summus adprimus” which could be translated in English as “of first rank”. The rationale operating behind this domestication is not difficult to discover. In fact, for the Romans it was an act of extreme blasphemy and sacrilege to claim equality with gods in any sense. Furthermore, Andronicus gratuitously endowed Homer with dramatic tension, expressive force, theatrical situations and pathos just because in the Roman poetry these literary characteristics were in vogue at that time (Conte & Solodow, 1994, 37). This amounted to a clear instance of domestication.
This prolific and productive period of translation in Rome, however, came to an end with the 6th century philosopher and translator Anicius Boëthius (480 — 524). Boëthius was, indeed, last of the great Roman translators and, as a translator, he had an exceedingly ambitious plan and was intended to translate the complete works of Plato
24 and Aristotle into Latin in order to counteract what he perceived to be the “effects of barbarism” which at that time were infiltrating into the Roman culture just before the eventual fall of the Empire. His translations of Aristotle’s treatises on philosophy were the only noteworthy philosophical texts of Aristotle available in the Roman Empire from the 6th century to the 12th century (Baker: 2001, 84-90).
However, most of his translations of Aristotle were loosely mixed with his own commentaries and remarks. He also made strict literal translations along the lines of the Judeo-Christian literary traditions and abhorred any amount of elegance or embellishment in translation. To him such elegances and embellishments exacted a price and were, in the final analysis “inimical to truth” (Marenbon, 2002). Nonetheless, Boëthius considerably Latinized Plato and Aristotle and made them speak in a recognizably Roman idiom. However, by and large, Boëthius, considerably foreignized his translations and tried to register and communicate the features of the source text to a very large extent.
Rigorous in syntax and weighty in diction, his translations exhibited all the major traits which had been the characteristics of the Romance languages and which were foreign to the Greek language per se. Given the real or perceived inability of the Latin language to express the abstract ideas, at times, he remained unable to do justice with the nuanced and subtle nature of the linguistic and philosophical conceptions enshrined in the original texts. He also loosely translated the notable Greek mathematician Nicomachus’s treatise on arithmetic. But this was also an extremely domesticated translation. His translations of Euclid’s treatise on geometry and Ptolemy’s treatise on astronomy were also marked by the same kind of domestication and appropriation of the original texts. Consider, for example, the following instance. In the preface to Nicomachus’s treatise on arithmetic, Boëthius makes the following remarks, “I am not tied by another way of thinking, and I do not force myself to a strict translation. Wandering with some freedom, I follow another’s road, not his footprints” (Moatti, 2006, 113).
This example illustrates the overall domesticating attitude of Boethius towards his translations (see Marenbon: 2002). However, in spite of the extensive amount of
25 domestication, these translations were extensively used/consumed by a vast readership during the Middle Ages and Boëthius greatly influenced the terminology not only of translations but also of logic, law, philosophy and theology.
Another contemporary figure who left lasting traces on the theory and practice of translation was the Roman historian, statesman and translator Aurelius Cassiodorus (490 — 585). He founded a monastery in Bruttium for the purpose of translating and preserving both ancient and Christian manuscripts. His declared aim was to safeguard the classical culture at a time of what he perceived to be the “impending barbarism” (Schulman: 2002).
Cassiodorus undertook the ambitious task of translating the entire corpus of the Greek theology and philosophy into the Latin language. Although he could not realize his grand dream in its entirety, he did succeed in setting up certain important cultural and linguistic guidelines for the theory and practice of translation. He translated Antiquities of the Jews (a twenty-volume historiographical work) into Latin. This work was authored by the prominent Jewish historian Flavius Josephus (Schulman: 2002, 185). Besides, this voluminous translation, Cassiodorus also translated the ecclesiastical histories authored by Theodoret of Cyrus (the influential theologian and bishop), Socrates (a historian of the early Church and not to be confused them with Socrates, the well-known Greek philosopher) and Sozomen (another famous historian of the early Church). He selected extracts from these three historians, translated them into Latin and hastily compiled them in his book Historia Tripartita (Davis: 2006)
However this translation is replete with obvious errors and inconsistencies but, in spite of all these faults, his translation was extensively drawn upon by other translators and scholars during the Middle Ages as a handy manual of history. His translations were also used by the Christian Church during the Middle Ages. Throughout his translations of the earlier historians, Cassiodorus liberally and extensively domesticated the original/source texts rewriting them in the “transparent” and the “fluent” discourse that prevailed in the Latin language at that time (Venuti: 1995).
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During the following centuries, translation remained in the forefront of almost all the literary activities yet the domesticating trends reigned supreme. Emperor Augustus (63 BC — 14 AD) established a translation bureau in order to assist and facilitate the communicative and administrative affairs of the Empire. This was perhaps the first formal and officially patronized venture into the practice of translation with unmistakable imperialistic persuasions. Its most significant contribution to translation was the Monumentum ancyranum which was the Emperor’s account of his own administrative attainments cast in a blatantly propagandist mould. This translation bureau outlived the fall of the Empire and remained functional even after its demise (Baker: 2001, 57).
What is common to all these translations is the fact that all of them, one way or the other, served to sustain Roman imperialism. Undoubtedly, these translations also had apolitical aims but the real impetus behind their creation was the imperialistic power consideration and the grandiose dreams of the Emperors to ensure the supremacy and survival the Roman Empire. For all intents and purposes translatio studii (“transfer of knowledge”) was above all linked to translatio imperii (“transfer of rule”) — a concept for describing history as a linear succession of transfers of an imperium that invests supreme power in a singular Emperor (see Venuti: 2013).
The real motive behind all these translation was not just the enrichment of Latin literature but, more accurately, to make Rome the intellectual centre of the world and thereby to reinforce its centrality in the transnational affairs. St. Jerome articulated the spirit of the age when he said (Moatti, 2006, 115): “The point is not to translate literally, but, I would say, to capture ideas and to translate them in Latin with the right of the conqueror” (italics mine). Or when Boethius made it explicit: “I did not offer you vain goods . . , but goods I have removed from the copiousness of Greek culture so as to bring them to the Roman treasury” (Moatti, 2006, 115).
The Romans domesticated all the notable Greek writers ranging from Plato and Aristotle to such literary figures as Homer and Xenophon. By domesticating these Greek
27 writers, the Romans were aimed to construct their own distinct and highly nationalistic identity and it was this nationalistic identity which was destined to become the basis of the Roman civilization in the days ahead. Moreover, it was through domestication that the Roman translators appropriated the Greek texts and made them their own. It was also through domestication that the Roman convinced themselves that the Greek works did not belong exclusively to the Greeks and they too had an equal claim over them. This is how, through intensive and continuous domestication, the Romans made the Greek works their own cultural patrimony (Baker: 2001, 86).
2.4. The Christian Tradition and the Domesticating Trends
With the Christian tradition of translation, a new burgeoning of translation ushered in which was to leave its imprints on the discipline for all times to come. With the advent of the Shepherd of Hermas in the 2nd century A.D., the Christian tradition of translation came into existence and it reached its zenith in the work of St Saint Jerome (347?—419 or 420) who translated the Bible into the Latin language. He still enjoys immense reputation and for his sterling contributions to the theory and practice of translation and is hailed as the Patron Saint of Translation. His translation, known as the Vulgate has been used by the Roman Catholic Church for a considerable period of time and it played a key role in the formation and establishment of the Christian canon (Baker: 2002).
However, the politics of power and control came into play here as well. Saint Augustine (354 — 430), for example, censured Saint Jerome for translating the Old Testament directly from the Hebrew language because the latter feared that such a translation will seriously undermine the ecclesiastical uniformity and institutional authority of the Catholic Church (Davis: 2006, 94). As a consequence, in Saint Augustine’s opinion, any slackening of the ecclesiastical authority will eventually alienate the believers. Therefore, Saint Augustine found Saint Jerome’s translation potentially subversive. This warning he sounded in a letter which he wrote to Saint Jerome in which it was clearly enunciated that the Christian identity had its roots in the
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Latin translations and a direct translation from the Hebrew language would throw this identity into crisis. Ultimately this will be detrimental for the organization of the Church (Baker: 2001, 198).
In the same vein, the domesticating trends and appropriating strategies of translation were further reinforced and popularized when the number of Latin translations of the Bible went up. Most of these translations dew heavily upon Jerome’s scholarship of translation. Language was “tidied” and remarkably “embellished”. Such “improved” (a euphemism for “domesticated”) translations of the Bible in themselves amounted to a considerable domestication of the scriptural text.
Subsequently, in the 16th century, it was the Reformation Movement which played a very crucial role in the vernacularization of the Bible translations and therefore also had far-reaching implications for the practice as well as the theory of translation in general. The number of the Bible translations into the vernaculars went up dramatically in spite of the consistent hostility from the Church. The most remarkable of these translations were Martin Luther’s translation which was published in 1530 and in which Luther plainly departed from the contemporary elitist and official canons of translation. Luther, instead of translating the Bible in any conventional and formalized way and preferring any stylized fashion, opted for the everyday German language (Munday, 2009: 3).
He made a case that the Bible should be translated into the day-to-day German language in order that it could be understood by the laity with as much ease of reading as possible. For this purpose He deemed it necessary that the translation should be in the vernacular German and not in an overly sophisticated and elitist German. Shedding light on the dialectical and vernacular nature of his translation, Luther wrote in his “Circular Letter on Translation” (1530):
We are aware of the scribbler in Dresden who stole my New Testament (I shall not mention his name as has gone to meet his maker). He admitted that my German is good and sweet and he realized that he could not do better and yet he
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wanted to discredit it. So he took my New Testament as I wrote it, almost word for word, and he took my preface, my glosses, and my name away and wrote his name, his preface, and his glosses in their place. He is now selling my New Testament under his name. Oh, dear children, how hurt I was when his prince, in a terrible preface, forbade the reading of Luther’s New Testament but ordered the scribbler’s New Testament read, which is exactly the same as the one Luther wrote. (Lefevere, 1992, 7)
If Martin Luther sought to emancipate the Bible from the stronghold of the Church and endeavored to bring it into the domain of the laity, King James I undertook to “standardize” it by founding it on new canons and principles. In 1604, he commissioned a new revision of the English Bible and it was completed in 1611. This Authorized Version (AV), as it was called, was widely applauded for its simplicity, ease of reading and beauty of style. It is arguably the most influential work of translation in any language.
However, even an apparently apolitical practice of translating the Bible was not wholly void of the power implications. The Bible translations did have intriguing ideological undertones and the questions of the access to the scriptural knowledge coupled with the lay movements of piety were deemed to be direct challenges to the power politics of the ecclesiastical authorities. While working on the Authorized Version (AV), the translators naturally made many decisions as to the inclusions and exclusions and the eventual publication of the Authorized Version made the historians overlook the existence of the scores of translations made before 1611. Many of those translations have been lost to historical sight. The same could have been the fate of the Authorized Version too, had it not been patronized by the official power elite.
Seen from this viewpoint, the translations of the Bible also seem to have been encumbered by the power considerations like the sociopolitical dynamics of every era. Today it has become customary, albeit subconsciously, to take the Bible for granted as an English text and take ownership of it as such (Metzger, 2001). This conceptualization is
30 so deeply ingrained in the Christian world of today that the cotemporary English Bible does not seem to have had any other textual/linguistic identity than the present one.
However what, on occasion, is ignored is the fact that the language and idiom in which the Bible is found to be today and which give it a formal homogeneity and syntactic coherence did not exists in the original texts of which it actually comprised. It is also little noticed today that the Bible was originally scripted in a culture and at a time far different from ours. The original Greek versions of the Old Testament did not have chapters and verses as we see them today. In the Hebrew versions, the vowels were usually omitted as the text was so familiar to the readers that they hardly needed the vowels. In the same way, most of the other textual and linguistic features and properties which appear to be so familiar today have been added to it subsequently in the course of its long and eventful history of translation (Metzger, 2001, 76).
Nevertheless, in a certain sense the Bible translations at different times in history proved to be a significant example of the rapport between translation and resistance to oppressive hegemonic structures. The relentless opposition by the ecclesiastical authorities to the early vernacular/popular translations of the Bible was as much prompted by these power considerations as by doctrinal reasons (Tymoczko & Gentzler, 2002). This papal resistance to the translation and the mass circulation of the Bible brings to mind the Foucauldian notion of “appropriation as control over knowledge” — a form of exclusion and a discursive enclosure aims at restricting the access to knowledge with the intention of placing it firmly under the control of the elect few.
Besides other issues, this segment of discussion also makes this point abundantly clear that the practice of translating the Bible was not chiefly a matter of grammars and dictionaries. The questions of power, control, authority, betrayal, sacrilege and resistance work together in this complex mix of canonization and the fears of subversion.
2.5. The Middle Ages and the Domestication Tendencies
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The domesticating trends and attitudes previously triggered by the Bible translations had a decisive and formative influence on the theory and practice of translation all through the Middle Ages. Furthermore, a considerable part of the Middle Ages too remained marked by the religious/theological translations. The notable English abbot Ælfric of Eynsham (955 — 1010) epitomized these domesticating trends when he wrote to the effect that in his translation of the “Lives of the Saints”, he deliberately attempted widespread abridgments in order to spare the reader of the boredom and though he abbreviated the words, yet retained the sense (Metzger, 2001).
But in doing so he was, in effect, domesticating the source text and, instead of, respecting the original text, he was adapting and embellishing it in order to bring it in line with the expectations and the “cultivated” taste of the bourgeois segment of the society. Such domesticating trends came into further prominence during the Middle Ages as Latin was looked at as the norm and the vernaculars were seen as the repositories of the barbaric and corrupt expressions. It was largely for this reason that, for most part, translations from vernaculars into Latin did not have the same acceptability and prestige as the ones from Latin into these vernaculars. In this canonization of Latin as a dominant social discourse, the Roman Catholic Church played an extremely important role (Venuti: 1995).
The year 1066 proved to be a turning point in the history of England and also influenced the practice as well as the theory of translation in the European tradition profoundly. With the Norman Conquest, the French language rose to prominence and rapidly achieved an indisputable social ascendency. The English language as well Latin was steadily pushed to the peripheries and the translation trends also changed for that reason — working in the service of the dominant discourse of the day. At this time, a growing number of translators looked at Saint Jerome as a model for all translation activities whether religious or secular (Baker: 2001).
The Middle Ages also witnessed many a heated controversy about the subject of translation and it was during the Middle Ages that the University of Paris became an
32 important center of discussions about the theory of translation mainly because of the translations of the Greek philosophers from the Arabic language. At this time, many indirect translations of the works of Plato and Aristotle appeared. Instead of being directly from the original treatises written by Plato and Aristotle, these translations were made from their Arabic translations. There is a near consensus of the translation scholars that an indirect translation (a translation based upon earlier translations) is more prone to domestication and appropriation. An indirect translation is twice removed from its source and is destined to carry all the burden put on it since its creation by all the intermediate translators (Baker: 2001).
The Arabic translations of the Greek works also came under fire for their domestication of the original texts. The English scholastic philosopher and scientist Roger Bacon (1214? — 1294) in his Opus tertium fiercely condemned these Arabic translations. To Roger Bacon these Arabic versions of the Greek works were awash with the Arab elements and accretions which had no mention in the original texts and were alien to their spirit. His arguments were based upon terminological and lexical grounds. To him, the Arabs widely domesticated the original Greek texts in order to cater for the domestic tastes and intelligibilities of the readership (Schulman: 2002, 93).
On the other hand, Saint Thomas Aquinas (1225 — 1274) presented a somewhat different view and called translation a necessary barter transaction and a reciprocal bargain between two texts in which it is useless to look for the original and in which some loss has to be tolerated. However, by and large, the condemnation of the domesticated translation continued (Schulman: 2002). Aristotle, emanating from the Arabic translation of his works, was censured as “corrupt” and his influence was deemed as “corrupting”. Therefore, at this time, many a translator, sensing the popularity of the Greek thought, translated Aristotle directly from the Greek language. They took special care to rid Aristotle’s translation of all the Arab accretions which they found unwarranted and, at times, grievous errors of judgment (Baker: 2001, 265). The notable translators in this period were Robert Grosseteste (1175 — 1253), Bishop of Lincoln (1168 — 1253) and William of Moerbeke (1215 — 1286).
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Towards the later part of the Middle Ages, the French Bishop and the scholastic philosopher Nicole Oresme (1320 — 1382) translated Aristotle into French and marked a major milestone in the vernacularization of the Aristotelian translational discourse. Oresme, in fact, undertook and accomplished a series of translations of Aristotle’s works at the request of Charles V and for this purpose he was also granted a pension from the national exchequer (Baker: 2001). However, most of the translations made by Oresme dislocated Aristotle’s works from their indigenous Greek idiom and reformulated them in accordance with the 14th century literary canons defined by the Parisian high culture. However, in spite of this domestication, Oresme’s translations played a major role in reinforcing the importance of Paris as an emerging center of translation activities (Venuti: 1995).
As Paris was vindicating its status as a hub of translation activities, London steadily began to rival it. It was exactly at this time that London was also coming out as an important center of translation activities. This proliferation of translations was, along with certain other factors, due largely to the introduction of the printing press in England in 1472 by William Caxton, himself a translator of no mean importance. It was also during this period that the translations from the classical languages into the vernaculars flourished exponentially. A large number of the translators considered translation as a means to bring a language to maturity and a way to enlarge its communicative reach (Schulman: 198, 59).
Most of the translations at this time were done by the troubadours who would translate loosely and often extempore. During the same period a large number of translations of the Greek works were made in England also. However, these translations were considerably domesticated as they too were not directly made from the original Greek texts; rather, they were largely based upon their Latin adaptations and some of them were just back translations (Venuti, 1995).
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Although such activities (indirect translations, back translations, adaptations, etc) continued apace, the first systematic and noteworthy instance of committing linguistics to delineate the theory of translation came about in the 15th century when the Lollard Movement (1382 — 1450) faced the brunt of the ecclesiastical authorities for making vernacular translations of the Bible. The Lollard Movement was a religious movement (a precursor to the Protestant Reformation) largely comprising the followers of the English scholastic philosopher, theologian and translator John Wycliffe (1328 — 1384). The members of this movement were called “Lollards” — a derogatory and abusive name given to those who did not have any academic background or professional credentials to speak about the matters ecclesiastical (Davis: 2006, 56-60).
The Lollards believed that the Roman Catholic Church because of its rampant moral decadence and corruption had forfeited its ecclesiastical authority and priestly privileges. Taking the Scripture as the authoritative and sole guide for themselves, they began its translations into the vernaculars in order to extend its reach to the literate English masses who were capable of understanding the word of God in their own language (Schulman: 2002, 34).
Such vernacular translations of the Bible came to be known as the “Lollard Bibles” or the “Wycliffite Bibles” which soon after their publication came under relentless attacks by the Roman Catholic orthodoxy. It was argued by the mainstream orthodox circles that translating the Bible into the vernaculars was impossible because there existed no formal identity between such “corrupt and degenerate dialects” and the canonical Latin (Metzger, 2001, 78-80). In 1407, the Lollard Bible was ultimately banned and a large number of the major Lollards was officially persecuted. However, the impetus given by them was to have long-term effects on the overall theory as well as practice of translation.
The Wycliffite Bible (the chief inspiration and chief cause of the Lollard Movement) marks a critical phase not only in the development of translation but also of English prose. Some of the theorists have termed it as “the greatest monument
35 of English prose before the Renaissance”. According to Ralph Hanna, a distinguished scholar of English literature, the translation activities set off by the Lollards were foundational in “Englishing history, philosophy, and theology in the fourteenth century” (Scanlon, 2009, 115). By the same token, it can also be maintained that the Wycliffite Bible played an important role in Englishing the Bible as well. Moreover, the entire literary thrust of the movement went on to set forth a historicizing perspective on the biblical translation discourse. Therefore, it is obvious that because of the Lollard Movement, the Bible, through its translations, entered into the popular sphere of readership. Furthermore, Wycliffe’s advocacy of the vernacular and the lay access to the Bible ushered in a new era of the theological discourse and a proliferation of its translations (Baker: 2001).
2.6. Domestication during the Renaissance
The Renaissance period was characterized by its renewed and increased interest in the ancient texts and classical documents which led to an upsurge in the translation activities. This profound interest in the classics coupled with the developments in the printing technology led to a mass publication and a greater circulation of ancient texts as well as their translations. During the Renaissance, because of an unprecedented amount of curiosity about the classics, it was the classic Latin canon which governed and defined much of the translation practice.
It was during this time, that major centers of translation were established in Florence and Venice. In the setting up of these centers of translation, the influence of the Italian humanist philosopher Marsilio Ficino (1433 — 1499) and the Italian literary scholar Silvius Piccolomini (1405 — 1464) was crucial. These centers situated the phenomenon of translation at the heart of pedagogy and culture and, consequently, an educated and sophisticated person was expected to be good at and interested in the translations of the Greek classics (Munday, 2009). Translating a literary work of note from a major language into a vernacular was largely considered to be a laudable
36 challenge worth undertaking and a valuable addition to the development of the patriotic literature underwritten by a nationalistic canon.
Sir Thomas Elyot (1490 — 1546), an English diplomat, scholar, and a prolific translator is arguably one of the most prominent translators of this period. Both as a translator and a as a lexicographer, he sought to “augment our Englysshe tongue” as a vehicle of expression and a means of communication (Venuti, 1995 68). By his translations, he acquainted the general public with the classic Greek writers of note. At the same time, Elyot sought to enrich the English language and enhance what he perceived to be the prestige of the national literature. He translated Isocrates’ Doctrinall of princes (1533) in English as The Doctrinal of Princes. For this, he was assailed by the English scholar William Wotton (1666 — 1727) and the English theologian Humphrey Hody (1659 — 1707) for departing from the original text and domesticating the source texts. They dismissed most of Elyot’s translations, including his translation of Isocrates, by terming them as mere pseudo-translations.
In fact, much of Elyot’s translations were simplifications and loose adaptations of the original classical texts as he was also concerned with the literary taste of his contemporary aristocratic readership. It is also evident from his translations that, at times, in order to make things easier for his readers, he disregarded the subtleties of expression found in the original texts and resorted to the discursive and linguistic exigencies.
More generally, during the Renaissance, there was no dearth of the translated works which were either indirect translations or back translations. Therefore, these translations ipso facto resulted in an all-encompassing domestication and consumption of the source texts and some of them were light years from the source texts. Take, for example, the case of the English translator Thomas North (1535 — 1601), perhaps the most famous of the Elizabethan translators. In 1557, he translated Antonio de Guevara's Reloj de príncipes o libro aureo del emperador Marco Aurelio as The Dial of Princes. In 1679, he brought out his The Lives of the Noble Grecians and Romanes based upon Jacques Amyot's French version of Plutarch's Parallel Lives. All of these works were the
37 indirect translations. However, North’s elegant prose deeply impressed upon the style of many of his contemporaries and followers (Venuti, 1995, 127).
In the midst of these translation trends, another translation technique set in, namely “free translation”. A free translation can be defined as a translation made on a level higher than is necessary to convey the content unchanged while observing target language norms (Munday, 2009, 92). A free translation has built-in tendency towards domesticating the source text as such what matters for it is the naturalness and fluency of the target text. It candidly condones a translator’s doing away with the linguistic and circumstantial features of the source text.
The famous English compiler and translator Thomas Malory (? — 1471?) is particularly noted for his free translations. Malory signaled a new beginning in the English prose by his Le morte d'Arthur (trans: “The Death of Arthur”). This work was a translation from the old French sources. This was in fact an adaptation of the Arthurian romances and this translation was so free that it is even difficult to take it as a translation. The English dramatist and translator George Chapman (1559 — 1634) was yet another Renaissance figure who translated Homer in a domesticating way and presented the Greek poet with the energy and liveliness characteristic of the age. Chapman often expanded and elaborated on the original text in order to include the descriptive details and philosophical/moral interpretations. In spite of these additions/inclusions made by the translator, George Chapman’s translation of Homer was much admired by such literary and intellectual giants as John Keats, Samuel Taylor Coleridge and T. S. Eliot which just goes on to show the general level of acceptability of the domesticating trends in the main stream the Anglophone translation theory.
