Suicide Deaths and Quality of Indian Cotton: Perspectives from History of Technology and Khadi Movement Author(S): C

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Suicide Deaths and Quality of Indian Cotton: Perspectives from History of Technology and Khadi Movement Author(s): C. Shambu Prasad Source: Economic and Political Weekly, Vol. 34, No. 5 (Jan. 30 - Feb. 5, 1999), pp. PE12-PE21 Published by: Economic and Political Weekly Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4407604 . Accessed: 13/06/2014 06:16

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This content downloaded from 130.92.9.57 on Fri, 13 Jun 2014 06:16:17 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Suicide Deaths and Quality of Indian Cotton Perspectives from History of Technology and Khadi Movement C Shambu Prasad

The suicide deaths of farmers is a failure of agricultural science and the historical nature of the crisis needs to be appreciated. This paper seeks to retrace the route by which the present connections between Indian cotton and the mechanised textile industry were first established, a direction that has led to the present crisis on the fields of the cotton jflrmers. It also explores the alternatives in the khadi movement which with the aim of reintroducing spinning to the masses had to look at varieties of cotton suited for home- based production and evolve tools for use in the movement.

THE large-scale suicide of over 300 cotton of cotton farming in India to examine the for machine made and hand made produc- farmers in Andhra Pradesh this agricul- reasons for the neglect of desi varieties of tion, or export-trader based production tural season point to a crisis in the cotton and thereby attempts to challenge and decentralised operations for local use. sustainabilityof cotton farming.One needs its 'inferior' status. In part III, we look at the khadi move- to go beyond analyzed causes like the Spinning in India is concentrated in a ment during India's freedom struggle. as failure of extension mechanisms, the few centres like Coimbatore, Mumbai and a contemporary and alternative techno- unavailability of easy credit and the spe- Ahmedabad and the cotton trade has been logical response to the developments in cific conditions of Andhra Pradesh, to following the pattern of trade laid down the modern textile industry. The khadi understandthe reasons for cotton becom- in the 18th and 19th centuries. The inter- movement had consciously rejected some ing a highly risky and unsustainable crop. national trade determines prices and of the parameters of modem textile tech- A longer-term view of the situation has varieties grown, the benefits of which nology and thus provides an excellent to appreciatethe historicalnature of present rarely accrue to farmers. Better returnsfor case where some of the dissenting views day cotton farming and the concomitant the farmer is possible if there exist on quality of Indian cotton in the accounts loss of autonomy of farmers over what decentralised cotton spinning technolo- that were mentioned in parts II and I were they are growing. The recent deaths of gies for value addition at the village or actually applied in practice. The move- cotton farmers in Vidarbha, the shift to small towns. Alternative routes of produc- ment, through its scientists like Maganlal traditionalvarieties in north India, and the tion thatcould, by linking household textile Gandhi and Dadabhai Naik, not only earlier event of suicides of farmers in production, local yarn spinning and the posited different definitions of quality Gunturand Prakasamdistricts in 1986-87, growing of cotton in small farms, perhaps more suited to the specificity's of Indian together with the present plight of the provide the key for sustainable cotton manufacture, but showed how a different Andhra farmers, all point to a larger crisis farming. The needs of the mills today are science was possible where the field was in cotton farming that is systemic and not incompatible with the nature of produc- on par with, even substituting, the labo- isolated. I tion on small farms. This paper seeks to ratory, and where experience and memo- Despite repeatedfailures the cotton crop retrace the route by which the present ries counted as much as experimentalfacts. today requires high levels of pesticides connections between Indian cotton and and irrigatedwater. Although recent stud- the mechanised textile industry were first ies on the farmers suicides have pointed established, a direction that has led to the The history of cotton growing in India to the dependence of farmers on pesticide present crisis on the fields of the cotton since 1790, when Bourbon, the first exotic dealers and the increasing expenditure on farmer. It also explores alternatives in the variety was introduced, can be seen as irrigation, they have assumed these as khadi movement. essentially one of the replacementof indi- inevitable for the crop.2 The suicides point There are three parts to this paper. In genous varieties of cotton, which had been to a need for a cotton crop that would part I, we look at how the nature of cotton carefully bred over centuries to provide minimise the risk to the farmer and ensure changed, with the change in the use from the world's best cloths, by American sustainability for both the grower and the a raw material for a technology that could varieties, to suit the emerging mill pro- soil. There is therefore a need to reopen adapt to the widely differing qualities of duction of textiles in Lancashire. Conse- the debate between American and 'desi' local cotton, to one that had to service the quent to the poor understanding of the varieties of cotton in the light of the well- machinery of the English industry and its difference of the two types of cotton, the known sturdy and pest resistant nature of production system, and how in this pro- indigenous was branded 'inferior'. While the desi varieties. The agricultural estab- cess Indian cotton earned the name of the 'deindustrialisation' caused due to lishment today grudgingly accepts the 'inferior' cotton. The reasons for the 'in- colonial rule has been well researched, sturdiness of indigenous varieties, as is feriority' of Indian cotton are then identi- there is little understanding of the tech- evident from the recent move to grow fied. In part II, the question of quality is nical dimensions of this process. The traditional varieties along the Indo-Pak explored in greater detail. We cite several culturalspecificity of technological choices borderto preventpests from entering India. instances from the history of cotton grow- become clear if one examines the history This action however falls short of ques- ing in India to challenge the notions of of cotton growing in modern India and tioning the farming practices within India. the poor quality of Indian cotton. We analyse how a technology that evolved where hybrid and American varieties question the universality of the term, and over generations of practice was branded dominate.3 This paper looks at the history hope to show that it has diverse meanings 'inferior' and replaced by another whose