In sum, a large number of normative models and principles of translation devised and followed during the Renaissance worked in the service of domestication. Most of the free translations and adaptations carried out during this period were rationalized in terms of the demands and dictates of the target language culture. It is also noteworthy that the domestic intelligibilities and preferences of the middle-class readership took precedence
38 over the actualities and the linguistic characteristics of the source texts. All these appropriating practices and paradigms served to embed the phenomenon of domestication even more firmly in the European literary canon and the tradition of translation.
2.7. The Enlightenment — A New Reign of Domestication
The Age of Enlightenment, especially the 17th and the 18th centuries witnessed the rise of an unprecedented amount of domestication in the practice of translation. It was during the 17th century that the domesticating trends and fluent translation discourses emerged most decisively in the Anglophone tradition of translation and this signaled the formal and institutionalized beginning of the practice of domestication underwritten by the Eurocentric cultural elitism and the powerful hegemonies of the publishing industries. However, that does not mean that these trends just popped up into existence during the 17th century or anything like that; rather, the practice of domestication has been one of the abiding features of the European literary tradition of translation since time immemorial.
In fact, this was the period when many factors worked together to institutionally formalize and popularize the practice of domestication within the European literary tradition of translation. It was also at about the same time that the theory and the practice translation was taken over by the French model — belles infide`les — which clearly sought to subjugate the source texts to the norms and canons of the target language culture.
Another development or factor which precipitated the practice of domestication in translation during this period was the emergence of the nation-states and the advent of distinctly nationalistic cultures in Europe. The notion of a nation-state as an enclosed territory populated by a distinct cultural community and governed by a single sovereign government was a relatively modern development. A social organization with a well demarcated and stable territory underpinned by rigorous ideological particularization and an ethical egalitarianism was a novel conception in the geo-historical consciousness of
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Europe. For the existence and viability of a nation state, there were two essential conditions: social solidarity and cultural homogeneity (Hutchinson & Anthony, 2010).
As with all the ideological narratives and discourses, nationalism also hinges on highly abstract notions of affiliation, education, legislation, territory, etc. Nationalism also rests on a politicized culture which seeks to forge a linguistic and cultural similarity among the masses to the maximum possible extent (Nairn, 2009).
The nexus between domestication and nationalism is well-known and many celebrated translators (Schleiermacher is a case in point) envisioned a distinctly nationalist role for translation. It was considered to be the patriotic duty of a translator to add to the prestige of his or her national culture by means of translations. Thus the definition and the construction of nationalist culture became a progressively pertinent preoccupation with translators and scholars. Even the notion of Empire which was to characterize the practice of translation significantly deeply for a considerably long period of time had clearly nationalist underpinnings (Munday, 2009). It was exactly in the wake of these developments in Europe that a new and vast Empire was being founded in India which henceforth was to feature very prominently in the Anglo-American literary discourse.
At this point in time, new trends emerged which were destined to play an important role for the subsequent practices/conceptualizations of translation. The translation projects were initiated by the very choice of a foreign text to translate. This brought in the politics of inclusion and exclusion at the very outset. Only those foreign works/texts were selected for translation which could be readily appropriated and subjugated to the national cultural canon. The translator carefully weighed the themes, genres and the authors before finally deciding to translate a work and if everything was found to be in line with the nationalist culture at home, the translator would set about his or her business instantly (Venuti, 1995). In spite of this preliminary care, even during the process of translation, the foreign texts were painstakingly inscribed with the domestic values and discursive attributes.
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In this way, the whole process was governed by a selectivity which promoted dominant domestic values to the exclusion of indigenous features of the source text. And these trends were further complicated by the diverse forms in which the translations were published, reviewed, read, and taught In turn, these trends produced cultural and political effects that kept changing with reference to different institutional contexts and social positions (Venuti, 1998, 67).
For example consider the case of the European colonizers and how they appropriated and domesticated the languages of the nations they colonized. This appropriation of the languages of the colonized lands was largely made possible by the practice of domestication. Thus the colonies were not just the source of raw material for the European industries but also a rich and untapped source of linguistic enrichment. According to the prominent English author and researcher Nigel Leask (b. 1958) it was largely because of the acquisition of the colonies in India that “the signs of the East” were to be foregrounded in the dominant British discourses largely through translations. To him, the Orient functioned as a romantic image in the European consciousness — a sign of distinction, a device to be incorporated into the British coat of arms. The domestication of the Oriental literatures was just an evidence of the infinite capacity of the Imperial culture to accommodate the alien and the different in its vast fold (Leask, 1992, 8).
By a vast majority of the European scholars it was taken as truism that the Oriental tropes, idioms, images, allusions was too alien and too coarse to be comprehended by the white middle-class readership at home. Therefore it was ipso facto a duty of the translator to recast them in familiar and recognizable moulds before they could be imported into the European culture and eventually made a part of it. Not only that the Orient was considered to be a geographical and historical an appendage to Europe but also its literatures and languages were taken as the natural adjuncts to the dominant European discourses. In the realization of the majestic imperial dreams and the grandiose colonial schemes, the European translators felt it absolutely necessary to
41 redefine and reformulate the Orient in accordance with a highly romanticized and constructed view of it (Hassan, 2011, 27).
This domesticated inclusion of the Oriental elements into the European translation discourses paralleled with a large-scale incorporation of the Continental European culture into the British tradition by means of translations. The medieval European poetry ranging from Castilian romances to Norse Eddas was translated and included into the English literary tradition. Classical texts were discovered, edited and translated for the contemporary readers and, thus, the ancient cultures were revived and integrated into the English literary tradition. In the course of these translations all the foreign texts went through a thorough process of domestication before they were allowed to be accommodated into the Anglophone literary tradition of translation.
Today there is a near consensus of the translation theorists and scholars that the practice of domestication works more insidiously in terms of the translation of poetry than prose. A large number of translation theorists regard poetry to be the most difficult genre to translate. Some of them even went so far as to assert the impossibility of translating poetry. The main difficulty in translating poetry springs from the dual challenge of rendering both the content and the form into the target language text.
In 1959, the Russian linguist and leading literary theorist Roman Jakobson (1896 — 1982) presented a paper titled, “On Linguistic Aspect of Translation”. In this paper, he went so far as to assert that poetry by definition is untranslatable because in poetry form itself contributes to the production of the textual meaning (Hatim & Munday, 2004, 10). No matter how common this view today happens to be; however, it was during the Enlightenment that this was, first of all, formally recognized by the translators. Therefore, we find an earlier echo of the concern in the works of the French translator, writer and philologist Anne Dacier (1647 — 1720) who illustrated this difficulty in the following words while talking about her translation of Iliad:
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A translator can say in prose whatever Homer did say, but he can never do so in verse, certainly not in our language in which he must of necessity change, add, and cut. And what Homer thought and said is certainly of more value than all you are forced to put into his mouth if you translate him into verse, even if it comes out more simply and less poetic in prose (quoted in Lefevere, 1992, 12).
Let us proceed to study some of the notable translators and the prominent translation trends prevalent during the Age of Enlightenment.
2.7.1. Denham, Dryden and the Dominant Poetics
During this period, the English translator and courtier John Denham (1614 — 1669) and the English dramatist, poet, and literary critic John Dryden (1631 — 1700) led the dominant trends of translation. Even in this regard, Denham merits a more detailed discussion because of his remarkable influence and his canonization by the later translators. Denham translated parts of Virgil’s Aeneid and, in order to distinguish his translation from the burlesque versions of Aeneid, Denham rationalized his widespread domestication of the legendary Roman poet in the following words:
…if this disguise I have put upon him (I wish I could give it a better name) fit not naturally and easily on so grave a person, yet it may become him better than that Fools—Coat wherein the French and Italian have of late presented him (quoted in Venuti, 1995, 50).
Denham’s translation of Virgil is also deeply dictated by the former’s nationalistic leanings. The translation was extremely selective and it omitted a considerable number of the names of the places, descriptions of the various situations, and also the Latin names of the characters. For example such proper names as “Troiam”, “Pergama”, “Priam”, etc. are all omitted in the translation. It is precisely because of this domesticating attitude of the translator that Priam (The king of Troy during the Trojan War) was rendered as a
43 mere “King”. Furthermore, Denham also modified architectural terms which led to an intensive domestication and appropriation the source text.
However, none of this should surprise anyone as it was the stated aim of Denham to reconstruct a “naturalized English Virgil” through his translation. It can also be clearly seen that Denham went considerably beyond his predecessors in taking liberties with the original text and making some really outlandish additions to it in his translation. For example, look at the following expression which is a curious addition by the translator and of which the original text is completely devoid: “Thus fell the King, who yet survived the State//With such a signal and peculiar Fate.”(Venuti, 1995, 50-52) Now why did Denham make this unwarranted addition? Lawrence Venuti has hinted at some of the possible reasons/factors behind this act of unmistakable domestication. To Venuti, the addition of this expression goes on to reveal the translator’s own unswerving support for the institution of monarchy in England which survived the death of the King (Charles I). Another equally possible reason can be that Denham was, albeit unintentionally, serving the elitist agenda. Whether these reasons are plausible or not, the addition made by Denham amounts to domesticating the Roman poet and presenting him as a “naturalized English Virgil” to the English readers so familiar with the British tradition of monarchy (Venuti, 1995).
Moreover, Denham made conspicuous attempts at domesticating the architectural terms present in the original text as has already been said. He frequently likened the Trojan structures to the royalist buildings of the 17th century England. In his translation, he recurrently used the terms which bring to mind the British architecture such as “chambers”, “rooms of state”, “gates”, “posts”, “pillars”, “secret cabinets”, “arched vaults”, and “inner court”. On the other hand, when we look at the original Latin terms we come across the original Latin terms overtly refer to an altogether different architecture: “domus intus”, “domus interior”, “thalami”, “atria longa”, “penetralia”, “cauae”, etc (Venuti, 1995).
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Therefore, here too, the domesticating treatment of the source text, which resulted in the cultural appropriation of Aeneid, can be clearly seen. The cumulative effect of all these domesticating strategies employed by Denham while translating Virgil contributed to the aggrandizement and reinforcement of the British cultural capital. The Roman literary background of Aeneid was transmuted into the 17th century British cultural tradition of Enlightenment.
The kind of domestication practiced by Denham while translating Virgil is one of the most widely used methods of appropriation. This kind of domestication usually takes the lexical heterogeneity and syntactic diversity of the source text as an impediment which a translator has an essential obligation to overcome. Small wonder the text that emerges as a result of such domestication happens to be much more homogenized and uniformed in which the foreign is artistically but strategically rendered as the familiar.
This is exactly what Denham did to Virgil. He defined the Roman in terms of the English and thereby acquired a strategic leverage to reformulate the tropes, idioms and allusions enshrined in the original text. It is exactly for such reasons that we see domestication amounting to a form of “control” as posited by the French philosopher and literary critic Michel Foucault (1926 — 1984). This is what Lawrence Venuti terms as the “cultural politics” in the enactment of which translation plays a key role by appropriating the foreign and the other. This is how Venuti describes the link between translation and what he calls the “cultural politics”:
…translation enlists the foreign text in the maintenance or revision of literary canons in the target-language culture, inscribing poetry and fiction, for example, with the various poetic and narrative discourses that compete for cultural dominance in the target language (Venuti, 1993, 209).
What is more, it is here that domestication seems to correspond to a form of violence unilaterally inflicted by the translator upon the source text—an unfortunate reality bemoaned by Lawrence Venuti. During the execution of this linguistic violence, a
45 thoroughly discursive reconstitution of the source text takes place which operates in ways which are as much textual as ideological (Venuti, 1993, 209). All thinking proceeds in terms of the categories either present in or perceivable by the target language culture. The very act of ideation takes place in the mind of the translation in strict conformity with the thought patterns prescribed by the target language culture (in terms of Denham these thought patterns are prescribed by the 17th century British Enlightenment).
The source text is valuable only in so far as it serves as a textual repository of raw material awaiting the craftsmanship of the translator. All the linguistic and schematic maneuvering is placed at the disposal of the translator which could enable (empower?) him to recast the source text in the domestically identifiable and familiar moulds. The elitist canons, fictional patterns, cultural perspectives, civilizational paradigms and literary dicta of the target language culture imposingly dictate the trajectory of translation at all levels.
Following closely in the footsteps of Denham, John Dryden looked at translation and its role for the rise of the elitist and highbrow cultural discourse in Britain at once nationalistic and patriotic. Dryden took Denham as his literary mentor and lavishly praised his strategies and techniques of translation. In 1697, Dryden brought out his The Works of Virgil — a complete translation of the Roman poet into English. Dryden took his inspiration from Denham and found him to be an outstanding trendsetter in the discipline of translation (Venuti, 1995, 62). Dryden’s translation theory was based upon the twin values of transparency and fluency which seek to make the translation look like the original. Transparency intrigues the readers and artfully hides the fact that what he or she is reading is a translation. Instead, it creates an illusion of originality. Fluency further reinforces this illusion by bringing about facility and effortlessness in the experience of the reader.
Dryden also criticized the “servile” and “too literal” translations of his predecessors and castigated them for being deficient in fluency. In fact, Dryden was so enamoured with this notion of fluency that he made it his cardinal principle in his all
46 translations. The domestication of Virgil in Dryden’s translation is so thorough that that fluency appears to be more like an essential feature of Virgil than a discursive strategy adopted by the translator for the sake of transparency. It is also true that, like Denham, Dryden was also concerned with the promotion of an aristocratic and exclusivist cultural discourse at home which he sought to overwrite with nationalistic pronouncements. Therefore, like his mentor, he, too, was concerned with defining the Roman in terms of the English in order to add to the prestige and honour of his own culture (Venuti, 1995, 64).
It is also worth remarking that Dryden did not just took into account the literary orientations emanating from the Enlightenment but also gave due consideration to the literary tastes and bearings issuing from the Restoration. When Dryden was translating Virgil, it was the time when England was faced with the turbulent circumstances wrought by the Restoration. As a consequence, it is not a coincidence if the Virgil translated by Dryden looked more or less like yet another Restoration figure with an exceptionally great literary prowess of versification (Venuti, 1995).
It is also instructional to note that Dryden took it as his central guiding principle not to ruffle the bourgeois values and the aristocratic sensibilities of his readership by including those passages from Virgil which he deemed to be “immoral” and “corrupting”. The prevailing characteristics of the Restoration literature such as reason, urbanity, moderation, sobriety, deft management and simplicity proved to be instrumental in this “moralization” and “refinement” of Virgil. Therefore whatever Dryden translated from the Greek poet, first he rid it of all such so-called “ignoble” and “lowly” elements. All this was done for the sake of the contemporary` bourgeois morality of the 17th century Britain as prescribed by the Restoration canon (Munday, 2009).
As regard the translation technique, Dryden was specifically inclined towards “paraphrase” — a technique with build-in tendencies towards domestication and appropriation. Dryden was of the view if a translation is not sufficiently fluent, it will be crucially wanting in “perspicuity” and “gracefulness” (Venuti, 1995, 62). Therefore he
47 sought to create this fluency in his translation of Virgil Perhaps he was being influenced, albeit unnoticeably, by one of the chief features of the Restoration literature —“deft management” (Kermode, 2004, 9). However, it resulted in further structural and substantial complications. It further paved the way for the domestication and appropriation of the content as well the structure.
It is also interesting to note that although we are passionately told by Dryden that a “good” translation should not lack in such values as “perspicuity” and “gracefulness”, yet these values are nowhere defined by him with any amount of precision and clarity. There seems to be a taken-for-grantedness as for as the definitions of these values are concerned. What is ignored by Dryden is the fundamental fact that the questions of “grace” as well as “perspicuity” are culturally defined and situationally specific and cannot be decided, once for all, by the authoritarian dictates of a powerful target language culture. Such amorphous notions can neither be generalized nor universalized as is imprudently done by Dryden.
Viewing from this perspective, Dryden’s advocacy for upholding the bourgeois values during his translation of Virgil seems to be a hegemonic imposition of the elitist cultural canons institutionalized by the dominant discourses of the day. Let us see how frank and forthcoming Dryden was about his domestication of Virgil along the elitist cultural lines:
I may presume to say, and I hope with as much reason as the French Translator, that taking all the Materials of this divine Author, I have endeavour’d to make Virgil speak such English, as he wou’d himself have spoken, if he had been born in England, and in this present Age (quoted in Venuti, 1995, 64).
It was perhaps for this reason that Virgil is utterly overhauled by John Dryden and is dislocated from his indigenous identity as an Augustan Latin poet in order to be presented as a Restoration poet. Like Denham, Dryden tried “to make Virgil speak such English as he would himself have spoken, if he had been born in England and in this
48 present age” (Venuti, 1995, 64). It was, more than anything else, the technique of “paraphrasing” which supposedly granted John Dryden greater liberties with the source text than would have been otherwise possible. It was also largely because of the technique of loose paraphrasing that Dryden did not confine himself to the original text of Virgil; rather, in his translation, he extensively borrowed from the previous translations of the Greek poets too and incorporated them in his own translation. This resulted in considerable portions based upon indirect translation. This led him further away from the actualities and unique features of the source text and gave his translation an anachronistic character which is not difficult to detect by a discerning reader. This is how Dryden led the main domesticating trends in the British translation tradition during the 17th century. As a result of Dryden expunged translation, the English readership was acquinted with a virgil who was considerably close to them in time and space.
2.7.2. D’Ablancourt and Pope
Another influential figure and a contemporary of Dryden who made recognizably domesticated translations was the French translator of the Greek and the Latin classics Perrot d’Ablancourt (1606 — 1664). Although, strictly speaking, he did not belong to the Anglo-Saxon literary tradition of translation as such, yet a brief mention of his domesticated translation will serve to illustrate the dominant mood of the period. Besides, he occupies a prominent place in the European literary tradition of translation. Perrot d’Ablancourt’s translations were particularly domesticated given his stated principle: “Remove everything that could wound our sensibilities” (Sawyer & Simpson, 2001, 66) To him, it remains for the translator to decide as to what is likely to hurt the sensibilities of the reader and once it is clearly decided by the translator, he has a moral as well as a literary mandate to eradicate it. Enunciating this principle, he said:
I do not always stick to the author’s words, nor even to his thoughts. I keep the effect he wanted to produce in mind, and then I arrange the material after the fashion of our time. Different times do not just require different words, but also different thoughts, and ambassadors usually dress in the fashion of the country
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they are sent to, for fear of appearing ridiculous in the eyes of the people they try to please (quoted in Lefevere, 1992, 6).
This is not just a forthright confession of domestication; rather a bizarre justification and an unpersuasive rationalization for its employment in the practice of translation. To d’Ablancourt, neither the words nor the thoughts of the author matter; rather, it is the “effect” which counts. This way of going about the business of translation is, ipso facto, geared toward domesticating the a source text because the decisions as to what constitutes the “effect” and as to how best to achieve it will be thoroughly governed by the standards, precepts and literary canons of the target language culture. Even the power politics and cultural discourses circulating at that time will play a crucial part in defining this “effect”. In additions, different historical period require different thought patterns created by the contemporary dominant poetics and politics of the day, therefore, every age will set new parameters for translation.
All This, in itself, may not be reproachable as it happens to be the case with all the systems of knowledge that they are governed by the reigning cultural and political discourses. What is problematic, however, is the attitude nurtured by such a conceptualization of translation which tends to disregard the linguistic and cultural terms of the source text in favour of the target text and thereby paving the way for the practice of domestication. Thus paradoxically a translation made in line with such sociocultural considerations is more likely to drift away from the supposed “effect”, instead of coming any closer to it. D’Ablancourt further elaborated this point when he said:
In fact, there are many passages I have translated word for word, at least to the extent to which that is possible in an elegant translation. There are also passages in which I have considered what ought to be said, or what I could say, rather than what he actually said (Lefevere, 1992, 9).
In the wake of Denham and Dryden, numerous domesticated translations of the Greek and Roman texts appeared. During this time, the famous English satirical poet Sir
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Alexander Pope (1688 — 1744) also brought out his famous translation of Homer which he composed in the heroic metre and rhyming iambic pentameter couplets. This was also a highly domesticated translation and Alexander Pope clearly sought to impose order and harmony on the Greek poet’s “wild paradise”. To Pope, Homer exhibits an extremely strong tendency to hurt the moral and aesthetic sensibilities of the middle-class English readership by introducing low images, sensual allusions, puerile suggestions and, at time, an infantile sense of humour. Therefore, it is the responsibility of the translator to smooth out all such allusions and images as they constitute “improprieties” (Tytler, 1978, 79).
This translation of the Greek epic was received with enthusiasm and widely admired for its swift pace and fluent readability which the translator achieved through a wholesale and a highly structured domestication of the original text.
On the other hand, everyone was not so ardently enamored by Alexander Pope’s translation of Homer. The extensive amount of domestication practiced by Pope did not go wholly unnoticed. For example, the English theologian, critic and classical scholar Richard Bentley (1662 — 1742) disproved of Pope’s translation of Homer. To Bentley, Pope, while translating Homer, lost his balance and therefore his translation was not altogether based upon the original text. Bentley pungently remarked having gone through the translation: “A fine poem, Mr. Pope, but you must not call it Homer” (Levin, 1991, 20). Pope’s translation also elicited considerable criticism and disapproval from certain other literary quarters because of being “unrepresentative” of the original text. For instance, the renowned English poet and hymnodist William Cowper (1731 — 1800) censured Pope by contending that the demands and constraints of rhyme (a technique adopted by Pope in his translation of Homer) precluded the possibility of proper translation. In the preface to his own translation of Homer, Cowper wrote while elaborating this point:
No human ingenuity [i.e. not even Alexander Pope’s] can be equal to the task of closing every couplet with sounds homotonous, expressing at the same time the full sense, and only the full sense of his original (France, 2000, 90).
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For a closer and more faithful approximation to the source text and to do a greater justice with the original text, Cowper proposed the use of Miltonic blank verse which to him would liberate the translator from the tyranny of rhymes and meters. To Cowper, Miltonic blank verse has greater proximity to the prosodic structure employed by Homer (the Greek hexameter). However, this proposal of Cowper just serves to illustrate his own paradoxical position — on the one hand he criticized Pope for domesticating Homer; on the other hand he himself prescribed the use of Miltonic blank verse (the dominant prosodic form at that time) to be used by the translators of Homer (France, 2000, 90). However, what Cowper did not adequately realize was the fact that he, in making such a rigid prescription, himself was subjugating the structural characteristic of the source text (Greek hexameter) to the dominant characteristic of the target text (Miltonic blank verse). This is yet another form of domestication and no less insidious than the one practiced by Pope.
Some other names also merit a brief mention here as they illustrate the widespread popularity of the domesticating strategies of translation during this period. The English author Thomas Phaer (1510 — 1560) is yet another translator of Virgil who translated his Aeneid. Phaer took Homer as his mentor and following in his footsteps he made extensive omissions and alterations just in order to render Virgil more acceptable and readable (Phaer, 1620: V2r). In 1625, Sir Thomas Hawkins, a British poet and translator, dismissed the complaints that he had not been faithful in his translation of Horace’s Odes by saying that he had been concerned with the spirit of the Odes and not with the niceties and technicalities of meter and other textual and prosodic features (1625: Ar—Av; DNB). This clearly illustrates the domesticated nature of his translation of Horace’s Odes.
In 1628, the British translator and writer, W. L. Gent translated Virgil’s Eclogues into English and forced the contemporary courtly aesthetics on the original Latin text in such a way as to utterly domesticate the source text. He justified his free-floating departures from the original text by saying that he “was only carefull to preserve the
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Kernell safe and whole, from the violence of a wrong, or wrested Interpretation” (quoted in Venuti, 1995, 47). Certainly this has been the most widely used apology by all the translators who domesticated the source texts.
In the same way, other translators who produced domesticated translations of the Greek works and justified them on such grounds include the clergyman and author, Barten Holyday (1593 — 1661), Sir Thomas Wroth (1516 — 1573) and Sir Robert Stapylton (1547 — 1669). All these translators domesticated the Greek classics in one way or the other through their translations. 2.7.3. Arabian Nights—A Redefinition of the Oriental Tales
At about the same time, The Arabian Nights, or The Thousand and One Nights was widely translated into various European languages — yet another Oriental work which was to be extensively domesticated by the legions of the European translators. The Arabian Nights is an anthology of Oriental tales, anecdotes and fables from the lands as diverse as Egypt, India, Arabia and Persia collected over hundreds of years. French archeologist and Orientalist Antoine Galland (1646 — 1715) was the first European to translate it into French in the early 18th century as Les Mille et Une Nuits, contes arabes traduits en français. Later on it was the British Orientalist, lexicographer and translator Edward William Lane (1801 — 1876) who translated these tales into English in the mid- 19th century. Galland and Lane are the foremost translators of The Arabian Nights and, in this regard, they have the credit to introduce this landmark Oriental work to the European readership (Venuti: 1995).
It should be mentioned here that Antoine Galland’s translation remained the standard one until the mid—19th century and all the subsequent translators took him as their literary mentor in this context. However, from our perspective it is pertinent to note that Galland made daring and extensive additions in his translation and incorporated even those tales which were not present in the original Arabic version. It was in his translation
يلع اباب ) that he included such tales as Aladdin's Lamp and Ali Baba and the Forty Thieves
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although neither of them was part of the original version. It is, in fact, a ,(واألروعبن اصل testament to the successful domestication of The Arabian Tales by Galland that today no one thinks of this work without considering these two tales (Dwight: 2006, 55-61).
Moreover, in addition to tempering with the plot, Galland went a step ahead and maneuvered with the characterization too. Therefore, while domesticating the characterization of The Arabian Nights, Galland gave a recognizably Parisian coloration to the Arab characters of the tales in his translation. Galland’s Arabs look more like the middle-class Parisians than the nomadic and pastoral Egyptians or the tribal Syrians. All the suppression or retention of their practices and personality traits is done by the translator in accordance with a full awareness of this cultural dislocation. Thus in his thoroughly appropriated translation, the domesticating canon is so firmly established by Galland that none of his rivals could omit the stories he incorporated in the actual tales. (Venuti: 1995). All these stories were treated by the subsequent translators and readers as the integral parts of the original tale. This was the triumph of domestication and the defeat of the original text.
Furthermore, Galland rarely inserted annotations in his translation, and, consequently, attempted to explained some of the exoticisms within his translation. This led to what George Steiner has termed as “inflationist translation” in which the translator goes on incorporating the peripheral elements in to translation and resultantly the translation becomes recognizably inflated (Steiner, 1975). Thus all the elucidations and explications incorporated within the text acquire a status of virtual reality within the textual scheme of the translation and it is but natural for a reader to take them as the real part of the tales. This is how, thorough domestication, a reader is lulled into an illusion and a make believe that whatever he or she is reading is a mirror image of the source text.
It should also be mentioned here that Galland’s translation happens to be the least faithful to the original text. Due to a wholesale domestication of the source text, he assumed the status of the virtual author of the tales which he claimed to translate. His translation was so much canonized that most of the ensuing encomiums of Arabian
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Nights such as by Newman, Coleridge, Tennyson, Poe, and by Stendhal are based upon his translation. Here is an excerpt from his translation which illustrates the domesticating nature his translation scheme:
Il alla droit à l’appartement de cette princesse, qui, ne s’attendant pas à le revoir, avait reçu dans son lit un des derniers officiers de sa maison
He went directly to the chamber of that princess, who, not expecting to see him again, had received in her bed one of the lowliest servants of his household (Venuti, 2000, 35).
This excerpt shows that Galland’s discretions while translating The Arabian Nights are extremely urbane and inspired less by morality or purely linguistic/textual considerations and more by the contemporary bourgeois decorum—a characteristic feature of the 17th century Parisian culture. He pejoratively renders the neutral word “officier” as “one of the lowliest servants” which is clear instance of the domestication of the source text (Venuti: 1995).
If Galland decisively Francized the Oriental tales, Edward William Lane decisively Arabized them. One expects from Lane, given his studious as well as sympathetic scholarship of the Orientalism and his nuanced understanding of the Semitic literary traditions, to be a more empathic translator of this Eastern work than Galland. However, his intellectual credentials notwithstanding, he does not appear to have disentangled himself from his essential British reticence and his ethnocentric moorings and attitudes. In his translation he meticulously hunted out what he perceives to be “obscenities” and “indelicacies” of the original text and then persecuted them in a way which is both judgmental and polemical (Venuti, 2000). In his notes and annotations he frequently makes such doctrinaire pronouncements: “I must of necessity suppress the other anecdote”; “I shall overlook an episode of the most reprehensible sort”; “Here, the story of the slave Bujait, wholly inappropriate for translation”; “Here, a line far too
55 coarse for translation”; “Hereafter, a series of omissions; I suppress a repugnant explanation” (Venuti, 2000, 36).
On occasion, so passionate did he get in domesticating his translation that he cast aside some of the stories in their entirety because, to him, they just could not be expurgated at all. All this is done in order to make his translation “readable” and “acceptable” at home and the best way to do that was to utterly domesticate it to the dominant norms and canons of the target language culture (Venuti: 1995).
Let us consider yet another example of outright domestication by Lane which completely disregarded the narrative and discursive features of the source text. The tale of night 217 is about a king who used to have two wives. He would sleep one night with the one wife and the subsequent night with the other. This was to ensure parity between the wives and as a result both of them were happy with their husband and were living in peace and content. Lane abridged this entire account and felt content in saying that the king used to treat his wives “with impartiality.” The reason for this obvious domestication of the source text is not difficult to discover. In fact, Lane never wanted to offend the puritanical sensitivities of his urbane bourgeois readership, no matter how much he had to depart from the source text. If it is so then Lane was clearly inheriting the prejudices of his time (Venuti: 2000).
At times, Lane’s translation is marked by discursive anomalies which are also the direct result of the practice of domestication. Lane is quite comfortable in placing the word “romantic” in the mouth of an eleventh century tribal and unlettered Egyptian without considering the temporal and spatial anachronism resulting thereof. Here another domesticating feature of Lane’s translation is also noteworthy. Within The Arabian Nights, as we know, there are hundreds of folk love songs and odes which had an oral temper and are deeply characterized by such characteristics as earthly gusto, parataxis, amplification, rhetorical orality and traditional epithets. However, when Lane translates these songs he brings them strictly in line with prosodic and textual features of English and thereby effects a discursive transformation in his translation (Venuti: 1995).
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From this brief analysis of Lane’s translation, it becomes clear that his domestication of Arabian Nights was thorough and widespread and he meticulously did away with a large number of textual, prosodic and discursive features by replacing them with the Eurocentric elements and puritanical values (Venuti: 1995).
After Antoine Galland and Edward William Lane, another prominent translator who made a somewhat less domesticated translation of The Arabian Nights was the English geographer, writer and translator Sir Richard Francis Burton (1821 — 1890). Burton was also a widely travelled explorer and a proficient multilinguist who had journeyed to the places mentioned in The Arabian Nights. He was also well acquainted with the customs and traditions of the lands wherefrom the stories emanated. The most remarkable feature of Burton’s translation was that it was wholly unexpurgated and like his predecessor he did not omit the supposedly “immoral” passages. In fact it was largely due to the unexpurgated nature of his translation that it caused a moral panic in the 19th century English society and his work was widely censured and termed as scandalous (Venuti: 2000).
However, Burton also eventually succumbed to the temptation of domesticating the source text and felt no qualms in tempering with the tales wherever it pleased him. In the preface to his translation he acknowledges his domesticating motives when he announces:
On the other hand when treating the versical portion, which may represent a total of ten thousand lines, I have not always bound myself by the metrical bonds of the Arabic, which are artificial in the extreme, and which in English can be made bearable only by a tour de force. I allude especially to the monorhyme, Rim continuat or tirade monorime, whose monotonous simplicity was preferred by the Troubadours for threnodies (Robinson, 2002, 260).
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It is not difficult to recognize the intentions of the translator as revealed here. What is more, the translator’s disparaging attitude towards the source text is also considerably clear here. To him, the metrical bonds of the Arabic are artificial to the extreme and the monorhymes of the source text are also dismissed by him as, according to him, they are only preferred by the troubadours for threnodies. Another domesticating feature of Burton’s translation is his over foregrounding of the sensuality of the tales. It is common knowledge sensuality is an essential part of The Arabian Nights; nevertheless Burton’s translation carries it to new unwarranted heights. Throughout his translation, his fixation on eroticism and sexuality remains constant and at times irritating (Venuti: 2000).
Furthermore, there are instance of the domestication of the content also found in Burton’s translation. For example consider the following translation:
But when the night was half-spent he bethought him that he had forgotten in his palace somewhat which he should have brought with him, so he returned privily and entered his apartments, where he found the Queen, his wife, asleep on his own carpet bed embracing with both arms a black cook of loathsome aspect and foul with kitchen grease and grime (Tymoczko, 2010, 116).
This passage illustrates the liberties taken by Burton while translating The Arabian Nights. For example, look at the italicized part which has no mention in the
-a neutral and non—”اخدم“ original text. What is mentioned in the original text is just judgmental word with such English equivalents as “servant”, “attendant”, “assistant”, etc.
there is no ,”اخدم“ Whichever of these equivalents suites to translate the original word way that the equivalent proposed by Burton could be rationalized—“a black cook of loathsome aspect and foul with kitchen grease and grime”. Thus with all this in mind, it is not difficult to conclude that Burton while translating The Arabian Nights practiced a considerable amount of domestication not only of the form but also of the content. One of his stated objectives in this translation was to preserve not only the spirit but also the
58 manner (mécanique) of the original text. It is here that he failed to live up to his objectives (France, 2000, 91).
2.7.4. Prévost, Bodmer, Breitinger and Gottsched
When Antoine Galland was busy in domesticating the tales from the Orient, another distinguished French author and translator Antoine François Prévost (1697 — 1763) was translating Richardson’s Pamela into French. This was another highly domesticated translation aimed at “refining the barbarities” of the original text. François Prévost revealingly said while commenting on his translation:
I have suppressed English customs where they may appear shocking to other nations, or made them conform to customs prevalent in the rest of Europe. It seemed to me that those remainders of the old and uncouth British ways, which only habit prevents the British themselves from noticing, would dishonor a book in which manners should be noble and virtuous. To give the reader an accurate idea of my work, let me just say, in conclusion, that the seven volumes of the English edition, which would amount to fourteen volumes in my own, have been reduced to four (Lefevere, 1992, 9).
This extract is a premonition which sufficiently proclaims the highly domesticated nature of the Prévost’s translation. In fact, the translator drops all innuendos and comes out into the open and declares his assimilationist and domesticating assumptions. The words like “shocking”, “uncouth”, “noble”, “virtuous”, and “accurate”, are extremely judgmental and clearly show a deeply embedded bias in the mind of the translator towards the source text and the culture. The word “suppress” amounts to what some of the postcolonial theorists have termed as ‘silencing of the voice of the cultural other’ (Porter, 2010, 134).
Another question rises with regards to the ethics of translation when we look at the thorough domestication of Richardson’s Pamela by Prévost: what justifies such an
59 out-and-out domestication of the source text? Certainly there is nothing within the text as such which could warrant such domestication. Therefore the question whether to domesticate or not to domesticate is paralinguistic or extralinguistic. This is what different translation scholars have termed as extra-textual factors which instantly come into play the moment a translator sets about his business. These extra-textual factors can be described as conglomeration of various ideological, cultural and normative considerations (Cheyfitz, 1991, Lefevere, 1992, Venuti, 1998, Bassnett, 2002).
This domesticating impulse born of the extra-textual factors mentioned above also found its champions in Germany as well and there its main proponents were the eminent author, critic and poet Johann Jakob Bodmer (1698 — 1783), the philologist and author Johann Jakob Breitinger (1701 — 1776), and the philosopher Johann Christoph Gottsched (1700 — 1776). The German writer and translator Karl De La Motte (1777 — 1843) translated Homer’s Iliad. But interestingly Motte’s translation is merely half the size of the original. Motte made extensive omissions and abridgements in his translation for which he present an uncanny rationalization which is little more than an apology for domestication:
Would a theatre audience accept having characters come out during the intervals in a tragedy to tell us all that is going to happen next? Would it approve if the actions of the principal characters were interrupted by the business of the confidants? Certainly not (quoted in Lefevere, 1992, 29).
This extract shows not only the presence of domestication in Motte’s translation of Homer’s Iliad but also spells out its schematic contours. All this discussion shows the deep-rootedness of the practice of domestication not just in the British literary tradition but also in the Continental European tradition. Expurgating the source texts with the intention of omitting all that could allegedly arouse moral panic or ruffle the urbane sensibilities of the bourgeois readership is an extremely objectionable ethics of translation — the one which has built-in violence against the foreign texts. All such considerations aim at (overtly or covertly) augmenting the authority of the dominant
60 discourses and buttressing the hegemony and the power base of the exploitative socio- literary orders.
It is here where Lawrence Venuti’s brilliant insightful problematization of the domesticated translations comes in. It is also with reference to this scandalous role of translation that he worked out his “foreignized” approach to translation which actively advocates the retention as well as communication of all the cultural and linguistic charachteristics which could successfully counteract the Anglophone linguistic hegemony and a Eurocentric cultural imperialism. Hence Venuti concludes that a translation which is not adequately “foreignized” is ipso fact complicit with power that seeks to perpetuate hegemony and imperialism. 2.7.5. Tytler and Campbell
One of the most far-reaching translation theorists of the 18th century was the Scottish writer and historian Alexander Fraser Tytler (1747 — 1813) who with his extremely influential Essay on the Principle of Translation (1790) set the new benchmark for the discipline. The practice of domestication which was freely circulating during the entire Romantic Age was an important part of Tytler’s scheme of translation and a crucial component of his conceptualizations of the subject. As Lawrence Venuti has rightly observed that Alexander Tytler understands of translation as an act of cultural and linguistic assimilation is predicated on the idea of the subjugation and a cannibalistic inclusion of the foreign texts (Baker, 2001).
Such an understanding of translation also takes the source text as grist and staple whose ultimate benefit lies in its exploitation for enriching and augmenting the nationalistic culture at home (Venuti, 1993, 211). This notion of translation as “cannibalistic incorporation” has also been worthily explored in De l’esprit des traductions (1816) by the French writer and woman of letters Madame de Staël (1766— 1817). Another figure who also conceptualized translation subjugated incorporation in the service of the dominant culture was the French novelist, playwright and poet Victor Hugo (Venuti, 1993).
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Tytler’s landmark treatise on translation in a way formally codified and canonized domestication by upholding the fluency and the transparency as two of the most important qualities of a translation His treatise is an elaborate document of “precepts”, “laws” and “principles” of translation. To him, for a translator the central and the most significant purpose of translation is to communicate an “equivalent effect” and not to be encumbered by cultural and linguistic differences (Venuti, 1995, 68):
I would therefore describe a good translation to be, that, in which the merit of the original work is so completely transfused into another language, as to be as distinctly apprehended, and as strongly felt, by a native of the country to which that language belongs, as it is by those who speak the language of the original work (Italics original).
Tytler is not ready to accept the existence of cultural and linguistic differences at a fundamental level and appeals to a kind of nebulous and quasi real “reason and good sense” which according to him is capable of distinguishing a public sphere of cultural consensus (Venuti, 1995). His commonsensical approach to translation underwritten by “reason and good sense” rests on the tradition of liberal humanism which postulates a universal good sense common to all people.
For all intents and purposes, to Tytler, a translator has the privilege to rectify or omit what he considers to be “inaccurate” and “disingenuous”, especially if the alleged inaccuracy is likely to “impair” the sense of the source text. However, this ideal of Tytler regarding accuracy vis-à-vis inaccuracy is profoundly problematic for more than one reason. Evidently, accuracy is always a domestic value — one thing accurate at home may be barbarous abroad and vice versa. Furthermore the canon of accuracy is deeply affected by the dominant discursive norms prevalent in a society at a given time. Consequently, far from being an empirical and objective reality, accuracy is a culturally defined and temporally specified value. Tytler’s giving it a transcendental and
62 empirically validated coloration is nothing else but an expedient attempt to rationalize and advocate an unqualified domestication of the source text during its translation.
While theorizing about translation, Tytler frequently employs such abstract notions as “correct taste”, “exquisite feeling”, “common sense”, “ultimate appeal”, etc. What, however, he fails to realize is the simple fact that such abstractions are extremely subjective and cultural specific. It is arguably largely due to Tytler’s empiricist convictions that he took his personal and individualistic notion of “taste” as a norm and set about universalizing it for all the translators.
Even at the time when Tytler presented his ideas about translation, the theorists and scholars expressed their serious misgivings about his notion of “taste” and questioned his advice to “improve” the original text during the process of translation. For instance, one of the leading journals of translation, commenting on Tytler’s theory, wrote, “such ornaments appear to us like modern gilding laid upon one of the finest statues of antiquity” (Venuti, 1998). In spite of all the weaknesses of and objections against the Tytler’s views about translation he presented, Tytler has been enormously influential in the Anglophone tradition of translation.
Nevertheless Tytler has to be credited with writing the first notable work on translation. It too has to be mentioned here that, although some of his views did went on to support the practice of domestication, Tytler did foreground the source text in the overall practice of translation. He laid down the following principles for translation:
. The target text should have all the information of the source text. . The style of the target text should be that the source text. . The translation should be as easy to read as the source text.
The foregrounding of the source text in translation is evident from these three principles laid down by Tytler. Another figure who deserves mention with reference to Tytler is the Scottish Enlightenment philosopher and minister George Campbell (1719 —
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1796). Campbell adhered very closely to Tytler’s aforementioned three principles of translation in his two-volume translation of the Four Gospels published in 1789. Campbell intended his translation to serve as the ecumenical version. Doubtless Campbell’s was one of the most popular translations of his time. Campbell’s translation was characterized by critical notes and exhaustive introduction dealing with the problems of translation and interpretation of the sacred texts.
Campbell looked at his translation — The Four Gospels — as by far the most remarkable achievement of his life. In fact, Campbell’s translation is, in fact, more than a translation — a magnum opus marked by Campbell’s erudition and his extensive knowledge of Hebrew, Greek, Latin, French, Italian and German. In his translation, Campbell also identified the major challenges which the translators face while dealing with the ancient texts and offers solutions to various philological and hermeneutic problems. The main issues which occupy lion’s share of Campbell’s attention are as follows: how cultural context affect meaning and how the philosophical and moral concepts (such as “kingdom of God”, “hell”, “Messiah”, “Good News”, “devil”, etc.) are to be translated. In spite of all his erudition and dedication of efforts, his translation elicited disapproval from some of the quarters. Here is the judgment of a writer in the Monthly Review:
Colloquial or even vulgar expressions are sometimes substituted for others less dignified yet sufficiently plain; while, on the other hand, many passages are obscured by words derived from the Latin, and unintelligible to a great part of a common congregation: nor can we suppress our opinion that, to readers of learning and taste the general effect of this translation will appear very inferior to that of our common version (quoted in Walzer, 2003, 13).
This quote sums up Campbell’s translation strategy who in turn sums up the 18th century thought on translation.
2.7.6. Voltaire’s Domestication of Hamlet
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In the 18th century, Voltaire’s translation of Hamlet’s death soliloquy constitutes one of the most telling examples of domestication and a total departure from the specificities of the source text. Voltaire takes this famous soliloquy of the protagonist of the play not as a philosophical reflection on the subject of death (as in the most impartial way it happens to be) but rather as a polemical diatribe against the institution of religion (Baker, 1998, 109). In fact, had it been purely a matter of interpretation (without any claim to translate something), Voltaire’s might have been one possible interpretation out of many. But here it is not a matter of simple interpretation per se. Instead, it is a question of translation which is an interpretation of the source text in accordance with certain linguistic and contextual factors. Therefore any interpretation which aims at translation cannot be infinitely subjective as to cast hermeneutic aspersions on the meaning of the source text.
This indictment of Voltaire’s translation is further strengthened when we consider yet another example of domestication which is as follows: One of the oft-quoted lines of Hamlet’s soliloquy — “Thus conscience doth make coward of us all” — is translated by Voltaire as “Thus conscience turns a warrior hero into a timid Christian” (Baker, 1998, 109). Now this is nothing less than an ideological incursion into the act of translation which domesticates the source text in toto. Alexander Fraser Tytler caustically points out the deeply embedded elements of domestication at work in Voltaire’s translation of Hamlet:
How wonderfully has he [Voltaire] metamorphosed, how miserably disfigured him [Shakespeare]! In the original we have the perfect picture of a mind deeply agitated, giving vent to its feelings in broken starts of utterance, and in language which plainly indicates that the speaker is reasoning solely with his own mind, not with any auditor. In the translation, we have a formal and connected harangue, in which it would appear, that the author [Voltaire], offended with the abrupt manner of the original…has corrected, as he thought, those defects of the original, and
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given union, strength and precision to this philosophical argument (Munday, 2009, 24).
Voltaire, in his translation, recasts Hamlets in an entirely unconventional mould giving him an avowedly anti-theistic coloration to the play written by Shakespeare. This presentation of the destiny-driven and despondent hero does not sit well with the broader scheme of the play in which such theistic statements are made by Hamlet as “There is a destiny that shapes our ends” and “There is special providence in the fall of a sparrow”. As Voltaire translates Hamlet, the melancholic hero becomes a “thorough skeptic and a freethinker” of the Enlightenment who frequently articulates his deep-seated doubts about the “authenticity of the institutionalized religion”, and considers priests as “pretenders and hypocrites”, and terms Christianity as “debasing of human spirit” (Baker, 1998). At times, Voltaire makes abrupt abridgements in his translation. Consider for example the following instance. The line: “When he himself might his quietus make//With a bare bodkin?” is translated by Voltaire as: “Death would be too sweet in these extremities” (Halsall, 1998, 12). In this way, from all these instances it is not difficult to recognize the domesticated nature of Voltaire’s translation of Shakespeare. In Voltaire’s case, his implacable hatred of the institution of religion played a central role in prejudicing his interpretation of the play.
2.7.7. Domestication Going beyond Literature
During the 17th and 18th centuries, along with the literary texts, many works of history, economics, philosophy and education were translated into different European languages in a highly domesticated way. Such figures as the Czech-speaking writer Jan Amos Comenius (1592 — 1670) and the English philosopher and political theorist John Locke (1632 — 1704) were translated into most European languages. However, most of these translations were considerably domesticated. The Scottish moral philosopher Adam Smith’s The Wealth of Nations (1776) which was translated into Spanish for the obvious purpose of the financial management and guidance of the government (Venuti, 2013).
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Much translation of the educational and historical works was done for the political purposes.
In the 18th century England, education and scholarship was largely linked with a knowledge of Greek and Latin classics. Therefore, a large number of these classics from antiquity were translated into various European languages. But most of these translations were based upon the earlier translations and therefore were just indirect translations. Quite a few translators did not even know the source text languages at all and, consequently, all of them based their translations on other translations. Small wonder these translations were made just in order to meet the requirements of the target language readers and with inadequate regard for the actualities and the cultural specificities of the source texts (Baker, 2001).
It is worth mentioning here in this context that it was not before the 19th century that Plato’s complete works were directly translated from the original sources. The first of these translations were made by the English translator and Neoplatonist Thomas Taylor (1758 — 1835). Therefore before Taylor, all the translations of Plato into English were, in effect, indirect translations and none of them was based upon the original text itself. Given their indirect nature, these translations were considerably loose and imprecise.
As the domesticating trends gained ground, translators arrogated more and more authority to themselves, sometimes reducing the actual writer to the level of a titular author of the text. Translations were deemed to have an autonomy of their own which should not be encumbered, in any serious way, by the specificities of the source texts. Instead of being derivative from and contingent upon the original text, translations were seen as contributing to it and, at times, redefining it in radically different ways (Tymczko, 2010). Translators would add to the texts they undertook to translate. It was customary for translators to ‘Germanize’, ‘Frenchize’, ‘Victorianize’, or to ‘Christianize’ a foreign text.
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In violation to Schleiermacher’s principle it was the author who was moved to the reader and not the vice versa. Translators assumed the role of the ultimate arbiter of textual truths and took it upon themselves to speak on behest of the author. In this self- assumed spokesmanship, the translators while suppressing the voice of the author decided what to communicate and what not to communicate. Thus translation became a discursive business of inclusions, exclusions, eliminations and reductions in which each move was rigorously presided over by the dictates of the dominant cultural discourses (Venuti, 2013).