PE-12 Economic and Political Weekly January30, 1999

This content downloaded from 130.92.9.57 on Fri, 13 Jun 2014 06:16:17 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions technological merit remained unques- Along with the possibilities of large portation of cotton to the ports and irri- tioned. quantities of cotton was the invention of gation for increasing the yields. Cotton in India, unlike in other parts of machinery for cotton processing. Several reports were made on the sub- the world, came into general use as cloth- Arkwright's spinning frame in 1769 in- ject of cotton growing in India to increasing for rich and poor at an early stage in creased the spinning potential of small ing supplies from India and removing con- history. Cotton cloth reached a stage of manufactures. In the US the invention of straints. Most were from government perfectionthat made Indiantextiles known the Whitney gin, in 1793, solved an officials within specific areas such as the all over the world and the textile industry important bottleneck in the speedy sepa- reports on the three presidencies, or on the gave employment to vast numbers of rationof fibre from seed. Of interestthough CentralProvinces and Berar,a majorcotton people at each stage of production. Dif- is the fact that all the machinery was growing area, where a cotton commis- ferent varieties were grown in different developed with just the American cotton. sioner was appointed by the Manchester parts of the country, each being suited to Length of staple thus became an important Chamber of Commerce. There were also the local soil, water and climate. While criterion for reasons of convenience of reports and letters from traders in Britain, the cotton of Gujarathad long staples, the operation by machine and had little to do and cultivators - both Indian and British, Dacca cotton was short-stapled, and yet with the quality of fibre. as well as opinions of botanists. These it produced the finest fabric ever made. The over reliance on American cotton sources have been used together for this Since the cotton plant was so intimately was of concern to tradersin the 19thcentury section on history of cotton growing. We related to the lives and occupations of so andthe manufacturersof Lancashireturned now look at some of the impediments many people, a great deal of care had been to the fields of India to increase supplies. identified that came in the way to see how given to their particular qualities and The traders were not sufficiently aware of many of these reflected on the quality of characteristics. Years of careful seed se- the situation in the fields of India and of Indian cotton. lection resulted in the of the the cultivation of Indian cotton, improvement practices SUPPLIESFROM INDIA variety for the particular characteristics and presumed that they could replicate thatwere required.Length of staple, which American conditions in India. But there Despite active governmental interven- today is the most important factor in was a huge difference between the virgin tion, supplies did not increase as per ex- deciding 'quality', was not important, in soils of the North American continent, and pectations of the trade circles causing a fact was even a hindrance when cotton the soils of India, which differed widely, lot of anxiety. Traders' reports and the was carded with a bow with longer staple from place to place, needing regular lobbies were quick to identify this with cottons creating problems in processing manuringto maintaintheir fertility. Indian poor infrastructure,namely, irrigationand by wrapping around the bow. cottons were bred to withstand the vagar- transport. Indian cotton took the same Europeans, in contrast, got involved in ies of the variable Indian climate and time to reach the ports from the interiors cotton as traders of cloth in the 17th and cultivation practices were honed to as American cotton took to reach 18th centuries. They dressed in wool and minimise the cotton plants' vulnerability Lancashire.6 They lobbied for railways linen.. both of which can be converted to pests. The traders were oblivious to for speedy transport and introduction of from fibre to fabric by fairly simple pro- these niceties; they wanted quantity pro- machines for ginning and baling. The cesses. Their knowledge of cotton production conveniently delivered at central railways would also reduce the adultera- cessing and its various techniques was points, to be conveyed overseas as effi- tion of cotton in their opinion. The sys- limited. They were thus more in need of ciently as possible. For this purpose, the tematic adulteration of cotton at all stages an 'industrialrevolution'. Britain that was Indian varieties and trade practices were on its route to the port with mud, sand, in the forefrontof the industrial revolution unsuited and so were branded 'inferior', stones and water caused the cotton with initially got its cotton from Levant and and a systematic process of change ini- dirt that as was as high as 25 per cent.7 West Indies for the most part of the 18th tiated to mould them to the new demands. These reports did not look closely at the century.There was a spurtin cotton imports it was the trader's initiative to introduce internal structure of cotton growing and of Britain from 1780 onwards due to new technologies, the ginning mills and textile processing. supplies from America and India, with baling machines.5 The traders felt that Cultivators, both Indian and foreign, America constituting the lion's share of large-scale import of American seed for who looked at it closely however arrived Britain's imports of cotton thereafter. trials in India and improvement in irriga- at different sets of reasons. Primaryamong America became the biggest supplier of tion would help improve supplies from them were the poverty of the cultivator cotton to Britain from the 1800s and this India. They also wanted the government and the repressive rates of taxation. The continued till the 1850s when supplies to invest in other public works like rail- high land tax came in the way of cotton were discontinued briefly due to the ways and water carriage facilities to assist growing, which in places of Gujaratwere American civil war. speedy transportation of cotton. as high as 50 per cent of the produce.8 Cotton was not native to America. It was The government in its policy followed Shamrow, a cotton planter from Dhoolia, after nearly 150 years of constant trials the demands of the traders and attempted found little reason for the ryot to pay heed and selection that cotton found its roots to improve the position of cotton supplies to the crop that he had no say on. The in American soil. Once it became accli- by: (a) introduction of exotic seeds that cotton was left unattended in case the matised in the southern states there was would give high yields; (b) establishment government 'kist' was not paid and de- a revolutionary change in America's of government farms to 'prove' superior- teriorated in quality produce.9 Botanists fortunes. Initial expansion of cotton ity of exotic varieties and cultivation who had experience of Indian agriculture cultivation in the US began in 1786 with practices; (c) despatch of planters from and soils, also concurred with this view. the introduction of Sea Island cotton into America to introduce better cultivation In an evidence to the House of Commons Georgia from the West Indies. By 1792, practices; (d) introductionof machines for Committee they had stated that the infe- Sea Island cotton filled all the coastal cleaning and pressing of cotton; and riorityof Indiancotton to American cotton, areas of South Carolina and Georgia.4 (e) Investment in public works for trans- was almostentirely owing to the neglect