This largely happened because the translators domesticated the source texts to such an unwarranted extent that the translations wrested most of the authorial prerogatives from the actual writers or, at least, considerably undermined them. To the English philosopher and political economist John Stuart Mills, for instance, Goethe as well as his English translators S. T. Coleridge and Thomas Carlyle constituted “a single cultural phenomenon”. Therefore, to Mills, whatever Coleridge and Carlyle said with reference to Goethe was at par with that what Goethe himself said (Ashton 1980, 5). This attitude contained in itself the seeds of domestication. This is how the authority of the actual author was diluted by putting the other figures at par with him or her. It is because of this domesticating attitude that when Arthur Duke Coleridge brought out his version of Goethe’s Egmont, it contained piano transcriptions of Beethoven music which were not part of the original text at all.
During the same period, numerous translators translated Goethe’s Faust. But most of these translations were highly domesticated and many of them omitted what was perceived to be the “heterodox religious material.” Most translations of The Decameron — a 14th-century medieval allegory by the Italian author and poet Giovanni Boccaccio (1313 — 1375) — replaced and omitted those elements which the translators deemed “bawdy” and and therefore unworthy of translation (McWilliam, 1972, 25). In 1843, Francis William Newman, the younger brother of Cardinal Newman, translated Victor Huber’s English Universities. Huber criticized Newman’s translation of his work because
68 according to him Newman had largely based it upon an unpublished translation by the Victorian playwright Palgrave Simpson (1807—1887).
With this we come the end of this section. In this segment of the discussion we looked at different currents and strands of domestication which worked during the Enlightenment. All these trends and developments describe the dominant mood of the day and show how translators increasingly imposed their own interpretations on the original authors and presented them in such an authoritative and commanding way as to shut out all the alternative readings. The additions made by the translators became integral parts of the source texts over the years. This is how accretions found their way to different works of literature, history, politics and philosophy. It is also clear that the Enlightenment proved to be a crucial period in the canonization and codification of domestication in the Anglophone tradition of translation. So significant were the domesticating trends ushered in by the Enlightenment that they were to affect all the subsequent history of translation as will be seen in the next section of the literature review.
2.8. Colonialism—A Domestication of Text and Territory
With the colonial expansion of the European nations during the 18th and 19th century, a new period of domestication set in. It is also now a well documented historico- political fact that the practice of translation was deeply implicated in the colonial schemes and in the colonial context translators shouldered a wide range of responsibilities which extended far beyond linguistic mediations of two different texts. As a result, translations functioned as indispensible and extremely valuable tools for the colonizing schemes along with the more concrete factors such as superior technologies and elaborate administrative apparatuses of the European colonizers.
It is fruitful to recall some etymology here with reference to colonialism. Etymologically, the word “translation” is closely linked with the metaphor of “transfer” and “dislocation”. To Aristotle, translation represents an “aberrant” and “alien” speech
69 which dislocates the familiarity of language (Munday, 2009, 102). Postcolonial translation discourse uniquely highlights this metaphorical meaning of the term by showing the power play inherent in the business of translation.
Besides, the intimate relation between the practice of translation and the European imperialism has been widely acknowledged. The notable writer Eric Cheyfitz (1991) says that translation can be seen as the central act of European imperialism and colonialism. This view is also seconded by the Indian postcolonial writer Tejaswini Niranjana (1992, 67). Different researchers have explored the issue of translation across a variety of perspectives in order to explore how the European settlers inscribed their imperialistic values in the local patterns of behaviors and attitudes.
Once these values were successfully inscribed, the colonizers made the native people cling to such abidingly (Cheyfitz, 1991) and all of their ensuing intellectual enterprises were governed by such stereotypical and formulaic images of the colonials. Translations of the foreign texts were inscribed by the ethnocentric values and norms in order to make them more palatable for consumption at home. During this period, the translations from other languages into English were marked by Eurocentric and assimilationist reduction of the source text to the norms and canons of the target culture.
During the colonial period when the European imperial functionaries connivingly joined hands with the local feudal lords to enact new modes of confrontation and identity formation, enlisting translations in the service of the power politics of imperial expeditions was more of a rule than exception. The bilingual colonial administrators immensely benefited from the translation profession which became a very rewarding career.
Many of the scholars who worked in the colonized were also skilled translators. For example, the English philologist, scholar and writer Sir William Jones (1746 — 1794) was also an assiduous translator. The native languages of colonized lands were deemed to be “unsophisticated” “barbaric” and “under-developed”. The colonizers and
70 colonial administrators pejoratively termed these local languages as “vernaculars” and considered them to be too “vulgar” to be a vehicle for refined speech. In the case of India, all the major languages (such as Hindi, Urdu, Punjabi, Sindhi, Pashtu, etc.) were all categorized under vernaculars.
Sir William Jones translated Mānava-Dharmaśāstra (a collection of Hindu laws based upon the classic Indic jurisprudence) as Institutes of Hindu Law (1799) in order to strengthen the British colonial administration in India and to better subjugate the Indians. To Jones and the colonial administrators, a first-hand understanding of the Hindu jurisprudential system will help the British to govern the Indians in a more efficient way. Jones was deeply suspicious of the Indian translators and doubted their reliability as interpreters and translators.
In fact, Jones was purportedly aimed to reinstate the ancient purity of the Indian laws enshrined in the classical texts. It was also hoped by him that his translation of the legal texts of India will be taken as a standard one and this would help the Indians too in appreciating their own classical legal tradition. Consequently, the law-governed and patient diligence of millions of Indians would make them the loyal subject of the Crown (see Venuti, 1998, 199). Such an obedience of the Indians to the Crown will be exponentially valuable for the fortification of the British Empire as well. However, as a translator, Jones could not liberate himself from his Eurocentrism and presented a racist and xenophobic image of the Indians and considered them naïve to their own culture (Niranjana 1992).
2.8.1. Colonial Motives and Translation
Tejaswini Niranjana (1958 —) is an Indian translation scholar who has contributed extensively and insightfully to the subject of translation and its role during the European colonialism. To her the practice of translation is more of a political act than a purely linguistic undertaking. Drawing on such diverse figures as the German literary critic Walter Benjamin (1892 — 1940), the Belgian-born literary critic Paul de Man
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(1919 — 1983) and the French philosopher Jacques Derrida (1930 — 2004), Niranjana maintains that translation has always been a site for perpetuating the asymmetrical power relations. The conventional perceptions of translation underpinned the Western imperial thought and helped the colonizers construct the cultural others as pseudo empirical realities transfixed in time and space and incapable of change. Niranjana emphasizes that administrators and missionaries in India translated and interpreted the native texts in order to extend and fortify the intellectual as well as managerial frontiers of the British Empire (Niranjana, 1992).
Niranjana, in fact, maintains that Sir William Jones, through his domesticated and appropriated translations contributed to a “historicist and teleological model of civilization that, together with an idea of transparency of representation, constructed an influential account of ‘Hindu’”. This ‘constructed’ image became so powerful that the succeeding writers of various philosophical and political persuasions integrated into their understanding in a seamless way (1992, 13). Jones had this belief that such translations would serve to “domesticate the Orient and thereby would turn it into a province of European learning” (Said, 1978, 78). According to Niranjana, as an Orientalist and translator, it was Jones who presented a textualized India to Europe. So immense and far- reaching was his influence that it became impossible for anyone to be considered well- versed about the Orient without being deeply acquainted his works (Arberry, 1953).
As a result of all this, a comprehensive domestication of the native Indian works brought about what can be termed as the Eurocentric distortion and mischaracterization of the cultural realities of the colonized. It was also in this spirit that a large number of scholars and orientalists evinced extreme interest in Sanskrit and undertook many translations of different Sanskrit works in English. In this way the idea of European colonialism was underwritten by a profoundly worked over and modulated body of texts, pedagogic practices, carefully formulated systems of knowledge, and an exclusively textual understanding which was largely based upon translations. Translation practices founded a hierarchy of relationship between English and the native languages and the practice of translation always enacted a process of identity construction in which the
72 colonizers and colonized were located very unevenly (Venuti, 198, 165). The colonial governments made extensive use of translations in order to rationalize and justify their domination and redeem its culpable excesses in all the domains of their imperial adventuring.
Indeed, William Jones left a formidable legacy and a large number of the subsequent British translators followed him religiously and rigorously. With a stereotypically imperialist system of education in place, the Indians came to accord even greater respect and acceptability to such domesticated translations and thereby they themselves strengthened the cultural and linguistic authority of those translations. Niranjana describes this attitude of the colonized Indians in the following words:
Even when the anglicized Indian spoke a language other than English, “he” would have preferred, because of the symbolic power conveyed by English, to gain access to his own past through the translations and histories circulating through colonial discourse (Niranjana, 1992, 31).
It is noteworthy here that in the formally colonized lands, this subserviently reverential attitude towards the English language and culture persists and what Niranjana observed is still relevant. Now we will delve deeper in some of the more specific questions pertaining to the nexus between translation and colonialism.
2.8.2. Translation, Subjugation and Stereotyping
It has been consistently noted that the huge power differentials between the colonizers and the colonized seriously impacted upon the practice of translation during the European colonial period. For Asad (1989) the entire landscape of anthropological representation of non-European cultures amounted to an act of “translation”. To Niranjana (1992), the subjugation of the Africans and the Indians into the colonial subjects by the colonizers is itself an act of “translation”. This subjugation was achieved as much by the practice of domestication as by the direct use of the imperialistic might. It
73 was this practice of domestication which led to a territorial dislocation and a political disenfranchisement of the native colonized people.
The assiduous labor of hundreds of European translators, historical scholars, anthropologist and humanistic intellectuals was rigorously focused on “translating” the Oriental and African cultures into Europe’s servile subjects and in this task they were seen as performing a patriotic duty to the Crown and upholding the cause of civilization (Said, 1978, 214). To Eric Cheyfitz, professor of American Studies at Cornell University, “from its beginnings the imperialist mission is…one of translation: the translation of the “other” into the terms of the empire” (1991, 112).
Most of these domesticated translational discourses constructed painstakingly by the Orientalists uncritically embraced the innumerable shades of meanings which were characteristic of stereotypical depiction of the Orient. Such stereotypical notions associated with the Orient as “sensuality, promise, terror, sublimity, idyllic pleasure, intense energy” were foregrounded in these imperial discourses (Said, 1978, 118). Towards the end the 20th century, thanks to the advent of the vigorously critical postcolonial studies, the European clichéd notions of the East was re-assessed and found seriously wanting on more than one count. There was a growing realization that early Western scholarship of the East projected an exotic, stereotyped, less-than-accurate and overly simplified image of the Orient based upon and negotiated by the large body of domesticated translations (Said, 1978, 120).
2.8.3. Translation and the Missionary Programs
It was at this time that most of the translations of the Bible were made and the practice of translation was actively enlisted in the service of the evangelical missionary programs in the European colonies. The Christian missionary activities and the colonial practices worked in such a close collaboration that it became well neigh impossible to appreciate one without taking a proper account of the other. The Christian missionaries and the colonial administrators alike set about translating religious and legal texts and
74 thereby placing colonialism and conversion in close tandem—both underwritten by an intensive activity of translation. Here we will sketch out various missionary activities undertaken in the European colonies and in which transition played the central role.
In 1701, an Anglican missionary organization, Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts was founded and in 1820 it started dispatching missionaries to various part of India. In 1866, the Society set up Ladies Association for Promoting the Education of Females in India. The goal of this organization, apart from proselytizing the female population of India, was to extend its message to other ‘pagan’ countries too. The first organized effort to give a proper direction to the missionary translations made during this period was the founding of the Congregation pro Propaganda Fide in Rome (trans. Sacred Congregation of Propaganda) in 1662. In this regard, perhaps the most significant development was the establishment of the British and Foreign Bible Society (commonly known as The Bible Society) in 1804. Its basic aim was the publishing and distribution of vernacular versions of the Bible the world over. The missionaries in India set up schools for the native people and used to routinely mediate as linguists and translators between the colonized and the colonizers (Munday, 2001, 132).
The French writer and statesman François-René de Chateaubriand (1768 — 1848), another ardent supporter of colonialism with strong missionary leanings, presents another significant strand of the nexus between colonialism and conversion. He repeatedly castigated the Asians and the Africans on account of what he perceived to be their imbecility and essential intellectual dilapidation and moral dissolution. His pejorative views about the Indians were hidden from none and once he famously said about the Indians: “Of liberty, they know nothing; of propriety, they have none: force is their God” (quoted in Said, 1978, 173).
It is interesting to note that Chateaubriand put his entire account of the colonials in terms of a Christian redemptive mission whose affirmed aim was to breathe life into a dead heathen world and to awaken in it a sense of its own theological salvation. To him, the best guides for the colonizers on this mission civilizatrice in the Muslim lands were
75 the Old Testament and the Gospels because the Quran is unable to acquaint the Muslim with decency as it “preaches neither hatred of tyranny nor love of liberty” (Said, 1978, 171). The notable literary theorist, critic, and post-colonial writer Edward W. Said (1935 — 2003) sums up the dilemma of Chateaubriand in the following words:
…Chateaubriand attempts to consume the Orient. He not only appropriates it, he represents and speaks for it, not in history but beyond history, in the timeless dimension of a completely healed world, where men and lands, God and men, are as one. In Jerusalem, therefore, at the center of his vision and at the ultimate end of his pilgrimage, he grants himself a sort of total reconciliation with the Orient, the Orient as Jewish, Christian, Muslim, Greek, Persian, Roman, and finally French. He is moved by the plight of the Jews, but he judges that they too serve to illuminate his general vision, and as a further benefit, they give the necessary poignance to his Christian vindictiveness. God, he says, has chosen a new people, and it is not the Jews (Said, 1978, 174).
2.8.4. Domestication and the Quran
Along with the Bible translations, the missionaries were also deeply interested in the translations of the Quran in order to win converts by making a better sense of “the enemy’s religion” (Mohammad, 2005). The early translations of the Quran into most of the European languages constituted an interesting example of the domestication of a sacred text by the Orientalists. Most of these translations were done from an inimical perspective and a considerable number of them were not even translations. Instead they were little more than polemical paraphrasings. The first Latin translation of the Quran was done by the 11th century English theologian Robert of Ketton. It was, in fact, more like a loose and domesticated paraphrasing. Four centuries after its first publication, this very translation of the Quran was reprinted in Basel on the behest of Martin Luther, the renowned German theologian and reformer. The interesting feature of this translation is that it also included a refutation of the Quran in itself.
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From this onwards the Quran was further translated into other European languages. The earliest known translation of the Quran into English is from the Scottish writer Alexander Ross (1590 — 1954) which he completed in 1649. Interestingly Ross had no knowledge of the Arabic language and he translated the Quran indirectly from a French version, although he was not well-schooled even in French. In the preface he made his intentions clear as he said: “I thought good to bring it to their colours, that so viewing thine enemies in their full body, thou must the better prepare to encounter … his Alcoran” (p.A3).
However, it was not until George Sale (1697 — 1736), a British Orientalist and a practicing solicitor, that a translation of the Quran based upon the original Arabic sources came out. Sale’s was the least domesticated translation and therefore it heralded a change of attitude among the Orientalists. One notable feature of Sale’s translation was the impartiality of its tone. Besides, Sale consistently let the Muslim scholars speak for themselves. He challenged the clichéd understanding of Muhammad in the West:
As Mohammed gave his Arabs the best religion he could, preferable, at least, to those of the ancient pagan lawgivers, I confess I cannot see why he deserves not equal respect, though not with Moses or Jesus Christ, whose laws came really from heaven, yet with Minos or Numa, notwithstanding the distinction of a learned writer, who…founded on the acknowledgment of one true God, and to destroy idolatry, than to use the same means to gain reception to rules and regulations for the more orderly practice of heathenism already established (quoted in Heffernan & O’ Quinn, 2013, 308).
In the wake of George Sale’s translation, many other British and European translators approached the Quran with a somewhat sympathetic attitude. Among these translators was included the British linguist and Orientalist Sir Edward Ross (1871 — 1940) who also recognized the domesticated nature of the translations of the Quran made in the European tradition of translation (Sale, 2006, ii):
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What was good in Muhammadanism was entirely ignored, and what was not good, in the eyes of Europe, was exaggerated or misinterpreted. The central doctrine preached by Muhammad to his contemporaries in Arabia, who worshipped the Stars, and the Turks, who had no particular worship, was the unity of God, and that the simplicity of his creed was probably a more potent factor in the spread of Islam than the sword of the Ghazis. Through all the vicissitudes of thirteen hundred years the Koran has remained the sacred book of all the Turks and Persians and of nearly a quarter of the population of India. Surely such a book as this deserves to be widely read in the West, more especially in these days when space and time have been almost annihilated by modern invention, and when public interest embraces the whole world. This brief analysis illustrates the implications of translation in the colonial and cultural politics of the 18th and the 19th centuries which had a revealingly theological dimension to it as well. The orientalists simultaneously worked on three fronts: (a) translating the native texts into European languages for colonial purposes, (b) translating the Bible into the vernaculars of the colonized land for the missionary purposes, and (c) translating the Quran into European languages in order to understand “enemy’s religion” in a better way. All these apparently distinct three strands were woven together by the colonial considerations. Moreover, these three tasks undertaken by the colonizers and orientalists alike had unmistakably political connotations and, in the final analysis, were aimed to augment the power of the British Empire.
2.9. The Romantic Age
If Enlightenment was known for its canonization and codification of domestication, the Romanticism is known for institutionalizing techniques to overthrow it. Romanticism was, in effect, an all-out revolt against the rationalism and the formal harmony of which the Enlightenment bespoke so forcefully. With a total affirmation of individualism and an unprecedented interest in the foreign and the exotic came the notion of freedom and a creative and vitalistic imagination. Along with the reassessment of the role of literature, translation was also seen in a new and altogether different light. It is
78 also to the credit of the Romantics (especially the German Romantics) that an assimilationist practice of domestication was challenged most systematically and most vigorously (Venuti: 2000).
As an alternative to domestication, the practice of “foreignization” was proposed by the translation theorists and practitioners. Although the alternative of foreignization had already been hinted at by some of the preceding translators, it was during the Romanticism that its contours were worked out in a better way. Besides, these were also the Romantics who, because of their love for the foreign and the exotic, recognized the need for foreignizing a translation instead of domesticating it (Venuti: 1995).
In this way, the Romantics were the first to advance a formal and well-articulated plea for preserving the distinct and indigenous features of the source texts and the source cultures, even if they were readily assimilable to the target text.
2.9.1. Cary’s Rewriting of Dante and Foscolo
One of the literary giants who was translated profusely into English during this period was the Italian legendary poet Dante Alighieri (1265 — 1321). Most of Dante’s translations were, in general, faithful to the source text and the textual and literary features of the original text (metical complexities of terza rima, directness of imagery, quotidian diction etc.) were duly acknowledged and communicated in the translations. The translators presented these literary features by giving them a distinctly Dantesque coloration. For example when the American poet H. W. Longfellow (1807 — 18082) brought out his translation of Dante’s Divine Comedy, he stated clearly:
The only merit my book has is that it is exactly what Dante says, and not what the translator imagines he might have said if he had been an Englishman. In other words, while making it rhythmic, I have endeavoured to make it also as literal as a prose translation […]The business of a translator is to report what the author says, not to explain what he means; that is the work of the commentator. What an
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author says, and how he says it, that is the problem of the translator (Ray, 2008, 187).
This is a very shrewd and insightful observation by Longfellow and the one which clearly reflect the spirit of foreignization in the most characteristic fashion. Here Longfellow can be clearly seen as advocating a non-domesticated approach to translation which seeks to negotiate a source text on its own linguistic and cultural terms without subsuming them under the regimes of appropriations and assimilations. It is also pertinent to mention here that Longfellow was the first American poet to translate Dante.
Even slightly before Longfellow, an earlier echo of non-domesticated translation was heard in Germany. The German romantic poet, critic and translator August Wilhelm Schlegel (1767 — 1845) presented a somewhat more inclusive view of translation when he maintained that all acts of writing and speaking are translation in one way or the other. This is not important for our purpose at hand. However, what is really important for us is his view that it is the duty of a translation to retain all the features of the source text as much as possible. He was also a prolific translator and he practiced what he preached when he himself translated Dante into the German language. Schlegel’s translation of Dante is marked by a close structural (prosodic) proximity to the original text. Thus in his translation he retained Dante’s terza rima (a rhyming verse stanza form that consists of an interlocking three-line rhyme scheme when he translated the Italian poet (Bassnett, 1980).
However, everybody did not go about the business of translating Dante with that much faithfulness and prudence. The number of the translators who domesticated Dante and re-moulded him in accordance with the literary and cultural thought patterns of the target language is incredibly high (Bassnett, 1985). The British author, translator and critic Henry Francis Cary (1772 — 1844) made a considerably domesticated translation of Dante’s Divine Comedy. Cary’s was a blank-verse translation in which he adapted Dante’s poetics and diction in line with the 18th century ideal of “sympathy” (Cunningham, 1965).
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It is precisely because of the free floating linguistic re-formulations and other liberties which he took with the source text (in the three cantiche) that Cary elicited stern criticism from the literary quarters of his day. The Italian revolutionary writer and poet Ugo Foscolo (1778 — 1827) submitted Cary’s translation to a very searching scrutiny for the latter’s treatment of Inferno V, paying minute attention to Francesca da Rimini’s description. To Foscolo, Cary’s depiction of Francesca is not based upon or derived from the original poem; rather it is a loose account of the translator’s own imagination (De Sua, 1964). Then Foscolo becomes more forthcoming and specific and critically analyzes the following line of Canto V: “che, come vedi, ancor non m”abbandona” (105). It is translated by Cary as: “That, as thou seest, he yet deserts me not” (1908, 21).
Foscolo devotes considerable discussion to this instance of translation and develops many critical insights from it. To him, Dante is known for uniting conciseness and perspicuity in seamless ways and creating a synthesis between the profoundest of observations and the starkest of simplicities (De Sua, 1964). And according to Foscolo, regrettably, Cary’s translation seems to be lacking most visibly on these counts. This constitutes the major failing of the translator. Two more features of Cary’s translation of the above-mentioned line contribute to the domestication of Dante: (i) an uncalled-for syntactic interruption, “as thou seest” (ii) an overelaborate negative structure, “he yet deserts me not” (De Sua, 1964). In fact, a leading concern in Cary’s translation was to adapt Dante to English context and the dominant literary canons. Cary’s domestication and appropriation was so outrageous that the influential British Dantean scholar Paget Toynbee (1855 — 1932) claimed that Cary had made Dante an English literary possession once and for all (Delisle & Woodsworth, 1995).
These are some of the ways in which Dante was domesticated under the ideological and cultural imperatives of the Romantic Age. The Divine Comedy was approached through such contemporary Romantic categories as “the sublime” and “the pathetic” (Baker, 1998). One obvious example of this is the question of deciding the genre of the poem. The notable English Romantic poet Anna Seward (1747 — 1809) and
81 the English art historian and novelist Horace Walpole (1717 — 1797) took The Divine Comedy as an epic (a household genre in British literary tradition). On the other hand, the English literary historian and poet Thomas Warton (1728 — 1790) and the Scottish poet and philosopher James Beattie (1735 — 1808) saw it as a historical satire censuring the ills of the Italian society of the day (Tinkler-Villani, 2005, 38-46).
It is also pertinent to mention that the strong nationalist leanings of Anna Seward expressly shaped his literary judgment about The Divine Comedy. More than anything it was arguably a strong sense of nationalism which made her prefer Paradise Lost to The Divine Comedy in these words, “O! how the hell of Dante sinks before the infernal regions of our one Milton!” (Delisle & Woodsworth, 1995).
2.9.2. Leigh Hunt and the Story of Rimini
The next translator who domesticated Dante was the English poet, critic and political dissident Leigh Hunt (1784 — 1859). In 1816, Hunt published a version of “Paola and Francesca da Rimini” as The Story of Rimini — a form of re-writing and/or adaptation of the original. This version is marked by a vast expansion of the original as Dante’s cursory narrative was developed into four cantos of rhymed couplets by the translator. Hunt showed an utter disregard for the source text. It was due to the extensive domestication, that Hunt’s translation received serious criticism from of the critics who accused Hunt of being subversive, crass, immoral and the least faithful to the source text. In his translation/rewriting/adaptation (as it has the potential to become any of these three), Hunt recurrently turned the original first person to a third person, thereby transforming Dante’s confessional technique into the Romantic metrical-tale mode (Cunningham, 1965). What is more, Hunt accepts his domesticating approach in the following words, “[I] took leave in toto of the brevity, as well as the force of Dante” (Hunt, 1948, 258).
Similarly Hunt’s translation of Dante does not have the Dantean directness and is anachronistically marked by the Romantic erudition. Written in prison, The Story of
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Rimini reads like a radical political invective and this comes as no surprise because Hunt himself was a staunch critic of the contemporary British political system and the status quo which appeared to him despotic and fraudulent (Hunt, 1948). This personal dissidence of the translator influenced his translation deeply and unusually striking parallels had been drawn by some of the critics between the pitiful lot of Paolo and Francesca in hell and Hunt’s own desolate detention. Reflecting on his own detained condition, he says:
…while rains autumnal, as I sing, Wash the dull bars, chilling my sicklied wing, And all the climate presses on my sense; But thoughts it furnishes of things far hence, And leafy dreams affords me, and a feeling Which I should else disdain, tear-dipped and healing (III.5-10, Hunt, 1948, 13)
To sum up, it can be maintained that most of Dante’s translations which appeared during this period were thoroughly domesticated. This domestication of Dante was so wide-spread that he, for the time being, appeared to have become everything to everybody. Most of the translations of The Divine Comedy were total rewritings or mere adaptations. Different people saw him with mutually exclusive sets of interpretations. If S. T. Coleridge found him to be a metaphysical bard protesting against the tyranny of Church and State, William Blake took him as a religious poet who was dealing with the theme of the Fall of Man and the subsequent Christian Redemption (Hunt, 1948).
2.9.3. Schleiermacher’s Valorization of the Foreign
The German theologian, preacher, and classical philologist Friedrich Schleiermacher (1768 — 1834) can be credited with the first systematic elucidation of the notion of “foreignization” of translation. With him starts what Jeremy Munday calls a “valorization of the foreign” — a plea for foregrounding of essential linguistic and
83 cultural features of the source text (Munday, 2001). In one of his landmark lecturers in 1813, Schleiermacher presented his most decisive and far-reaching conceptualization of translation and postulated only two options available to a translator:
Either the translator leaves the author in peace, as much as possible, and moves the reader towards him; or he leaves the reader in peace, as much as possible, and moves the author towards him. The two roads are so completely separate from each other that one or the other must be followed as closely as possible, and that a highly unreliable result would proceed from any mixture, so that it is to be feared that author and reader would not meet at all” (1813, 49).
Subsequently in his lecture, Schleiermacher clearly evinced his support for the former approach which is about leaving the author in peace as much as possible and moving the reader toward him. To him, this approach makes the reader journey abroad and thereby moves the reader towards the writer. This moving of the reader towards the writer is as much temporal as spatial since the movement is not just across languages at a given period of time but also across time. In order to accomplish this goal, Schleiermacher proposes the creation of a language “bent towards a foreign likeness” (Lefevere, 1977, 78—79). Accordingly, translation will be based upon this contrived language which will bring about the element of foreignness in translation, especially through the employment of archaicisms, neologisms and the retention of indigenous peculiarities and idiomatic uniqueness of the source text. Schleiermacher, no mean translator himself, used this contrived language in his translations of Plato and translated him in a foreignized way.
This avant-garde experiment was also repeated by the German lyric poet, author and critic Friedrich Hölderlin (1770 — 1843) in his translation of the Greek tragedies in an accomplished manner. This notion of a contrived and distinct language for the purpose of translation was to find its place in England also where it remained firmly grounded for the following two hundred years (Bassnett, 2003, 72).
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Nevertheless, Schleiermacher must be taken with a pinch of salt as his translation theory, although immensely open to and tolerant of the foreign textual difference, hinges on a chauvinistic condescension toward the foreign cultures and texts. It is for this reason that some of the critics accuse Schleiermacher of valorizing an elitist cultural discourse at the cost of a more heterogeneous culture of the bourgeois working classes (Bassnett, 2003 79). Although it was he who made a reasonable and well-articulated case for non- transparent and non-domesticated translation discourses with regard to the foreignness of the original text, yet it must be mentioned that his preference owed less to a desire to embrace the foreign and more to a nationalist impulse to resist the French cultural ascendancy and literary elitism. He said while revealing his nationalist agenda, “Our language can thrive in all its freshness and completely develop its own power only by means of the most many-sided contacts with what is foreign [in other languages]” (Lefevere 1977, 88).
Nonetheless, Schleiermacher remains extremely important and relevant to the modern day translation theory and such influential translation scholars and theorists as Philip Lewis, Antoine Berman and Lawrence Venuti drew their inspirations and insights for the most part from him. Kittel and Polterman maintain that every modern translation theory has been, in one way or the other, a response to Schleiermacher’s conceptualizations of translation to the extent that all the subsequent theories are different variations on the position taken by him (Venuti, 1995).
For his far-reaching and continuing influence, he merits a somewhat detailed discussion here. It is to be noted that many of the present day terms used in the discipline of Translation Studies have their origin in Schleiermacher’s formulations on the subject. Even the dichotomy of foreignization (verfremdende Übersetzung) and domestication (einbürgernde Übersetzung) was introduced by him for the first time in its most characteristic form and which was to remain germane to the entire discourse of the discipline.
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With considerable clarity and consistency in the face of strong opposition, Schleiermacher contended that translation ought to appear “foreign” enough to the reader so that he or she could recognize the workings and the indigenous cultural patterns of the source text. In order to achieve this goal, he presented an ingenious technique: “the more closely the translation follows the turns taken by the original, the more foreign it will seem to the reader” (Lefevere, 1992a, 155). Still it is considered to be one of the most viable ways to foreignize a translation in order to register the distinctive features of a source text.
It is also worth mentioning here that Schleiermacher considered translation as a creative force in the operations of which various specific strategies might perform a range of socio-cultural and literary functions. Among these various functions may include the construction of new literary genres, the introduction of new idioms, the enrichment of languages, the formation of the nationalist impulse, the institution of new literary canons and the expansion of the communicative range of languages. Like Schleiermacher, many other contemporary translation theorists, prompted by the German Romantic tradition, advocated a non-transparent and foreignized approach to translations.
In spite of the sterling and groundbreaking efforts by Schleiermacher and others to support foreignizing approaches to translation, the domesticating strategies of translation did not die down overnight and most of the translators kept producing domesticated translations all through the 18th and the 19th centuries. When confronted with the linguistic and/or cultural difficulties (intricate expressions, alien modes of sociopolitical existence, convoluted syntax etc.) the translators resorted to the ready option of smoothing out all such differences and thereby creating an illusion of discursive fluency and textual transparency.
A large number of these translators felt no qualms in impressing the dominant values and elitist canons on the foreign text. In this act of domestication they usually tried to make sense of the foreign in terms of the domestic and forced the peculiarities and particularities of the foreign into the textual pigeonholes of the domestic. What appeared
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“strange” to them was instantly “familiarized”; what sounded “barbaric” was “refined” and in this business of inclusions and exclusion a rigid logic of necessarily governed the whole operation. They also omitted those expressions/excerpts which, to them, were likely to bore the reader or hurt his or her urbane sensibilities and thereby cause a moral panic. It is in this way that these translators became the virtual authors of the texts they purportedly translated. Obviously, all the decisions as to what is acceptable and what is not, were solely made by the translators and were underpinned by the ideological and literary norms of the dominant power discourses of the day.
Nevertheless, Schleiermacher’s powerful indictment of domestication did played a crucial role in problematizing the contemporary conceptualizations of translation and pointed to an important and viable alternative. Many subsequent translation theorists upheld his legacy and made valuable contribution to it and thereby gave the foreignizing approaches to translation a recognition and legitimacy of its own. The landmark works of such translation theorists and practitioners as Philip Lewis, Antoine Berman and Lawrence Venuti owed heavily to Schleiermacher’s theoretical insights on the subject.
2.9.4. Macpherson’s Ossian
The same period also saw a remarkable rise in the production of the indirect translations as well as back translations (a translation of a translated text back into the language of the original text made without reference to the original text). In the same way the questions of the authenticity of the source also rose frequently and many of the translations were doubted to be spuriously founded.
The Scottish writer, poet, critic and politician James Macpherson (1736 — 1796)’s translation (writing/adaption/creation?) of Ossian is just a case in point. Macpherson announced in 1761 that he had discovered a Gaelic epic which as per his claim was written by Ossian (a classic narrative based on Fionn’s son Oisín). He brought out a prose translation of the epic in 1765 as The Works of Ossian. However, the critics and scholars seriously doubted this claim and thought that Macpherson might have been
87 inspired by the Gaelic folk tales yet he wrote this epic himself instead of translating them at all (Thomson, 1952).
The Irish antiquarian and renowned Gaelic scholar, Charles O’Conor (1804 — 1884) was one of those intellectuals who rejected the claim made by Macpherson. In an extremely ingenious way, he highlighted technical problems in the chronological order of the tales and the Gaelic names presented by Macpherson. He also demonstrated the implausibility of many of the claims made by Macpherson. O’Conor presented his criticism in his book Dissertation on the Origin and Antiquities of the Antient Scots (1775). Interestingly Macpherson never sought to refute O’Connor’s claims (Magnusson, 2006, 58).
Subsequently The eminent British writer, critic and lexicographer Samuel Johnson (1709 — 1789) maintained also criticized Macpherson’s claim and maintained that Macpherson had just woven the fragments of poems and oral tales into a Romantic epic of his own imagination. To Johnson, Macpherson was “a mountebank, a liar, and a fraud, and that the poems were forgeries” (Gaskill, 2002). It is also to be noted that Macpherson remained unable to produce the original texts and therefore could not mute the criticism directed at him. However, the work was an immense success and influenced many notable literary figures (Gaskill: 98). In 1952, Scottish poet, publisher and lexicographer Derick S. Thomson (1921 — 2012) asserted that Macpherson gathered Gaelic folk tales, commissioned scribes to take down oral ballads, collated the manuscripts but finally adapted them by employing a great deal of additions and deletions (Thomson, 1952). The English classicist, author and critic Bernard Knox (1914—2010) refers to the work of Macpherson as forged or fake and dismissed it by calling it a “collective bardic epic” (Gaskill, 2002).
Furthermore, this period was characterized by a diversity of practices in the domain of translation ranging from the faithful renderings to loose adaptations. Even the reconstructions of the original works without resorting to the source text were also categorized under the genre of translation. Enormous popularity of adaptations or adapted
88 translations was a particularly noticeable feature of this period. Adaptations ipso facto had a far greater propensity towards domestication given their candidly assimilationist and revisionist nature. Themes taken from such literary giants as Ovid, Horace, Petrarch, Virgil, Lucretius, etc. were routinely adapted and developed into independent works to be earnestly consumed by the contemporary readers.
However, most of these translations were complete rewritings of the original works clothed into a contemporary English idiom in order to gain acceptability by the contemporary Romantic readers who could satisfy their yearning for the distant and the foreign. These adaptations were, in fact, catering for the taste of an emerging middle- class readership which was coming into existence because of the technological advancements in printing on the one hand and theatre and drama on the other. 2.9.5. Fitzgerald’s Domestication of Khayyam
During the Romantic period, the European translators also developed a keen interest in the Eastern literatures. In France Emile-Louis Burnouf (1821 — 1907) and in Germany Wilhelm von Humboldt championed (1767 — 1835) this trend. In England it was the English poet and writer Edward Fitzgerald (1809 — 1883) who led this trend and whose translation of Omar Khayyam (1859) is perhaps the most famous in the literary world. Fitzgerald’s translation of the Persian philosopher, mathematician, and poet Omar Khayyam (1048 — 1131) is particularly notable for its avowed domestication which is a well-documented historical literary fact. The prolific British translator and writer J. M. Cohen (1903 — 1989) says that Fitzgerald in reality drew very little of his material from the original Persian sources (1962, 65). Some of the translation scholars were of the opinion that Fitzgerald translated a poem which never existed — a modernist idea which seeks to rewrite the source texts effacing their manifold conditions and literary features in order to serve the elitist agendas.
Yet, it can be easily observed that Fitzgerald made Khayyam utter such things “as he would himself have spoken if he had been born in England and in an age still slightly overshadowed by Byron” (Bunting, 1936,715). In this comment, the condescending and
89 patronizing attitude of Fitzgerald towards Khayyam is easily discernible. This translation also involved a reworking of the actual poem into the rhymed verse and Fitzgerald while commenting about his strategy of translation said:
It is an amusement for me to take what Liberties I like with these Persians, who (as I think) are not Poets enough to frighten one from such excursions, and who really do want a little Art to shape them (quoted in Bassnett, 1980 14).
This comment shows that Fitzgerald’s attitude towards the Persian culture was essentially disdainful and marked by Eurocentrism and self-important narcissism. The “little Art” is little more than an awkward euphemism for an insidious domestication of the source text. It is because of this domestication that Fitzgerald made extensive additions, deletions and modifications in his translation. We will discuss just some of them here given the constraints of space.
Khayyam spoke of the “legs of lamb” but Fitzgerald found them “unpoetic” and unworthy of inclusion in his translation. Therefore it was summarily dropped by the translator. Fitzgerald also included some poems which were not part of the original text. As for the structure, Fitzgerald’s work is totally a free translation with little correspondence to the original prosody of the poem. To the notable translation scholar and professor of Germanic Studies at University of Texas André Lefevere (1945 — 1996), Fitzgerald considered Persian inferior to English. Therefore, while making his translation acceptable according to the dominant literary and cultural conventions, he was also “ameliorating” the original text (Lefevere, 1992a). This denigrating and patronizing attitude is one of the most apparent consequences of a Eurocentrism which pervaded the minds of so many of Western translators of the Eastern literatures since antiquity.
The reader of Fitzgerald’s translation is also intrigued by a superimposed philosophy which belongs more to the translator and less to the author. We have to constantly remember that Rubáiyát are anthologies of quatrains which can be arranged in any order so as to support one understanding or another. This possibility of multiple
90 arrangements of Rubáiyát has led to a variety of widely differing interpretations of them ranging from a recital of doom and gloom to an epicurean eulogization of the mirth and merriment of the now. In a distinctly domesticating vein, Fitzgerald gave the Rubáiyát a distinctly fatalistic spin making it look like the Greek tragic predestinarianism.
True, English literary tradition has assimilated immensely from the Greek classical tradition and a domestication of Omar along the Greek fatalistic lines was nothing but a natural corollary of approaching a Persian poet from a Eurocentric perspective. It was this fatalism of Fitzgerald’s translation which made it catch the attention and praise of the Pre-Raphaelites. Fitzgerald’s readers were his Victorian contemporaries. The exotic notions of Oriental sensuality, repression, idyllic pleasure, sublimity, supine passivity were foregrounded in the translation. In translating an Oriental work like Rubáiyát, what really mattered was the constructed and clichéd image of the Orient which, of course, was not representative of the unmediated reality of the Orient. Edward W. Said made this point coherently when he said:
What inevitably goes with such work, however, is a kind of free-floating mythology of the Orient, an Orient that derives not only from contemporary attitudes and popular prejudices but also from what Vico called the conceit of nations and of scholars. I have already alluded to the political uses of such material as it has turned up in the twentieth century (Said, 1978, 62).
Therefore, in this depiction of the Orient, the translator also seemed to have depended more on his intuitive guess underwritten by the sociocultural legacy he inherited than the actual knowledge of Persian. “I have,” Fitzgerald famously said, “more reliance on my unreasoning than on my reasoning affections in such matters” (Borges, 1999, 26). At a more fundamental level, what is wrong with such an approach of translation is the transformation of the very identity of the author. By all accounts, Fitzgerald’s presentation of Khayyam is, at best, plainly truncated and, at worst, utterly distorted.
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The preeminent Islamic philosopher and professor of Islamic Studies at George Washington University Seyyed Hossein Nasr (1933 —), takes into account the misinterpretations of Khayyam in the West and maintains that unless a correct and authentic study of Rubáiyát is done in accordance with the deeply spiritual and mystical leanings of the Khayyam, we would keep viewing Khayyam as a lowly hedonistic wine- lover and a sulky skeptic. Neither will his mystic profundity be appreciated at any level by the public at large (Nasr & Aminrazavi, 1999). C. H. A. Bjerregaard (1845—1922), an authority of mysticism, earlier concluded the situation:
The writings of Omar Khayyam are good specimens of Sufism but are not valued in the West as they ought to be, and the mass of the people know him only through the poems of Edward Fitzgerald which is unfortunate. It is unfortunate because Fitzgerald is not faithful to his master and model, and at times he lays words upon the tongue of the Sufi which are blasphemous. Such outrageous language is that of the eighty-first quatrain for instance. Fitzgerald is doubly guilty because he was more of a Sufi than he was willing to admit (Bjerregaard, 1915, 3).
It is worth mentioning here that Fitzgerald also translated Oedipus Rex as The Downfall and Death of King Oedipus in 1880. This too was a domesticated translation. He outspokenly defended a translator’s right to omit, add or alter. In fact his translation of Oedipus Rex was neither a translation nor a paraphrase. Instead, it was, as per the translator’s word, “chiefly taken” from Sophocles. Besides, Fitzgerald was more concerned with the thought patterns and practices of the contemporary British readers than those of the Athenians (Fitzgerald, 1880). He famously said that instead of having a stuffed eagle, one should have a live sparrow (Bassnett, 1980, 14). Therefore, Fitzgerald as a translator primarily aimed at bringing the source text into the realm of target language culture as a living entity, no matter how extremely shorn of its cultural/linguistic actualities. What mattered ultimately was the understanding of the target text readers.
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According to the prominent translation scholar Susan Bassnett (1980, 14), in this communication of the source text, mostly an avowedly patronizing attitude is assumed by the translator which is another form of cultural and literary elitism. It is the upholding of this cultural and literary elitism which the foremost scholar of the Bible translation Eugene Nida (1914 — 2011) terms as the “spirit of exclusivism” in which the translator functions as a skilled merchant offering exotic wares to the discerning few (Bassnett, 1980, 14). Fitzgerald is also upholding this literary and cultural elitism.
The American translation theorist André Lefevere (1945 — 1996) has also traced some of the factors which influence the choices of a translator in more than one way resulting in the domestication of translation. These factors are pertinent to mention here as they have a direct bearings on the approach adopted by Fitzgerald. Lefevere has postulated some “concrete factors” which come into play when a source text is domesticated in such an extensive and outright manner. These factors are as much “ideological” (pertaining to dominant ideology) as “poetological” (pertaining to dominant poetics). Interestingly in Fitzgerald’s translation we find an interplay of both of these factors. To Lefevere a whole-sale domestication of an original text simply amounts to a kind of rewriting of it (Lefevere, 1992a, 2). Here we see the original text giving way to the canons of the dominant poetics and ideology. All these features are conspicuously present in Fitzgerald’s translation of Omar Khayyam and for this reason his work should be better described not as a translation but as what some of the translation theorists have called “a naturalizing reconstruction” of the original (France, 2000, 91)
2. 9.6. Newman’s Foreignization of Homer
When Fitzgerald was domesticating Khayyam, the celebrated English poet and critic Matthew Arnold (1822 — 1888) and the English scholar and writer F. W. Newman (1805 —1897) were wrangling over the translation of Homer. The polemic between these two literary giants is indicative of the dominant thought of the day about the subject of translation. Domesticating tends were gradually gaining roots not only in England but also in the Continental Europe. Take the example of the French poet and critic Charles
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Baudelaire (1821 — 1867), who completely transformed Poe from a reasonably good second-rate American author into a first-class French writer through an extensive domestication.
In Britain, Matthew Arnold insisted on a radically domesticated presentation of the legendary Greek epic poet Homer but Newman, awed at this prospect, strongly recommended to foreignize him for which archaic poetic structures and obsolete words were perfectly suitable. He was in favor of presenting Homer “unadorned” with all the archaisms and antiquities of the classical Greek epic tradition. In this debate, Newman was supported by such figures as John Conington (1825—1869) and Richard Jebb (1841—1105). In the wake of this historic debate, a large number of Homeric translations (either domesticated or foreignized) came into existence. Although Newman could not impress his viewpoint on the contemporary academia, his strong advocacy for foreignizing the practice of translation and according greater respect to the cultural and linguistic peculiarities of the source text successfully problematized the subject of translation. It was in 1856 that Newman brought out his foreignized and archaicized translation of Iliad, clearly departing from the Victorian standards of invisible, transparent and domesticated translation. This approach to translation secured him a membership in a small group of the Victorian translators who were promoting foreignizing strategies of translation in the literary circles and were consistently resisting the elitist and ethnocentric domestication. Newman rooted his translation of Homer in a more democratically cultural and populist politics and intentionally pitched it against the monopolist academic elite of the day.
In fact, Newman had a very different understanding not just of translation but of education also. To him the prime aim of education was to promote liberal democracy and break the stronghold of cultural dominations in the society (1847b. 19). For translation also he conceived the same anti-hegemonic and liberalist role. To him, the presence of any amount of domestication would be utterly ruinous to the role of translation in the society. He censures Alexander Pope and William Cowper for expurgating the original Latin texts they translated and which they inscribed with the Anglophone middle class
94 urbanity. Thus he criticized all the domesticating principles of translation which were firmly in place when he took up his translation of Homer:
One of these is, that the reader ought, if possible, to forget that it is a translation at all, and be lulled into the illusion that he is reading an original work. Of course a necessary inference from such a dogma is, that whatever has a foreign colour is undesirable and is even a grave defect. The translator, it seems, must carefully obliterate all that is characteristic of the original, unless it happens to be identical in spirit to something already familiar in English. From such a notion I cannot too strongly express my intense dissent. I am at precisely the opposite;—to retain every peculiarity of the original, so far as I am able, with the greater care, the more foreign it may happen to be,—whether it be a matter of taste, of intellect, or of morals. […] the English translator should desire the reader always to remember that his work is an imitation, and moreover is in a different material; that the original is foreign, and in many respects extremely unlike our native compositions (quoted in Venuti, 1995, 67).
Alternatively, Newman thought that his theory of translation would resist and overthrow the contemporary canonization of domestication imposed by an insidious collusion of a cultural elite and the trend-setting publishing industry (Newman, 1856, xvii). So he cultivated an amazingly heterogeneous, foreignized and deliberately archaized discourse to translate Homer. Thus such a counter-hegemonic discourse wrought by Newman was not Anglo-American but Saxo-Norman and it was seen as challenging the elitist concept of a dominant national culture (1856, vi).
2.9.7. Arnold versus Newman
In spite of all the scholarly credentials and patient labors of Newman, his foreignized translation of Homer appeared unusually “quaint” and “un-English” to many and it embroiled him in a mid century controversy with Matthew Arnold over the “principles” of translation. The radical and resistant nature of Newman’s
95 conceptualization of translation shocked Arnold who was so passionately concerned to found an English culture which was both elitist and nationalist. In his three lectures On Translating Homer (1861), he mounted a merciless attack on Newman and termed his translation of Homer as “eccentric and ignoble”. In these lectures his professed aim was to lay down the “true principles” on which Homer’s translation should ideally be founded. Nevertheless, these principles were light years away from those of Newman.
Arguably Arnold presented in his lectures the most spirited and systematic defense of domestication. Arnold wanted translation to assimilate and to transcend the cultural differences rather than to register and communicate them. Embracing a strangely Platonic metaphysics, he reposed full trust in the transcendental nature of language in which spatio-temporal attributes and properties did not matter seriously and he did not find it incumbent upon the translator to communicate these attributes and properties in any real sense. Following in the footsteps of Denham, Tytler, Dryden and Frere and upholding the canonical tradition of cultural elitism in translation, Arnold advocated a fluent and transparent method of translation in which the cultural differences just tended to disappear and sink in the syntax of translation. Elucidating his view of translating Homer, he said:
So essentially characteristic of Homer is his plainness and naturalness of thought, that to the preservation of this in his own version the translator must without scruple sacrifice, where it is necessary, verbal fidelity to his original, rather than run any risk of producing, by literalness, an odd and unnatural effect (Arnold, 1960, 157-158).