Economic and Political Weekly January 30. 1999 PE-13

This content downloaded from 130.92.9.57 on Fri, 13 Jun 2014 06:16:17 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions of the cultivators. They did not see any as the most complicated machinery in correctits errorin policy but his letters inherent defect with Indian cotton in re- England. As there were no incentive for remainedunacknowledged.17 10 lation to the American. In a few places gathering clean cotton the cotton that Cultivatorswho spent severalyears in where the ryot had more freedom his reached Britain was not bowed and was India in cotton growing echoed Duns- profits were better. Of the 13 districts on dirty.14 more's feelings on Indiancotton. These the Madras coast, only Visakhapatnam We thus see that in contrast to the.trad- voices of dissentwere ignoredin govern- and Ganjamdistricts showed good profits, ers' viewpoints that left the questions of ment policy that favouredexotic seeds. the reason being that the land there were prevailing trade practices unquestioned We now lookat thesuccess of exoticseeds under native chiefs.1 and instead blamed Indian cotton and and experimentalfarms. The poverty of the cultivator was in no cultivation techniques, the cultivators and Exoticseeds and government farms with small measure abetted by taxation that botanistswere of the opinion thatno change American cultivation practices did not affected all aspects of indigenous cloth was possible without improving the work out in India. In 1816, the Bombay manufacture. This was in keeping with position of the cultivator and reducing government in a letter to the court of Britain's policy of converting India into taxes on the Indianprocessing implements. directors,reported that the crop of Bour- a source of raw material and a market for Anotherreason for poor supplies to Britain bon cotton had failed on the same spot finished products. The repressive regime from India was the existence of extensive where the indigenous plant produced of taxation made processing of Indian and strong local markets. In Punjab, even plentifully.By 1837the farmat Akrawas cotton prohibitive. Indigenous processing as late as 1884, when machine made goods considereda failureby the government's techniques, which were crucial, for the had made inroads into the local market. own assessment.18Fischer reportingon maintenance of quality of cotton came 84 per cent of the cotton yield in the prov- these experimentsat Madraspresidency under strain and were eventually replaced ince was locally consumed. 5 Correspond- considered"the American plant a delicate by the faster, though qualitywise ingly the demand for American cotton and unprofitableone" and not as produc- dubious, machines from the west. Brown, amongst the indigenous manufacturerswas tive as thecommon country or indigenous a planter who spent several years in the poor. Colonel Skinner,a successful planter cotton.Gray, a planterin Madras, remarked Madraspresidency, describes it poignantly in Bengal had to abandon cultivation of that 'The indigenousplant of India will thus: American cotton because the produce did notthrive well on any landexcept denomi- not fetch more in the Calcutta market than natedcotton while on the same soil The of cotton in Indiais not half told: soil, story native cotton.16 the plantsof the westernworld invariably how it was systematicallydepressed from 19 theearliest date that American cotton came None of the constraints outlined above fai". to fault with the Indian cotton. The cultivatorswere moreforthright in into competition with it, about the year point any Ii was to this that James a the efforts. Shamrow 1786. how for 40 to 50 years after, half Dunsmore, criticising pointed the of the crop was taken in kind in revenue, retired cotton merchant,.tried drawing out that while the