In fact what really mattered for Arnold was not so much the accuracy of a translation per se but an elitist endorsement of it coming from the canonical scholars of such centers of prestige and power as Eton, Oxford and Cambridge — the gatekeepers of Anglo-American cultural and literary elitism. Thus Arnold’s censuring of Newman was primarily informed by a culture which was on the one hand elitist and nationalist, and on the other hand Anglo-centric and stereotypical. Translation, in Arnold’s confirmed
96 opinion, was a way of strengthening an academic elite by endowing it with a nationalist and cultural empowerment.
Nevertheless, the literary elitism supported by Arnold did pave the way to the imposition of exclusive Victorian values on the foreign cultural constituencies (Venuti, 1995, 132). In this business of literary elitism, the entire vocabulary of Arnold is moral to the core. Everywhere in his normative exhortations, Arnold reminds us that a translation of Homer must be noble; however, nowhere does he define this nobleness. But it is not difficult to see that what Arnold equated with nobleness was nothing else but an Anglo- American bourgeois sense of moral propriety.
Arnold’s scathing critique of Newman elicited an elaborate response from the latter and in 1861 Newman published a book-length reply in which he was able to delineate the contours of this translation theory more elaborately. Newman’s reply was meant to be a corrective to Arnold’s exclusivity and domestication and he sought to redress the balance in favour of foreignization. At the outset he clarified that his translation of Homer was not aimed to serve the agenda of a hegemonic academic elite; rather it was meant for a popular readership — a popular readership which was equally entitled to read and evaluate a piece of literature on their own (see Venuti, 1995, 68).
While denouncing Arnold for assigning an exclusive authority to the academy in the construction of a nationalist culture, Newman upheld a more democratic and heterogeneous position. To him any such cultural formation in England would have racist and xenophobic tendencies. He also dismissed the monopoly of any exclusive elite in deciding the matters of literary taste and artistic merit:
Scholars are the tribunal of Erudition, but of Taste the educated but unlearned public is the only rightful judge; and to it I wish to appeal. Even scholars collectively have no right, and much less have single scholars, to pronounce a final sentence on questions of taste in their court (quoted in Venuti, 1995, 71).
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In this way, Newman defended his foreignized translation of Homer in which he purposefully resisted the domestication of the original text to the canonical regimes of the dominant discourses. It remained one of his deeply held convictions that a translator had to foreignize and historicize his translation in order to register all the cultural and linguistic properties of the original texts instead of just flattening them out for the ease of the reader. He rightly criticized Matthew Arnold who proposed a universalistic conception of taste and a transcendentalist ideal of refinement and for whose sake he endorsed a thorough domestication of all the cultural, linguistic and historical differences attached to the source text. To Newman, such an attitude was anachronistic, unreasonable and unworthy of the vocation of a translator (Venuti, 1995, 78).
This debate between Arnold and Newman unleashed a burgeoning of discussion on the topic of domestication and foreignization. To a majority of the contemporary reviewers and critics, Arnold appeared more persuasive. It is also worth mentioning here that between 1861 and 1924 the British and the American publishers brought out as many as seventeen editions of Arnold’s lectures in favour of domesticating strategies of translation; whereas Newman’s Iliad — a foreignized translation indicating the historical remoteness of the source text — was just went through one reprinting in 1871.
This greater acceptance of Arnold’s viewpoint in such a case is, in itself, a clear indication of the deep-rootedness of domestication. It also testifies how, after centuries of long-term conditioning, the English readership as well as academia developed an across- the-board acceptability for domestication. It was, however, only towards the second half of the 20th century, that the practice of translation was successfully problematized form unprecedentedly novel critical perspectives, that Newman was paid a renewed and full attention.
2.9.8. Lamb, Frere and the Censored Translations
After Arnold and Newman, two names merit brief mention here: the British writer and translator George Lamb (1784 — 1834) and the English author and diplomat John
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Hookham Frere (1769 — 1846). In 1821, Lamb published a highly domesticated translation of some of the poems of the Latin poet Gaius Valerius Catullus (84 BC — 54 BC). In much of his translation, Lamb mitigated or omitted what he perceived to be the “pagan and coarse sexuality” of the poet. Thus in order to deal with such “objectionable” expressions, Lamb, driven by the assumption that Catullus was “a genius originally pure but sullied by the immorality of his age, developed strategies of “omission and amplification” (Venuti, 1995, 87). Lamb’s translation abided by the bourgeois and aristocratic values and he inscribed his translation with a conservative morality. Look at the following example of his translation:
Pedicabo ego vos et irrumabo, Aureli pathice et cinaede Furi, qui me ex versiculis meis putastis, quod sunt molliculi, parum pudicum.
And dare ye, Profligates, arraign The ardour of my sprightly strain, And e”en myself asperse? (quoted in Venuti, 1995, 87)
This is a specimen of a highly domesticated translation of Catullus by Lamb. Lamb’s choice of “profligates” seemed to have tellingly purged the Latin text of its “perceived immorality” (Venuti, 1995, 73). However, his bourgeois sense of decorum and propriety was so intense that he could not help commenting in a footnote, “This poem is a very free imitation of the original, which could not be tolerated if translated literally” (Lamb, 1821, 141). Furthermore, in order to support a bourgeois morality, Lamb also makes extensive additions to the Latin text. For this domestication of Catullus, the conservative Anti-Jacobian Review called admired Lamb by terming him as a “patriot” and a “Christian” (Venuti, 1995, 73). The magazine also wrote:
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The extreme impropriety of many Poems written by Catullus, has obliged Mr. Lamb to omit them, and had he turned his attention wholly to some purer author, it would have honoured his powers of selection. At this hour of contest between the good and evil principle among us, when so many are professedly Atheists, and blasphemy is encouraged by subscription, and sedition supported by charities, no patriot and Christian would assist vice by palliating its excesses, or render them less offensive by a decent veil (Venuti, 1995, 92).
Lamb also adapted Shakespeare’s Timon of Athens for the theatre in 1816 in which the same “expurgation of coarseness and impropriety” can be seen at work. For example the following dialog was completely omitted presuming upon its “churlishness”:
Tim. Wilt thou dine with me, Apemantus? Apem. No; I eat not lords. Tim. And thou shouldst, thou”dst anger ladies. Apem. O they eat lords; so they come by great bellies. Tim. That’s a lascivious apprehension. Apem. So thou apprehend’st it; take it for thy labour. (Quoted in Venuti, 1995, 97)
This intensive bowdlerization of the source text done in the name of “refinement and propriety” was warmly welcomed by the contemporary critics and theorists (Venuti, 1995). Perhaps one reason for this was that Lamb was also serving the agenda of the right wing cultural elite whose urbane sensitivities he could not afford to alienate. This further illustrates the popularity of domesticating practices in the 19th century England.
Although Lamb also domesticated his translation enormously, yet it was for John Hookham Frere to render yeoman’s service to the cause of domestication. Frere rigorously postulated that an absence of domestication in translation would amount to a real drawback and a genuine defect. To him, a translation had to read like an original and this constituted the greatest merit of a translation. Frere is mostly known for his verse
100 translations of the Greek dramatist Aristophanes (446 BC —386 BC) which were immensely popular at that time in many ways. To Frere, a translation should by “invisible” and by that he meant that it should not read like a translation rather like an original work — a text not derivative in any sense but a text autonomous in all respects. This was all a euphemistic plea to serve the cause of domestication.
We can also note that behind Frere’s adulation of “invisibility” of a translation lies his belief that translation is capable of presenting the foreign writer’s intentions and thoughts in an unproblematic and transparent way (Venuti, 1995). Furthermore, to him, a translator is obliged by the very obligation of his vocation to suppress the linguistic and cultural peculiarities of the foreign text or, at least, to bring them in line with the canonical values of target language culture. This could serve as a false consolation to the reader that whatever he was consuming was not the translation but the original text in its own right. This belief itself was a legacy of liberal humanism which played a key role in the canonization of domestication in the Anglo-American culture.
Frere’s conceptualizations of translation were also informed by this tradition of liberal humanism. Frere considered the subjectivity of the individual translator competent enough to transcend the cultural, historical and linguistic differences and communicate the source text in some “unmediated” way (Venuti, 1995). On the face of it, the workings of this liberal humanism may sound democratic, but it in fact leads to an extremely radical dismissal of the foreign texts and their inscription with domesticated valuations and significations.
By the end of the 19th century, a translation method based upon the elision of cultural and linguistic differences and an extensive domestication was already solidly entrenched. Domestication came to be seen (and accepted) as a textual homogenization that sought to dislodge the cultural and linguistic specificities of the source texts as far as possible in order not to ruffle the understanding of the bourgeois readership at home. Thus the history of translation during the 19th century has been marked by discursive
101 inclusions, exclusions and omissions. The canonization of domestication severely limited the translators’ choices and somehow predefined their cultural roles and political stakes.
2.10. The Twentieth Century
The 20th century witnessed an explosion in the publication of translation thanks to the unparalleled developments in the field of science, technology, international organizations, intercultural exchanges, multinational corporations etc. The enormous contributions to such academic disciplines as international politics, international law and international relations also played a significant role in establishing the greater need as well as popularity of translations. More and more new factors (external as well as to text) came to influence the practice of translation. Increased social mobility, greater cultural diversity, growing economic interdependence, increased demographic heterogeneity and an extraordinary techno-industrial growth were the factors which incredibly added to the significance and relevance of translation. At the same time, new findings in disciplines like cultural anthropology, sociology, political science, linguistics, literary theory and cognitive psychology brought a new realization to the translation theorist. However this tremendous increase in the role and importance of translation came with a lot of added ethical burden on translators and translation scholars around the world.
It was chiefly in the 20th century (especially in the second half of the 20th century) that the age-old Ciceronian principle of the sense-for-sense translation (which underpinned the notion of domestication for so long) was seriously called into question. It does not, however, mean that the opposite of this (the word-for-word translation) was adopted in toto. In fact, it was at this time that such concepts as the lexical correctness, proximity to the original wording and even to the syntax of the source text, began to shape the theorizations and conceptualizations of the translation scholars. Translators openly called for an accommodation of non-English and non-European patterns of speech as well as thought. As a result, increasing regard was accorded to the foreign effects while translating texts from the remote past or the distant places (France, 2000, 91).
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2.10.1. Pound’s Experiment with the Foreign
Any discussion of the 20th century translation discourse is incomplete without sufficiently taking into account the contributions of the prominent American poet, critic and translator Ezra Pound (1885 — 1972). With the unique courage and single-minded commitment Pound set about the business of translation and refused to be influenced by the literary domination of domestication. Pound was a foremost architect of the early modernist movement in the English poetry whose declared aim was experimenting with the form as well as the content, exploring the non-Western literary conventions and discarding the traditions of the immediate past.
Therefore, in a very radical way, Pound took it upon himself to infuse English literature with richness, innovation and grandeur and for this purpose he explored other literary traditions and advised the poets “to look beyond America” for literary enrichment. To him, translation could facilitate the formation of the domestic literary discourses and for this reason translations can be enlisted in the grand cultural schemes at home, notably the development of national language and culture. Although these intentions somewhat resemble those of Matthew Arnold, yet, unlike Arnold, Pound exhibited great regard and sensitivity in registering and communicating the foreignness of the foreign texts.
For this purpose Pound suggested a discreet use of translation in order to form a distinctly domestic cultural identity. This could be achieved, Pound contended, not by depriving the source text of its “voice”, but by a judicious importation of its foreignness into the domestic discourses (Venuti, 1995). He criticized the American poet and essayist Walt Whitman (1819 — 1892) for the latter’s exclusive preoccupation with an America whose literary canons were becoming increasingly ethnocentric. In such poems as A Pact (1916), Pound paid reluctant tribute to Whitman, calling him a “pig-headed father” but also declaring:
It was you that broke the new wood,
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Now it is time for the carving. We have one sap and one root— Let there be commerce between us. (Sieburth, 2010, 39)
What Ezra Pound meant by “carving” was the employment of linguistic devices from the foreign languages and literatures. In order to counter the effects of Whitman’s ethnocentric exclusivity, he also advocated the employment of the literary devices in translation taken from the diverse linguistic and cultural traditions (Venuti, 1995). Pound himself assiduously practiced what he preached to Walt Whitman and widely translated from the Oriental and Provençal literary traditions while keeping their foreignness and uniqueness as intact as literarily possible. Pounds translations were marked by heterogeneous cultural discourses and diverse linguistic and idiomatic schemes which had the potential to resist the practice of domestication (Catherine, 2010).
Above all, unlike his predecessors such as Dryden, Arnold, Frere and Pope, Ezra Pound did not seek to construct an illusion either of transparency or of the authorial presence and presented the foreign as the foreign and this is how his translation strategies met with success in problematizing the positivistic conceptualization not only of translation but also of language as such.
In his translations Pounds employed a non-transparent discourse of deliberate opacity and archaicism which served to distinguish his translations from other contemporary domesticated translations. In 1912, he brought out his translation of the eighth-century Old English poem The Seafarer in which he decisively departed from the conventions and practices of the modern English and stayed faithful to the Anglo-Saxon register. He closely imitated such Anglo-Saxon features as accentual meter, kennings, stressed and slack syllables, alliteration and compound words. With the translation of this work, Pound introduced a new prosody into the English literary tradition based on a linear alliterative verse. With this kind of prosody, Pound aimed at communicating the
104 feel and the physical impact associated with the Anglo-Saxon literature. Here is one excerpt from Pound’s translation of the poem:
May make merry man faring needy. This he little believes, who aye in winsome life Abides 'mid burghers some heavy business, Wealthy and wine-flushed, how I weary oft Must bide above brine. Neareth nightshade, snoweth from north, Frost froze the land, hail fell on earth then Corn of the coldest. Nathless there knocketh now The heart's thought that I on high streams The salt-wavy tumult traverse alone. Moaneth alway my mind's lust That I fare forth, that I afar hence Seek out a foreign fastness. For this there's no mood-lofty man over earth's midst, Not though he be given his good, but will have in his youth greed; Nor his deed to the daring, nor his king to the faithful But shall have his sorrow for sea-fare Whatever his lord will. (Sieburth, 2010, 34)
Pound’s deliberate employment of archaic syntax, foreign lexis, discursive opacity and the Anglo-Saxon prosody can be clearly seen in this specimen. All these features help the translator in successfully foreignizing the translation.
Similarly, Pound’s translation of the distinguished Italian poet Guido Cavalcanti (1255 — 1300) is also marked by the same foregrounding of the linguistic and cultural differences and peculiarities of the source text indicating the historical and spatial remoteness of the original text. Pound published this translation in 1936 under the title
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The Sonnets and Ballate of Guido Cavalcanti and based his translation strategy upon the pre-Elizabethan poetic discourses and employed archaicism as a discursive strategy to achieve his foreignizing goals and to retain a sense of the remotene. Pound also translated Gascon poet-musician and prominent troubadour Marcabru (1130 — 1150) for his book The Spirit of Romance (1910). Look at the following specimen which clearly shows the foreignized nature of Pound’s translation:
L’autrier jost’un sebissa trobei pastora mestissa, de joi e de sen massissa, si cum filla de vilana, cap’ e gonel’e pelissa vest e camiza trelissa, sotlars e caussas e lana.
Ves lieis vinc per la planissa: “Toza, fim ieu, res faitissa, dol ai car lo freitz vos fissa.” “seigner, som dis la vilana, merce Dieu e ma noirissa, pauc m’o pretz sil vens m”erissa, qu’alegreta sui e sana.”
“Toza, fi’m ieu, cauza pia, destors me sui de la via per far a vos compaignia; quar aitals toza vilana no deu ses pareill paria pastorgar tanta bestia en aital terra, soldana.” (Dejeanne, 1971, 33)
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The other day beside a hedge I found a low-born shepherdess, Full of joy and ready wit, And she was the daughter of a peasant woman; Cape and petticoat and jacket, vest and shirt of fustian, Shoes, and stockings of wool.
I came towards her through the plain, “Damsel,” said I, “pretty one, I grieve for the cold that pierces you.” “sir,” said the peasant maid, “Thank God and my nurse I care little if the wind ruffle me, For I am happy and sound.”
“Damsel,” said I, “pleasant one, I have turned aside from the road To keep you company. For such a peasant maid Should not, without a suitable companion, Shepherd so many beasts In such a lonely place.” (Pound, 1952, 62-63)
In Pound’s translation, the workings of the discursive heterogeneity and archaicism. For example, Pound translates “damsel” for “toza” which other translators have rendered merely as “little girl” (Levy 1966). By employing this equivalent, Pound is, in a way, investing his translation with an air of irony. Besides he successfully creates a heterogeneous discourse wherein he juxtaposes formal usage (“grieve”, “suitable
107 companion”) with slang (“pretty one”). Pound’s provokingly innovative and experimental approach to the source text is assessed by Lawrence Venuti in the following words:
To mimic an archaic verse form, Pound developed a discursive heterogeneity that refused fluency, privileging the signifier over the signified, risking not just the unidiomatic, but the unintelligible […] Pound’s translations signified the foreignness of the foreign text, not because they were faithful or accurate…but because they deviated from domestic literary canons in English (1995, 200).
Small wonder the contemporary reviewers and critics came down very harsh upon Pound and castigated him for the lack of fluency and transparency in his translations. His non-domesticated and non-transparent method of translation was termed “clumsy”, “obscure” and bereft of any “fine tact about language” (Homberger, 1972, 91). The Provençal translations made by Pound were particularly subversive of the cultural elitism at home and elicited the same harsh criticism from the literary circles of various persuasions. Many critics mounted politicized attacks on Pound and one of them was the American literary critic and writer Leslie Aaron Fiedler (1917 — 2003) who condemned Pound’s translations for lacking a “centre” (Fiedler, 1962, 459).
Nevertheless, the fact of the matter is that Pound was defying the elitist and ethnocentric cultural norms and, to him, a translation could only resist domestication by signifying and registering the differences embedded in the foreign text and one of the ways to do it is to employ a discursive heterogeneity. Instead of promoting the dominant domestic values, a translator should take stock of the marginal and residual values in an experimental and innovative way. The historical remoteness and cultural marginality of a foreign text could only be communicated by radically disrupting the current hierarchy of values found ascendant in the target language culture at any given time.
This can, obviously, lead to an amount of “estrangement” but the translators have to risk it in order to establish a cultural difference by drawing upon the marginal and the foreign. Therefore, to Pound, an act of translation is not an uncritical replacement of
108 source-language intelligibilities with target-language ones. In spite of Pound’s prolific contributions, he remained a marginal figure as a translator in the Anglo-American literary circles. Last but not least, it should be mentioned here that Pound’s formulations of translations were marked by considerable vagueness and confusion. Whether he was all for the practice of foreignization as propounded by Venuti is doubtful and parts of his translations did not really conform to the basic tenets of foreignization as well. The following quote sums up Pound’s position on this point:
Pound’s influence, besides being problematical when viewed in a late 20th-c. perspective, is also rather ambiguous. On the one hand, he appears to emphasize content, especially, of course, with regard to classical narrative poetry; on the other, he is plainly intent on approximating the physical or aural effect of the source text. “The Sea-farer” is thus both a copy and a rewrite. Insofar as it is a copy, it presages Pound’s later tendency, in the Cantos, to incorporate actual foreign texts rather than translations of them. Here we see literalism, as it were, taken to its logical and somewhat absurd extreme (France, 2000, 94).
2.10.2. Fitts’s Criticism of Pound
The writer and a notable translator of the classical texts Dudley Fitts (1903- 1968), criticized Pound for his scheme of translation. Fitts’s authority as a foremost translator of his time hinges on his support for the domesticating strategies of translation. Although initially appreciative of Pound’s translations, Fitts totally changed his attitude towards the latter half of his career. In 1939, he dismissed Pound’s translations in harsh terms for not complying with the dominant conventions of the target culture and for employing an archaic, historicized and heterogeneous discourse (Homberger, 1972, 246). In his own translation of the Greek works Fitts went to great lengths to domesticate the source text in order to bring it in line with the dominant cultural canons of the day (Locher, 1980, 152). In the preface to his One Hundred Poems from the Palatine Anthology (1938), he enunciated his approach to translation which is explicitly domesticating:
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I have not really undertaken translation at all—translation, that is to say, as it is understood in the schools. I have simply tried to restate in my own idiom what the Greek verses have meant to me. The disadvantages of this method are obvious: it has involved cutting, altering, expansion, revision—in short, all the devices of free paraphrase. […] In general, my purpose has been to compose, first of all, and as simply as possible, an English poem. To this end I have discarded poeticisms…I have avoided such archaisms as “thou” and “ye” and all their train of attendant ghosts. Less defensibly, I have risked a spurious atmosphere of monotheism by writing “God” for “Zeus” (but Mr. Leslie would have it “Jupiter”!) whenever the context admitted it without too perilous a clash (Fitts, 1956, xvii—xviii).
This rather long excerpt makes the domesticating impulse in Fitts’s translation abundantly clear and it is not difficult to see that the domestication advocated by Fitts is both linguistic and cultural. His submission for simplicity and his risking of “a spurious atmosphere of monotheism” are clear examples of the cultural appropriation he attempted. Fitts also made an effort to produce the effect of fluency and an illusion of transparency and in order to achieve this end he inscribed the source text with the contemporary Anglo-American dominant values.
Driven by such domesticating and appropriating translational trends himself, Fitts harshly reviewed Pound’s archaicized, historicized and foreignized approach to translation. To him Pound’s translations appeared “clumsy” “bizarre” and “unidiomatic”. This was due to his own long-term conditioning to naturalized translational discourses found in the contemporary academic world. Although Pound’s deliberate use of archaicism and foreignization was meant for signifying a cultural and historical remoteness of the source texts, Fitts judged his translations as “unreadable” (1954, 19). To him all translational discourses must assimilate the historical and cultural differences to such an extent that the prevailing homogeneity of target language values might not be dismantled or disturbed.
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It seems that Fitts was not ready to understand what makes a foreign text foreign and, to him, just the target text along with all its elitist norms and principles should reign supreme in the literary universe of translations.
2.10.3. The Publishing Industry and the Hegemony of English
In the 20th century the domesticating trends were further reinforced by the global hegemony of English and the trends set by the Anglo-American publishing industry. The end of the Cold War, the emergence of the unipolar world and the pre-eminence of the US in the world affairs contributed to the worldwide dominance of English. Moreover, the America’s military might, its economic clout and its immense influence in international politics helped impose the Anglophone cultural values on translations made into English. Today it is the American English which is influencing not only the other languages but also the other varieties of English because it is the medium through which the appeal of American way of life — its literature, Hollywood motion pictures, pop music and television programs — is spread to the world. The US State Department has had a language section for the purpose of evaluating translations of diplomatic documents and making interpretational arrangements during international conventions. By the end of the 20th century, the Language Service Division (LSD) had an annual budget of $8 million (Obst & Cline, 1990, 12).
The significance and influence of English is further enhanced by the number of academic journals published in this language. According to an estimate almost one hundred thousand academic journals are currently being published in English and according to the Science Citation Index (SCI), just in 1998 about 95% of the total number of peer-reviewed research articles were written in English. Interestingly, only half of them were written by the authors from the English-speaking countries (Altabach, 2006). The Anglo-American scientific community has been endorsing specific Anglocentric writing conventions and editorial norms and the contributors to such journals have to
111 comply with them. Commenting on this situation, Arthur C. Huntley, M.D. wrote to the Dermatology Online Journal, and raised an extremely fundamental question:
Does it make sense that excellent academic work of our Spanish and Portuguese colleagues should be first translated into English to undergo peer review, and then translated back into the original language for those readers? (Huntley, 1997, 79).
Therefore, this formidable supremacy of the English language always had far- reaching implications for the translations made into this language as the translators, more often than not, sought to impose its own values on the other languages (Baker, 1998). Robert Phillipson (1992, 53), a Professor of English in the Copenhagen Business School, has provided a thorough study of the enormous significance of English to most of the neo-colonial enterprises. To Phillipson, power is expressed in English and then reinforced by English by means of pedagogic practices the world over and this phenomenon constitutes what Phillipson has called the “linguistic imperialism of English” (1992, 50).
The result of this global linguistic imperialism of English is a cultural homogeneity and aggressive monolingualism coupled with a literary elitism. This is how Phillipson has worked out his conceptualization of this imperialism of English:
…imperialism theory provides a conceptual framework within which English linguistic imperialism, the dominance of English worldwide, and efforts to promote the language can be understood. Scientific imperialism, media imperialism, and educational imperialism are all sub-types of cultural imperialism. So is linguistic imperialism. Linguistic imperialism also permeates all the other types of imperialism, since language is the means used to mediate and express them (Phillipson, 1992, 65).
Recently, the studies emerging from such disciplines as critical discourse analysis and critical pedagogy have revealed how the neo-liberal ideologies of globalization are
112 promoting hegemony of the English language. Democracy necessitates a multicultural participation in an ongoing intercultural dialogue. However, the predominance of English is proving detrimental to the existence and growth of other languages, especially those spoken by the less privileged nations of the world. Within the Anglophone world, a large number of writers are authoring books on diverse subjects without even citing a single non-English source and this marks a growing ostracization of the cultural other (see Crawford, 2000). Interestingly the American publishers have been in the forefront of this linguistic and cultural appropriation of the foreign the world over:
American publishers sell translation rights for more and more English-language translations of foreign books. As a result, the United States exercised a hegemony over foreign countries that is not simply political and economic, as the particular case may be, but cultural as well. Publishers have profited from successfully imposing American cultural values on a vast foreign leadership, while creating a domestic culture that is aggressively monolingual and receptive to the foreign only when it meets American expectations (Baler, 1998, 310)
To Venuti, the widespread acceptance and popularity of domestication in the Anglo-American world has ushered in a new era of the ascendancy of transparent discourses. In a growing number of translations of poetry, prose, print journalism and bestsellers the target language is English which is obviously a dominant language (Venuti, 1995, 117). The Anglo-American publishing industry, catering for the needs of the mass readership at home, has been instrumental in consolidating these transparent discourses just because they are readily consumable in the contemporary cultural marketplace at home:
It can be said that Anglo-American publishing has been instrumental in producing readers who are aggressively monolingual and culturally parochial while reaping the economic benefits of successfully imposing Anglo-American cultural values on a sizeable foreign readership. (Venuti, 1992, 6)
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It is not difficult to witness today the adverse effects of that xenophobic and ill- informed attitude which Venuti bemoans in the above-mentioned quote. Aggressive monolingualism has been instrumental in creating a cultural parochialism in a vast majority of Anglo-American readership. To Venuti’s dismay, the dominance of domestication has largely been influencing the decisions as to what to publish and what not to publish. Mostly those foreign texts which could radically resist the Anglophone regimes of fluency and transparency do not bear much chance of getting published (Venuti, 1992, 6). Even Newman felt this hegemony of publishers under which “every deviation is resented as a vexatious eccentricity…” (Venuti, 1995, 122).
The hegemonic role played the Anglo-American publishing industry can be appreciated by the prestige and circulation enjoyed by such canonical works of literature as the Great Books, and the Penguin Classics. The prolific translator of the European literature into English John Michael Cohen (1903 — 1989) states how Penguin Classics have reinforced the domesticating practices of translation as the imprint prefers to engage a translator who:
…aims to make everything plain, though without the use of footnotes since the conditions of reading have radically changed and the young person of today is generally reading in far less comfortable surroundings than his father or grandfather. He has therefore to carry forward on an irresistible stream of narrative. Little can be demanded of him except his attention. Knowledge, standards of comparison, Classical background: all must be supplied by the translator in his choice of words or in the briefest of introductions (Cohen, 1962, 33).
Thus Penguin Classics are particularly worth mentioning here as they ushered in a mass market for paperback literature, including the bestselling works. A large part of this mass literature was underwritten by translated works in which domestication was more of a norm than exception. The transparent and fluent discourses founded on mere factual information were preferred over sociocultural and linguistic peculiarities of the source
114 texts (Graves, 1965, 51). By the same token, the immediate and enormous success of such Latin American authors as Julio Cortázar (1914 — 1984), Jorge Luis Borges (1899 — 1986) and Mario Luis Rodríguez Cobos (1938 — 2010) owed mostly to the favorable reviews and the support of such prominent publishing houses as Pantheon, Grove and New Directions, Random House Inc., etc. Arguably these writers were considerably close to the dominant American canons and whatever they authored seemed readily consumable in the form of translations in the Anglo-American mass readership market.
This constituted one of the major reasons for the warm support they received from the American publishers or else the dominant American canon went through a transformation and found no difficulty in accommodating such writers (Venuti, 1995, 265). In either case, there was a compliance with the dominant discourse of American literary world.
Interestingly, Lawrence Venuti, the most vocal critic of domestication in the contemporary discipline of Translation Studies, himself has been a victim of this hegemony of the publishing industry. His non-domesticated archaicized and historicized translations have not been welcomed for publication in the mainstream magazines. His foreignized translations of a selection of the Italian experimental poet Milo De Angelis’s poetry received numerous rejections form the mainstream American and British publishers — the gatekeepers of the domesticating trends in the Anglophone academia. Lawrence Venuti in his translation adopted a resistant strategy and defied the transparent discourse that dominated the Anglo-American literary elitism (see Venuti, 1995, 300 — 305).
2.10.4. Jones’ Re-Interpretation of Poetics
In 1962, the prominent 20th century classical scholar and writer John Jones published a landmark book — On Aristotle and Greek Tragedy (1962). In this book Jones called into question the traditional and dominant interpretations and understandings of the Greek tragedy derived largely from Aristotle’s Poetics. To Jones, such manifestly
115 mistaken interpretations of the Greek tragedy were a direct result of the numerous domesticated translations of Poetics which in one way or the other aimed at Anglicizing and Romanticizing the concept of the Greek instead of presenting it in a distinctly the Aristotelian or Greek vein. To Jones even some of the most scholarly editions of Poetics in English suffered here and there from the problem of domestication and were underwritten by the post-Enlightenment and Romantic notions of the protagonist (Jones, 1962, 12). Both the Enlightenment and Romanticism reiterated the concept of individualism which was conceived of as a self-determining human agency/subjectivity (Berlin, 1997).
Jones coherently substantiated his central thesis and showed how, under the individualistic legacy of the Enlightenment, the English translators of Aristotle shifted the emphasis from the action to the hero. According to Jones this transformation had serious implications as it completely changed the original Greek notion of tragedy. Aristotle’s prime concern and “centre of gravity” was situational but his English translators espoused a concern which was personal (Venuti, 1998) Even the notion of “the change in fortune” — foundational to Aristotle’s whole scheme of tragedy — should have been appreciated in a situational sense. Jones elaborated on this point and said that Aristotle never spoke of the change in the hero’s personal fortune (as Bywater’s 1909 translation puts it) but just of the change of fortune—a generic reference to a decaying state of affairs rather than to “the stage-portrayal of one man’s vicissitude” (Jones 1971, 14-16).
In fact, the Romantic notion of an autonomous individuality was utterly alien to the Greek thought which saw human subjectivity not so much as individually functioning as socially determined in all its facets. Jones’ re-reading of Aristotle successfully transformed the way of looking at the concept of Greek tragedy as he showed that Aristotle never espoused a notion of a “tragic hero” in any Romantic or Hamlet-like sense so recognizable to the 20th century Anglo-American readership.
Jones’ skillful deconstruction of Aristotle’s translations astounded the academia and by and large people received his critique favorably (Burnett, 1963, 177). In an
116 extremely ingenious way, he effected a paradigm shift in the interpretation and understanding of the Greek tragedy. It was a shift from the hero-centered approach to the situation-centered approach. So powerfully did he critique the canonical and standard translations of Poetics that a radically new disciplinary revision set in (Gellie, 1963, 354). In the following passage, Jones shrewdly locates how one of Aristotle’s translations (Bywater, 1909) domesticated the Aristotelian notion of tragedy:
There are three discrepancies to be noted between Bywater’s translation and the Greek original. Where he has “a good man” the Greek has “good men”; where he has “a bad man” the Greek has “bad men”; and where he renders “the change in the hero’s fortune” the Greek has “the change of fortune.” The first and second of his alterations…suggest that Aristotle has in mind a single dominant figure throughout, when in fact his discourse shifts from plural to singular. These two alterations help pave the way for the third, which is, in the whole range of its implications, momentous. […] Aristotle’s demand that the change of fortune shall be brought about by the hamartia of “the intermediate kind of personage” does not entitle us to style that personage the Tragic Hero; for to call him the hero can only mean that we put him at the centre of our ideal play—as commentator after commentator has alleged that Aristotle does, thrusting the hero on his treatise (Jones, 1962, 19-20).
In this excerpt, Jones rightly contended that all these deviations from the source text should not be construed as “mistakes”; rather, these were highly calculated lexical choices aimed at making the translation more and more acceptable to the contemporary Romantic Anglo-American readers. Jones termed these deviations as “discrepancies” and “discontinuities” with the source text which resulted in the construction of a new individualistic ideology underwritten by the ideals of an autonomous self. Jones also stressed that in spite of the stringent canons of accuracy, the translators deliberately constructed the recognizably domestic representations of the foreign (Jones, 1962, 33). He was also of the view that the English translators of Aristotle psychologized him by
117 making such well-calculated discursive choices (1962, 49). To Venuti, Jones effectively illuminated the abandoned and distorted aspects of Aristotle’s Poetics (1998: 70).
At the same things, along with other things, Jones’s successful deconstruction and problematization of the highly domesticated and romanticized representations of Poetics illustrates that no matter how firmly established a domesticated introduction of a writer gets, it is always possible to dismantle it and thereby precipitate a disciplinary revision.
Nonetheless, with the benefit of hindsight now we can see that Jones, in an extremely subtle and ingenious way, created another localized (and also domesticated) representation of Aristotle and thereby subjected the Greek philosopher to another kind of domestication which might not be as assimilationist as its predecessors had been yet a domestication it most certainly was. We see Jones successfully dismantling one kind of elitist orthodoxy but, at the same time, setting up another orthodoxy in its stead. What as researchers we should never forget is the fact that Jones was the child of his age and Venuti has shown that, at times, even his apparently non-domesticated interpretation of Aristotle was highly influenced by the 20th century philosophy of Existentialism:
… Jones’ study was able to establish a new orthodoxy in classical scholarship because it met scholarly standards for textual evidence and critical argument, but also because it reflected the rise of existentialism as a powerful current in post- World War II culture (Venuti 1998: 70-1).
However, the question as to whether Jones’s own interpretation of Aristotle is a domesticated one does not invalidate his criticism of the earlier interpretations. Jones rightly and perceptively pointed to the lacunae, enormous discontinuities, antithetical claims and gross distortions present in the popular translations and interpretations of Aristotle. Jones has clearly shown the complexity of historical and cross-cultural interpretations of terms and concepts. We also learn from this that even such canonical texts as Aristotle’s Poetics, given their historic-cultural distance, are not immune from this terminological and textual misinterpretation and mischaracterization.
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2.10.5. Graves and Weaver
In 1957, the English poet, writer and translator Robert Graves (1895 — 1985) brought out his translation of The Twelve Caesars by the Roman historian and writer Suetonius Tranquillus (c. 70? — 130?). Robert Graves was one of the most illustrious scholars of antiquity and an extremely prolific writer and his translation of Suetonius still enjoys a widespread popularity. Yet it happens to be one of the most explicitly domesticated translation of the 20th century. In the preface to his translation, Graves forthrightly acknowledges the overall domesticating scheme of his translation:
For English readers Suetonius’s sentences…must often be turned inside-out. Wherever his references are incomprehensible to anyone not closely familiar with the Roman scene, I have also brought up into the text a few words of explanation that would normally have appeared in a footnote. Dates have been everywhere changed from the pagan to the Christian era; modern names of cities used whenever they are more familiar to the common reader than the classical ones; and sums in sesterces reduced to gold pieces, at 100 to a gold piece (of twenty denarii), which resembled a British sovereign (Graves, 1957,8).
The translator, first and foremost, aims at assimilating the foreign culture by subjecting it to a large-scale domestication and appropriation of names, dates, referential contexts etc. Thus the Greco-Roman culture of Suetonius’ times is transmuted into the Anglo-American culture of the mid-20th century. It renders the entire practice of translation an extremely anachronistic and unrepresentative experiment of the original work. It seems that because of this radically revisionistic approach, Graves has almost re-written (re-created?) the source text. In the preface to his translation, he also maintained that his version was not seeking to serve as what he called a “school crib”; rather it aspired to be more and more acceptable to and readable to the contemporary readership (1957, 8).
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Therefore, in order to achieve this acceptability and readability at home, Graves opted for a scheme of translation which was domesticating per se and the one which necessitated not only an extensive amount of annotations but also a wide-ranging inscription of the original text with the contemporary dominant Anglophone values. He has little qualms for openly Anglicizing the Latinate milieu of the source text, ensuring quick intelligibility even at the cost of (con)textual realities of the original work. All this is done by Robert Graves in order to make his translation more popular with a specific cultural constituency of the readers well versed only in the idioms and literary canons of the day.
Thus right from the purely textual moves to such broader questions as the publishing schemes and the narrative development everything was rigorously conditioned and governed by the prevailing moods and attitudes fashionable within the Anglocentric readership market. At the broader level moreover, Graves’s translation also serves to illustrate the linguistic and cultural marginality of the classical scholarship in the post- war Europe.
It is not difficult for the reader to trace a lurking homophobia in Graves’ translation under the impact of which the translator found himself obliged to domesticate the cultural and linguistic differences of the source text. This produces a ‘normalizing’ and ‘naturalizing’ effect in his translation and deprives the original author of his voice by re-expressing the foreign in terms of the familiar.
Graves domesticated the Roman historian of antiquity, but it was for another of his contemporary English translators to domesticate the relatively recent Italian fiction. William Weaver (1923— ), an eminent English language translator of modern Italian literature, translated Italian short-story writer Italo Calvino (1923 — 1985) into English in 1968. Weaver translated a collection of the Italian writer’s short stories and in one of them Calvino used the word “ricotta” as an equivalence to convey the idea of the interstellar matter. The word, in fact, refers to an elastic, mild Italian cheese made of the
120 cow whey (Berman & Wood, 2005, 180). However, while translating it, Weaver repeatedly replaces it with English words that hardly communicate the real sense: . Il latte lunare era molto denso, come una specie di ricotta. [Moon-milk was very thick, like a kind of cream cheese.]
La ricotta volava [The cheese flew]
adesso s’erano trovati prigionieri d”una specie di ricotta spugnosa [Now they were imprisoned in a kind of spongy cream] (Quoted in Venuti 1995, 167)
Every time in his translation, Weaver was repressing the cultural particularity of the word “ricotta” by replacing it with equivalents which were more recognizable to English speaking people. The proposed equivalent “cheese” generalizes the original word; whereas the equivalent “cream” departs from the very idea of cheese. More problematic is the equivalent “cream cheese” which is uniquely an American cheese. It is sometimes associated with a brand name — Philadelphia Cream Cheese (Venuti, 1995). All these translations represent the lexical shifts and the syntactic moves that domesticate the source text in line with the canons set by the Anglo-American culture. This domestication occurs time and again in Weaver’s translation. Consider the following example:
La Galassia si voltata come una frittata nella sua padella infuocata, essa stessa padella friggente e dorato pesceduovo [The Galaxy turned like an omelet in its heated pan, itself both frying pan and golden egg]
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cosa volete che ce ne facessimo, del tempo, stando lì pigiati come acciughe? [What use did we have for time, packed in there like sardines?]
Attraversai una metropoli nuragica tutta torri di pietra [I crossed a piled-up metropolis of stones]
—Ragazzi, avessi un po” di spazio, come mi piacerebbe farvi le tagliatelle!— [“Oh, if I only had some room, how I”d like to make some noodles for you boys!”]
(Quoted in Venuti 1995, 123-129)
In all these instances, Weaver exhibited a close adherence to the terms and dictates of target language culture. The culturally specific lexical choices of the translator were thoroughly governed by domestication. Weaver stripped the Italian word “Pseceduovo”, — a specific omelet folded to make a long and fish-like roll — of its cultural significance by oversimplifying it while translating. While translating “pigiati come acciughe” — meaning “pressed like anchovies” — Weaver utterly removed “anchovies” which is particularly an Italian term of cuisine. Instead, he had recourse to one of the most notorious Anglo-American clichés “packed like sardines”. In the same way, “nuragica” was translated in a generalized and simplified way — “piled up” and “tagliatelle” was replaced with the Anglocentric “noodles” (Venuti, 1995).
This mode of translation clearly amounts to a discursive and strategic course of action aimed at creating a domesticated representation of the original author for the sake of an easy and quick recognition and acceptance at home (Berman & Wood, 2005). Further instances of these domesticated renderings are as follows: “Ignoranti…Ignorantoni” — the big ignoramuses — as “a bunch of ignorant louts…know-nothings”; “la forte miscela” — the strong mixture — as “the heady blend”;
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“la partita è nulla” — the game is invalid — as “the game is null and void”; “poteva avere torto marcio” — he could be totally wrong — as “he could be dead wrong”; “l”avreste capita” — you would have understood — as “to catch on”; “non mi sarei cambiato” — I would not have changed—as “I wouldn’t have traded places”; “sbranarla” — tear her to pieces — as “tear her from limb to limb” (Venuti, 1995).
All these lexical choices made by the William Weaver significantly domesticated the source text and re-cast it in the recognizable Anglocentric terms at the cost of cultural and linguistic features of the source text. The easy readability of the translation produces an illusionistic effect of fluency and transparency. The reader is deluded into believing as if whatever he or she is going through is the original in spite of the fact that he or she is considerably away from the cultural and linguistic milieu of the original. This very illusionism of transparency has been a benchmark of the Anglo-American translation tradition since the 17th century. Such transparent translational discourses subtly imply — by subscribing to an empiricist epistemology — that language can furnish an unmediated access to extra-linguistic reality (Venuti, 1995). In this way Weaver too forged a specifically nationalist and highly domesticated translational discourse in which the Eurocentric features figured considerably prominently and the translator strictly and strategically avoided communicating any sense of the foreignness or historico-cultural remoteness of the source text. This is how an insidiously domesticating method of translation can potentially result in diverse forms of cultural exclusions and historical marginalization of foreign texts.
2.10.6. The Domestication of the Far Eastern Literature
The domestication of the literary works by the Anglo-American translators extended even beyond the Continental Europe, the Indian Subcontinent, the Middle East and Persia and reached the Far East. Another literary tradition which has been domesticated extensively by the Anglo-Saxon translators is the Japanese tradition. Having beaten Japan into World War II and converting it into a submissive and vanquished trade partner, a growing domestication of its literary works took place at the
123 hands of the Anglo-American translators. A large part of the modern Japanese fiction has been rendered into the English language but most of it has been so radically and cannibalistically domesticated that the resultant translations seem more English and less Japanese.
The works of such 20th century Far Eastern writers as Kawabata Yasunari (1899 — 1972), Jun’ichirō Tanizaki (1886 — 1965) and Mishima Yukio (1925 — 1970) were frequently translated into the English language and the publishers as diverse as Grove Press, New Directions and Alfred Knopf published their translations. These Far Eastern writers were largely stripped of the sociocultural and linguistic characteristics of their works and translated into English. The publishing houses mentioned above were reaping the immense financial benefits by imposing the Anglo-American cultural and literary values on a vast readership market at home. At the same time they were creating a domestic culture whose orientations and credentials were becoming increasingly monolingual, ethnocentric and unreceptive to the foreign elements.
Small wonder such culture was not so amenable to a dialogic and reciprocal engagement with the cultural others. Another adverse consequence of this way of translating the foreign texts was that the entire reading experience of the Anglo-American readership was likely to degenerate into an experiment of misreading in which a domestic representation of the source text is taken as the unmediated original text.
To Venuti such aggressively monolingual readership is passionately accustomed to the domesticated and fluent modes of translations which imperceptibly yet invariably seek to inscribe the foreign texts with the Anglo-American values. This is however not merely an academic or literary fashion adopted for its own sake. Instead it serves another intangible function as it provides the reader with a narcissistic comfort which ultimately adds to the self-importance of the Anglo-American readership (Venuti, 1995, 15). But however pleasing and re-assuring this huge narcissistic solace for the reader may be, it exacts a heavy price and blinds him or her to the foreign patterns of thought and the
124 modes of cultures different from his or her own. This, in its wake, brings a Eurocentrism and an Anglophonism which is obviously detrimental in the contemporary global world.
Edward B. Fowler (1954 — ), the Professor of East Asian Languages at the University of California, contends that the American publishers instituted a specific literary canon for the translation of the Japanese fiction into the English language which was unrepresentative of the Japanese literary tradition and was underwritten by a fundamental stereotyping. This canon was to govern all the publishing practices taking place in the Anglo-American world for about forty years. What is more, this stereotyping did not remain confined just to the Anglo-American world; rather, it also travelled to other European countries because the European translators frequently modeled their translations on the Anglo-American translational patterns. Therefore, in this way, the taste of an average English speaking reader determined and prescribed the tastes of the entire European world in relation to the translations of the Japanese fiction (Fowler, 1992, 15-16). For more than half a century the English language functioned as the medium through which the Japanese fiction was disseminated into the European countries as well as languages (Harker, 1994, 4). In fact it is this highly political and discursive act of the ‘canon formation’ which is bemoaned by scholars such as Lawrence Venuti, Lefevere and Niranjana. A canon which is formed as a result of this political and discursive act has the elitist and exclusionary orientations which are ipso facto geared towards domestication.
As for as the canon formation of the translation of the Japanese fiction is concerned, this was done by a considerably small group of “academic specialists” such as the Harvard Professor of Japanese Literature Howard Hibbett (1920 — ), the distinguished Japanologist Edward Seidensticker (1921 — 2007), the celebrated translator Ivan Morris (1925 — 1976) and the American-born Japanese translator Donald Keene (1922 — ). Such university professors and translation scholars were eagerly and routinely consulted by the editors, literary agents and the publishers alike and their opinions were always accepted with as much awe as reverence (Fowler, 1992, 12). Most of the stereotyping of Japanese culture was patterned on the legacy of World War II.
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Japan was conceived as a land of the Oriental mystique, taciturnity, exotic foreignness, elusiveness and languishing melancholy which seriously lacked in the dynamism and enthusiasm of the post-industrial Europe.
Consequently a fixed and a stereotypically static process of identity formation was conjured into existence by such translators whose thinking was shaped by the academic specialists. More or less all the American translators of Japanese fiction lived up to this legacy and what was conveniently forgotten was the simple fact that identity is not a fixed entity and can hardly fossilized in the mobile matrices of time and space. What was required in connection with these translations of the Japanese works was a right, unbiased, well-informed and more catholic consciousness about the role of translation vis-à-vis cultural identity.
Therefore what Venuti advocates with reference to his act of canon formation is a radical and paradigmatic shift which could create the probability of according a greater cultural recognition and humanistic regard to a foreign text during the process of its translation (1998: 73). As a matter of fact, translation can also trigger a process of social transformation because neither the subjects nor the institutions can be wholly sealed off from the varied ideologies found in the domestic culture. Identity is never irrevocably fixed but rather contingent. It is the nodal point for a multiplicity of practices and institutions whose utter heterogeneity generates the possibility of social transformation and inter-cultural understanding (Laclau and Mouffee, 1985, 105 — 114).
It has been variously observed that most of the translations of the Japanese fiction produced under the watchful eye of the exclusionary and elitist canons were carefully homogenized by conscientiously avoiding the inclusion of any expression or phrase which “might not have been used by a modern American university professor of modest literacy, and concomitantly modest literary gifts” (Miller, 1986, 219). Nevertheless, by the end of the 20th century, a change of attitude set in and many a foreignized translation of the Japanese literary works appeared on the Anglo-American academic and publishing scene. This led to the much-desired process of canon reformation/revision.
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However, the clearest and the most significant sign of this canon reformation came with the translation of the renowned Japanese writer Banana Yoshimoto’s novel Kitchen (キッチン). The translation was published in America in 1993 and was included in the Mitsios's Anthology. The translation upheld the Japanese cultural elements and the textual tenor. In spite of its non-domesticated nature, the translation was eagerly received by the Anglo-American readership and the university scholars. This impressive popularity of Kitchen in America was largely due to a “middle brow” audience for the Japanese fiction — an audience radically different from the elitist and academic specialists who had hitherto been dictating the literary and aesthetic canons. The respected translation scholar Professor Jaime Harker rightly argued that the immense success of this translation in the American literary circles was due to the fact that it was not only accessible but also very “oriental” in its subject matter as well as its treatment (Harker, 1994, 2).