governmentand com- the other half by the sovereign merchant attention of the government. He wrote a mercialagents reaped all the benefits.the at a price always below marketprice of series of letters between 1823 and 1827, farmergot littlein returnfor his enhanced the day, which was habitually kept low on the issue of Indian cotton to the court troubleand expense. In his scathingcom- for the purpose:how the cotton farmer's of directors and brought to the attention mentson theexperimental farms Shamrow bullocks were taxed; the 'charkha'taxed. of the government the essential difference remarkedthat the government"lavishly the bow taxed, and the loom taxed; how between the Indian and American variet- wastedvast sums of money(on expensive inland custom-houseswere posted in and ies on the question of quality, a difference model farms)upon the sheer chimerical around every village, on passing which that trade circles were unaware of. He suggestionsof would-beamateur experi- cotton. on its way to the coast for sale, contended that the superiority of Indian mentalist,and ignorantimbeciles...They was stopped,and like every otherproduce fabrics was as much due to the cotton as (theexperiments) were for the satisfaction how it both taxed afresh; paid exportduty from the prevailing view that placed it on of government,only. so thatmy country- in a raw state. and in every shape of yarn the skill of the Indian weaver, a view later men remain,as before,unenlightened."2(0 or thread,cloth or handkerchief,in which confirmed by Hamilton in his study on the Wight commentedin detail about the it was to manufactureit. possible Dacca muslin. He argued that the soil and work of the Americanplanters. two of Brown commented that it was only in climate of most parts of British India gave whom were sent to Coimbatore. The 1862, for the first time in 64 years that a superiorityto the quality of Indian cotton experiment,which began in 1840, went 12 the annual tax on the loom was repealed. that no cotton wool of other countries on for 13 years.He observedthat in three The cultivators felt that due to lack of could equal. years Americanplanters had completely incentives and the change in production He remarked insightfully that the spin- exhaustedthe fertilityof the soil by crop- system the cotton quality also suffered ning machinery had been invented by ping it withcotton year after year, making through poor picking and cleaning. The people who hadonly seen Americancotton, it unworthyof gatheringin the fourthand demands of the export market. however. and so it was not suited to Indian varieties fifth years. At the end of the fifth year, did not allow for different pickings and and wonderedwhy the manufacturersusing the plantersretired from the field alto- all picking was done only once. In the Indian cotton wool should not have dis- gether,confessing candidly that they could absence of incentives for the ryot to covered that its quality was both distinct notcompete with the Coimbatore farmers. improve the crop, it was often picked late and superiortotheirearlierones. Dunsmore TheCoimbatore farmers at theend of their 13 leading to a fall in quality. The care that observed that "the manufacturershave no 13thyear of trial,produced from Ameri- went into the various processing stages for views beyond immediate gain, and in can seed a cotton crop as good and as the indigenous industry were not com- general want no change :in the material abundantas was producedby plantersin plied with when there was a need to serve because it would occasion a heavy outlay the first year and at half the cost.21The an external market. The traditional bow in new machinery". Dunsmore pleaded experimentshad proved that Indian farm- renderedthe cotton as free from impurities with the government to intervene and ers were in no need of tuition from