Although Kitchen is not an adequately and ideally foreignized translation, yet it illustrates a change and promises a transformation and is an evidence that a canon reformation is already well underway. This is a very re-assuring and positive development not only for the foreign literatures but also for the Anglo-American literary, cultural and academic traditions.
2.10.7. New Trends and New Considerations
The growing vernacularization and foreignization of translation was a landmark development not only for Translation Studies but also for such companion disciplines as Cultural Studies, Anthropology, Sociology and Critical Discourse Analysis during the second half of the 20th century. The explicitly counter-hegemonic and resistant nature of this phenomenon led to a growing democratization of the discipline. The minor and marginalized languages and literatures achieved wide-reaching recognition and acceptance by through of translations.
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It was the cumulative result of all these factors that the smaller countries of Eastern Europe welcomed the enhanced opportunities of being translated into the major European languages because it was considered to be a gateway to the greater audience. But for the translations, such dissident writers as Milan Kundera (1929 — ) and Alexander Solzhenitsyn (1918—2008) could never have been introduced to the non- Communist Europe at all. Moreover, it was because of the translations that the formerly colonized nations forged their own individualistic and influential literary voices which were avowedly counter-hegemonic and counteractive. As a result, there emerged an increasing interest in hitherto unconsidered literatures of the minor and/or non-European languages.
With the Foucauldian and the Derridean formulations of language, translation was seen in new light. The questions of text, context, power, knowledge, center, control, authority acquired an added relevance to the subject and the politics of translation the world over. Michel Foucault’s archaeologies and genealogies of knowledge saw our social and historical “truths” as mere long-term systematizations of the everyday practices governed by the shifting patterns of power within a society (McNay, 1994). Therefore, translation was seen as a site of various semantic and sociocultural possibilities subject to varying historico-political assumptions and any choice of inclusions or exclusions was necessarily a discursive and strategic one. Thus meaning was perceived as a contingent and unstable relation marked by hierarchies of dominance, cultural/literary elitism and social marginality (Said, 1979, 74). This creates complex configurations of cultural, linguistic and political relations and “meaning” itself is one such relation with its own intricate textualities.
Therefore the viability of translation was to be determined by its relation with the sociocultural conditions under which it is conceived, produced and consumed. Traditionally, translation was more like a forcible dislodgement of all the cultural and linguistic differences which were either assimilated by the dominant canons and codes or simply eliminated under the impact of exclusionary ideologies. In either case the result was a domestication which was as political as literary. As a consequence translation
128 sought to appropriate and domesticate all the cultural and linguistic others in such totality that their identities were written off wholesale.
The Derridean notion of deconstruction also considerably impacted upon the theory and practice of translation. With such fundamental notions as the free-play of signifier and différance, Derrida brought about a radical shift in the way we look not only at translation but also at language. Derrida saw text as a site of contradictions, false assumptions and ambiguities, lacunae resulting in a distrust of language as a transparent and unmediated communication of reality (Naas, 2008, 45-48). Language was shown to be a realm of inescapable tensions between the notions of intelligibility and coherence that should ideally govern its operations. The Derridean formulations also took the inevitable inadequacies of language into account. Given the polysemic and intertextual nature of language, meaning was deemed to be an effect of differential relations among the signifiers which are far from being stable and coherent (Derrida, 1982).
During all these years, the developments in literary theory and linguistics kept impacting upon the field of translation studies in one way or another. In the Anglo- American academia, structuralism gave rise to the theories and practices of the Summer Institute of Linguistics (SIL) — an American-based missionary organization whose goal was to develop the lesser-known languages in order to promote the Biblical literacy into those languages by means of translations.
In this respect, the contribution of the distinguished translation theorist Eugene Nida (1914 — 2011) were indispensible whose role was foundational to the establishment of SIL. Nida’s most famous contribution to the discipline of translation studies were the notion of the ‘dynamic equivalence’ and ‘functional equivalence’ which had far-reaching effects on the practice and theory of translation. To Venuti, Nida’s translation theory encouraged ethnocentric violence as it sought to enlist transparency “in the service of Christian humanism” (Venuti, 1995, 21). A deeper reflection would suggest that what Nida termed as ‘dynamic equivalence’ was nothing else but a
129 systematic and spirited defense of domestication. This is how Nida’s theorization on this subject is domesticating:
A translation of dynamic equivalence [i.e. an equivalent which seeks to going beyond lexicographical and linguistic considerations] aims at complete naturalness of expression and tries to relate the receptor to modes of behavior relevant within the context of his own culture (Nida, 1964, 159).
This, however, is not difficult to see that the expression — “naturalness of expression” — indicates the employment of transparency which involves domestication. In his subsequent writings, Nida became more straightforward and maintained that “the translator must be a person who can draw aside the curtains of linguistic and cultural differences so that people may see clearly the relevance of the original message” (Nida and de Waard, 1986, 14). This is exactly a plea for a domestic and appropriated representation of the foreign in which the foreign loses its identity and uniqueness and ceases to exist in its own right. Venuti is of the view that Nida enforced the Anglophone valorization of domestication (Venuti, 1995, 21).
More specifically however, English translation theory at this time arose from the works of two of the British linguists: J. R. Firth (1890 — 1960) and Michael Halliday (1925 — ). Both of these linguists were the proponents of the functionalist linguistics in which the context of the situation (inclusive of all the communicative events and participants) was deemed extremely crucial to the working of language. Many of the translation scholars in Britain applied this functionalist notion of language to the practice of translation. People like Ezra Pound in America and Yves Bonnefoy in France were influenced by the 20th century symbolist theories of literature.
In France, the notable linguist Charles Bally (1865 — 1947) was a major influence on the translation theory whose works were germane to the establishment of the Geneva School of Linguistics. Bally’s theories of translation were influenced by the insights emerging mainly from the field of contrastive linguistics. The renowned 20th
130 century translation theorists Vinay and Darbelnet also took contrastive linguistics as their model. Towards the close of the 20th century, some attempts were made to combine linguistic and literary theories. For this purpose the notion of ‘communicative act’ was posited whereby the source and target texts are considered to be embedded into differential cultural moulds.
Another notable trend which greatly influenced the theory and practice of translation was an increased interest in the translations of the Eastern literatures by such figures as the renowned sinologist and comparatist Achilles Fang (1910 — 1995) and the British poet and critic I. A. Richards (1893 — 1979). However, the nexus between power and translation was more prominently recognized with the so-called cultural turn— presaged by the works of such translation scholars as Even-Zohar (1939 —) and Gideon Toury (1942 —). It was also at about this time that the formal discipline of Translation Studies came into being. The so-called ‘cultural turn’ brought about numerous viable and critical approaches to translation which started dealing rigorously with the questions of social oppressions and cultural coercions. The approaches sought to dismantle the assumptions and pretentions of the elitist translators and thereby set out to contest repressive hierarchical power structures embedded in the contemporary social configurations.
In this way, the issues of cultural context, ideology and power began to be foregrounded with greater visibility and prominence and more and more translation scholars began to theorize with the poststructural and the postcolonial assumptions. Translation was seen afresh not as an innocent and apolitical venture into linguistic mediations but as a site of political activism, cultural conflict, canon construction and identity formation.
At this stage it is also pertinent to take a brief account of some of the Marxist literary theories. In fact, with the disintegration of the Soviet Union, most of the economic-oriented Marxist theories of literature fell out of favour and the conditions formerly explained (or rather oversimplified) in terms of economic and materialistic
131 considerations were crying for new theoretical and enabling frameworks to be explained adequately. In fact the problem with such Marxist literary theories was that they transmuted economic and materialistic considerations into ontological truths and paid scant attention to complex sociocultural configurations and their decisive impact on all literary activities. New paradigms were provided by the approaches which emerged at this time thanks to the contributions of the postcolonial and the poststructural writers of note.
To almost all the major postcolonial critics who emerged at this time such as Rafael, Niranjana, Cheyfitz and Bhabha, translation was primarily a ‘power relation’—a kind of textual (re)presentation of the cultural others in the service of Imperialism. For Bhabha specifically translation meant a hybrid intercultural and syncretic space, whereas for Niranjana it was a mechanism of colonial supremacy and forced subjugation (Baker, 1998). The postcolonial approaches to translation are clearly central to the concerns and interests we are perusing here. Emerging from the descriptive approaches to translation— developed by Even-Zohar (1978, 1990), Gideon Toury (1980, 1982, 1991, 1995), André Lefevere (1992b) and others — postcolonial translation theories sought to address the questions about the interrelation between translation, power, ideology and politics.
The development of these approaches to translation was aptly summarized by Robinson as he attempted to delineate the broader field of the postcolonial translation studies. He (1997:6) identified what he called the “narrative or utopian myth of postcolonial translation studies”— a trajectory derived from Frantz Fanon. This trajectory comprised three stages: (1) the colonized stage, (2) the intermediate stage, and (3) the decolonized stage. The first stage was seen as a stage of total and unconditional subjugation at which the colonial values are introjected and enforced upon the colonials by repressive institutional arrangements. The second stage was looked at as a semi- liberated stage at which an independent identity of the colonials began to emerge but still constrained by an opposition to the colonizers’ values and therefore not fully crystallized. Finally the third stage was looked at as a stage of total decolonization in which the truly autonomous perspectives underwritten by indigenous identities could develop (Robinson,
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1997, 6).
2.10.8. Venuti’s Problematization of Translation
Here it is pertinent to discuss Lawrence Venuti at some length because his theory of domestication and foreignization constitutes the central premise of this research and the researcher has taken him as his theoretical model. Venuti (born 1953), the American translation scholar, translation historian, prolific translator and a professor of English at Temple University, is arguably one of the most far-reaching and provocative translation theorists of our time. Venuti is on the editorial boards of such prestigious journals as Reformation: The Journal of the Tyndale Society and The Translator: Studies in Intercultural Communication. In 1998, he edited a special issue of The Translator devoted to the subject “Translation and Minority”. His translation projects have won numerous awards and brought him huge international recognition.
In 2007 he was awarded the prestigious Guggenheim Fellowship in Humanities for translating some of Giovanni Pascoli’s works. Venuti did more than anyone else to problematize the theory and practice of translation and to give the notion of domestication an internally consistent and systematic expression. In this regard, his book The Translator’s Invisibility: A History of Translation (1995) is a landmark work and a magnum opus tracing the history of translation across a variety of perspectives and showing the deep-rootedness of domestication dating back to antiquity.
Venuti conceptualized translation in a much broader cultural and historical frame. To Venuti, domestication in translation is scandalous because it involves a complicity with power and seeks a reprehensible perpetuation of the hegemony discourses in the society. Within the Anglo-American culture, domestication is the result of a blind and dogged adherence to the domestic literary canons with little attention to the non- European, marginal cultures (Venuti, 1995). In order to counteract these hegemonic discourses translators must show ‘resistance’ and instead of removing the cultural and
133 linguistic differences of the foreign texts, they should communicate them vocally even to the detriment of fluency in translation.
To Venuti, ‘fluency’ itself is an elitist canon born of the Anglo-American literary tradition of translation underwritten by an Anglocentrism (Venuti 1998a, 10). As a consequence, when fluency becomes a central concern with a translator, the heterogeneity of the source text is considered a liability and is smoothed out during translation. Therefore the translation will emerge much more fluent and homogenized. This is how under the garb of domestication the foreign is rendered fluent and is ultimately stripped of its foreignness. A fluent translation strategy may make an easy reading, yet it exacts an extremely high price. It closes down the Anglophone mind and nurtures an exclusionary attitude which is both Eurocentric and narcissistic (Venuti, 1995).
In consequence, a fluent translation made by such domesticating devices as linear syntax and univocal meanings produces an illusionistic effect of transparency and, as a result, the translation appears to be indistinguishable from the original. This scandalous fluency of translation is an intriguing disguising of the manifold determinants and power considerations which go into its making. With this fluency and transparency, translation becomes a virtual rewriting of the source text (Venuti, 1995).
This all results in domestication — the term implying both complacency and aggressive taming. It has adverse implications for our multicultural and multiethnic world. Its chief ideological effect is that it thwarts a possibility of encountering the cultural differences because the foreign texts are homogeneously and unilaterally forced into such literary and cultural patterns, genres and registers which are readily recognizable at home (Munday, 2001). This approach is, ipso facto, prone to exhibit a considerable disregard for the uniqueness and the sociocultural distinctiveness of the source text. This is how Venuti indicts the reigning practices of translation which are by and large domesticating:
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A translated text…is judged acceptable by most publishers, reviewers, and readers when it reads fluently, when it reads fluently, when the absence of any linguistic or stylistic peculiarities makes it seem transparent, giving the appearance that it reflects the foreign writer’s personality or intention or the essential meaning of the foreign text — the appearance, in other words, that the translation is not in fact a translation, but the ‘original’ (1995, 1).
To Venuti, another untoward effect of domestication is that it perpetuates the Anglo-American cultural and linguistic hegemony by marginalizing and silencing all the other competing discourses and narratives. In the Anglo-American academy and publishing industry, the dominant trend towards domestication since the late 20th century has had a normalizing and neutralizing effect on the mass readership. It has therefore played a prominent role in depriving the source texts of their voices and in rewriting the foreign cultural values in terms of what is familiar (and therefore unchallenging) to the dominant culture (Hatim & Mason 1997, 145).
For that reason, resistance on the part of translators will recover the residual value of a foreign text and consequently it will it well neigh impossible to be domesticated. Venuti contends that in order to practice resistance in translation, a translator should defamiliarize his translation discourse by registering the linguistic and cultural features of the source text and indicating its socio-historical remoteness in time and space (Venuti, 1995). Here Venuti’s analysis is more culture-oriented which calls for a greater visibility and recognition of the translator as a mediator of two cultures. In this perspective, the translator should opt for an ‘alienation’ of translation rather than ‘naturalization’ because this will be the only viable way to register and communicate the inter-cultural differences. It is for this reason that he is critical of linguistics-oriented approaches to translation as they present “a conservative model of translation that would unduly restrict [translation’s] role in cultural innovation and change” (1998b, 21).
At the same time Venuti maintains that the scope of translation studies should be widened in order to take into consideration the value-ridden nature of the historico-
135 cultural framework of translation and to overcome the cultural bias (if any) on the part of the translator. Linguistics-oriented approaches are ill-equipped to analyze the norms (both linguistic and literary), domestic values, social representations and beliefs which carry an ideological onus in catering for the interests of the elitist groups which enlist translation in political agendas (1998b, 29). Venuti also calls for an interventionism on the part of the translator in order to counteract the effects of the linguistic hegemony of English:
I want to suggest that insofar as foreignizing translation seeks to restrain the ethnocentric violence of translation, it is highly desirable today, a strategic cultural intervention in the current state of world affairs, pitched against the hegemonic English-language nations and the unequal cultural exchanges in which they engage their global others. Foreignizing translation in English can be a form of resistance against ethnocentrism and racism, cultural narcissism and imperialism, in the interests of democratic geopolitical relations (1995, 20).
Along with an interventionism, Venuti proposes an ‘ethics of difference’ which will morally mandate a translator to foreignize his or her translation (Munday, 2009, 98). We would round off this section with the following insightful quote from Venuti: “The ethical stance I advocate urges that translations be written, read, and evaluated with greater respect for linguistic and cultural differences” (1998, 6).
2. 10.9. Translation and the Politics of Power
With such power-oriented and culture-specific underpinnings, the act of translation appears to be considerably more than a mere verbal/linguistic transaction. It seems to be an act of handing over the territory into other hands, replacing one system of thought with another and dislocating the local identities by either merging them into those of the foreigners or just dispensing with them altogether (Cronin, 1996, 76).
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There is another reason because of which a translator is uniquely privileged and invested with power. If we take translation as a text that stands for another text, then translation, in effect, is meant for those who have little or no access to the meaning in the original text. So at the outset we have to bear this fact in mind that, translations are largely made by people who do not really require them for those who have no ability to understand the original texts (Lefevere, 1992). This puts translators in a privileged position whereby he or she can exercise power in order to forge out specified sensibilities in his or her readers whose. It is this elitist and advantaged position of translation which inevitably goads it with the questions of authority and legitimacy and ultimately those of power. Again, it is this power-oriented and culture-specific character of translation which has always made it an obvious topic of countless scathing debates over centuries.
2.10.10. Context, Culture and Representation
Although the notion of the context is foundational to translation, most of the European translators did not take a sufficiently serious account of the local contexts while translating the foreign (non-European) texts into English. The term ‘context’ was first applied to the translation by the Polish-born British anthropologist Bronisław Kasper Malinowski (1984 — 1942) and this characterization of translation is still relevant to the debates on the issue. While making extensive anthropological studies of the inhabitants of the Trobriand Islands in Papua New Guinea, Malinowski felt the need of adding a Comment for a lay reader to make sense of the meaning implicit in Kilivila (a dialect of the Austronesian language family spoken in the Trobriand Islands). Such additions of annotating commentaries was later came to be seen as a ‘thick translation’ (see Venuti, 2000, 417-425). In such ‘thick translations’, a reader is provided not only with the lexico-grammatical help but also with the cultural insight into the source text by laying bare the fine nuances of meaning and allusions implicit in the original work.
Malinowski made clear that “language is essentially rooted in the reality of culture… the broader context of verbal utterance” (1967, 305). This is what has varyingly been called the “Context of Culture” or the “Cultural Grammar” (Munday, 2008). On the
137 other hands, a large number of European translators and philologists exhibited insufficient regard for the contextual considerations and most of the time, while translating, forced the foreign texts into the straightjackets of the Anglophonic cultural patterns.
Along with the question of context, the issues of representation and identity have also been at the heart of the contemporary postcolonial debates about the theory as well as the practice of translation. The subject of representation and identity obviously tends to raise the questions which do not admit of simple and easy answers. The obvious anthropological fact that different cultural and linguistic identities should be appreciated on their own terms only adds to the difficulty of the question of representation. The present day theory of translation is deeply steeped in the identity politics. Hence, the practice of translation has often been viewed with suspicion for its inability to do justice with its representations. It has been argued that whatever is represented by means of translation, loses much of its authenticity/orignality and at best turns out to be an approximation of the source text and at worst a grotesque inversion of it.
2.10.11. Translation as Rewriting
This has already been mentioned that the notion of translation as a transparent and fluent discourse faithfully representing the original text has been vigorously called into question. If Robert Frost has gone so far as to make this radical claim that it is poetry itself which is lost in translation, there are numerous translation theorists who has advanced a more guarded assertion that translations because of excessive domestication are just ‘re-writings’ of the original texts (Lefevere, 1992). To André Lefevere, all the acts of translation, by and large, manipulate the source text as well culture. Consequently, the target text emerges more like a rewriting. Powerful sociopolitical as well as literary institutions play a key role in these rewritings of the foreign texts. Lefevere succinctly illustrates the impact of these rewritings both on literature as well as society:
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Translation is, of course, a rewriting of an original text. All rewritings, whatever their intention, reflect a certain ideology and a poetics and as such manipulate literature to function in a given society in a given way. Rewriting is manipulation, undertaken in the service of power, and in its positive aspect can help in the evolution of a literature and a society…But rewriting can also repress innovation, distort and contain, and in an age of ever increasing manipulation of all kinds, the study of the manipulative processes of literature as exemplified by translation can help us towards a greater awareness of the world in which we live. (Lefevere, 1992, xi)
In this sense, translation will be nothing less than a virtual rewriting of the original which would essentially depart from the cultural and linguistic features of the source texts. All rewritings, regardless of their intent, have ideological concoctions and as such manipulate and appropriate the original texts. The English writer Anthony Burgess (1917 — 1993) can be profitably recalled here who once said that translation is not a matter of words only; rather, it is a matter of making sense of a whole culture empathetically.
In this way the supreme motives in the mind of a translator should not be ‘conquest’, ‘polarization’, and ‘appropriation’; rather, dialogue and synthesis. However, still, translation with its heavy colonial and historical baggage is yet to shed a number of its presuppositions and premises if it really wants to re-invent itself in the global and multicultural world of ours (Tymoczko, 2006). The present-day global scene, with its increased interconnectedness coupled with complicated economic inequalities in addition to the ascendancy of English makes these concerns far more imperative.
2.11. Iqbal’s Poetics and Translations—Some Considerations
The literary and cultural significance of Iqbal’s translation is immeasurable both quantitatively as well as qualitatively. For a vast majority of the Urdu speaking people Muhammad Iqbal (1877 — 1938) typifies the inner core of the Muslim identity as he is
139 hailed as an ideological founder of Pakistan and the Poet of the East. Quantitatively he is among the most widely translated of the Urdu poets; and qualitatively his poetic works have gone a long way in forming the cultural identities and literary and linguistic traditions. All this is amply manifested by the profusion of publications forthcoming from
an academic discipline devoted to the — (اابقایلت :the discipline of Iqbal Studies (Urdu study and research of Iqbal. Within Urdu and Persian literatures, he was been
which means “extraordinarily (العہم :consensually given the honorific of Allama (Urdu learned”.
Before talking about some of the foremost translators of Muhammad Iqbal it is significant to mention here that Urdu happens to be one of those languages which have not been very frequently translated into English and within the Anglophonic translation discourse its position is still quite marginal. Since the World War II, the languages most often translated into English were mainly the European ones such as French, Italian, Russian, German, Spanish, etc (Baker, 1998, 311). This asymmetrical power relations between English and Urdu impacted very deeply on the translations of Iqbal in more than one way which will be discussed the fourth chapter. There have been a large number of people who translated Iqbal into English but immediately we are just concerned with the British translators. The prominent British translators of Iqbal include such prolific and eminent Orientalists as R. A. Nicholson (1868 — 1945), Arthur John Arberry (1905 — 1969) and Victor Gordon Kiernan (1913 — 2009). These much esteemed writers, in fact, belong to the classic tradition of British oriental scholarship whose intellectual authority on the subject has been accepted unquestioningly (and uncritically too). Nevertheless, these translators produced such translations which, in one way or another, suffer from the problem of domestication and, at times, outright inaccuracies. The notable Pakistani scholar of Iqbal and the University Professor of Islamic Studies at Youngstown State University Mustansir Mir (1949 —) is of the view that most of Iqbal’s translations into English “frequently raise the questions of accuracy and quality” (Mir, 2006, 151).
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Here is cursory discussion of some of the instances of domestication and inaccuracies found in Nicholson’s and Arberry’s translations of Iqbal. The greatest scholarly indictment of these translators can be framed as follows: although their translations are widely acclaimed and carry great literary import in their own ways, yet for a more intimate and genuine study of their subject they substituted a kind of elaborate discourse which was readily accessible to them in the imperial culture of their period. Their universe of discourse was largely formed by such prominent people as Sir William Muir (1819 — 1905), Anthony Ashley Bevan (1859 — 1933) and Charles James Lyall (1845 — 1920) who directly followed in the line of descent from people like Sir Edward William Lane. Their scholarly precepts were supplied primarily by such apologists for imperialism as Rudyard Kipling, who had sung so excitingly of holding “dominion over palm and pine” (see Said, 1978, 224-225).
Moreover, these translators, although extremely well-versed and erudite in the field of their “specialization”, lacked that empathic perspective which is the only means to transcend the socio-cultural and political barriers in order to gain an informed perspective. They went about their business with unshakable maxims, abstractions and ‘truths’ about the Orient based upon the mythology of the mysterious and inscrutable East. This is what Kiernan himself has termed as “Europe’s collective day-dream of the Orient” (Said: 1978, 53). Here we will take into account some of the domesticating instances of Nicholson’s and Arberry’s translations.
2.11.1. Reynold Alleyne Nicholson (1868 — 1945)
Nicholson translated Iqbal’s book Asrar-e-Khudi as The Secret of the Self. This was Iqbal’s first introduction to the West. Iqbal gave his critical response to this translation and did not feel wholly satisfied with it and revised it here and there. Some of the corrections recommended by Iqbal were abidingly incorporated while some others were rejected by Nicholson. What is more, on occasion, Nicholson tried to ‘improve upon’ the recommendations made by Iqbal (Ghani, 2004). For instance look at the following verse (Line 363-364):
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