PE-14 Economic and Political Weekly January30, 1999

This content downloaded from 130.92.9.57 on Fri, 13 Jun 2014 06:16:17 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Americans. However, in the absence of a was aimed against all the good features the presidencies and their characteristics guaranteed price, they were reluctant to of the indigenous fibre. "The retrograde observed over a period of time. The results take up the cultivation. traffic is directed towards attainment of showed that the indigenous varieties had Opinion against exotic seeds was com- high yield of a worthless staple".23 suffered deterioration mainly because of mon by the 1860s. However, when Rivett- The change in cultivation practices continued use of the same strain over Carnacwas appointed the cotton commis- brought about by the colonial government generations.27 sioner of Berar and Central Provinces in led to the deterioration and loss of diver- The scientific interest in the early part 1864, his main task was still to introduce sity of some of the best native species. of the century was however not pursued foreign staples. In experiments at Nagpore, The cotton that made the famed Dacca in the field. The unhealthy practices of Carnac found that none of the plants of muslin had already disappeared. Tradi- cultivation and tradecontinued unchecked. the Egyptian or fresh New Orleans seed tional seed selection, manuring and cul- Though there was an increase in acreage could weatherthe heavy monsoon, whereas tivation practices of desi cotton farming between 1899 and 1939 from 13.8 million the indigenous could. Having realised the died out, and traditional long-stapled acres to 24.2 million acres. the quality of futility of efforts with exotic seeds he went varieties like the perennialsof Gujaratand cotton grown was poor. The textile indus- about improving the indigenous cotton. Kathiawar,were replaced by i lterior ones. try was undergoing rapid change. Britain He popularised the Hingunghat variety Bani. the breeding stock from which the lost its supremacy in textiles. Between amongst farmers and merchants and con- famed Hingunghat originated, was re- 1885 and 1891, Continental Europe ducted exhibitions in the cotton heartland placed by Jarior Varadi, high yielding but imported more cotton from India than to show the possibilities of improving low grade varieties that could grow even Britain. Japan and the Indian mills were Indian cotton. There were over 300 speci- on inferior lands. Middleton in his Hand- also serious competitors to the produce of mens of cotton exhibited from all parts of book on Cotton in the Bengal Presidency Indian cotton. The Indian mills were yet India and the world amongst which the considered the popularisation of Jari and to establish themselves and were concen- KhandeshHingunghat cotton was declared Varadi a calamity and a dangerous rival trating on coarse manufacture and were best ahead of the sawginnedDharwarcotton to the finer varieties. These varieties when not particular about the quality of cotton. of Americanseed.22 broughtto a new localityhad robust growths, One would have expected a change in matured early, and were prolific. Once trend after India's independence and that DE(;ENERATI()N AND NEGLECT OF established, however, they degenerated.24 the unfinished agenda of improvement of INDIAN COTTON Watt had estimated that by a proper Indian cotton taken up vigorously. On the With the decline of household spinning selection of seed and its cultivation, the contrary, in a misplaced national zeal for in India, both the growers and weavers of cotton crop could be improved by 50 per self-sufficiency in long staple varieties. cotton became the clients of the inter- cent. This had been suggested by other a crisis caused in part by partition which mediary spinning mills. The import of botanists: In 1886, Trevor Clarke and separated cotton growing areas from machine-made yarn into India broke the Jones. the superintendent for farms in Indian mills, post-independence policies connection between the cultivation of western India highlighted the importance were shaped as a result directed towards cotton, the spinning, and the weaving. of the 'pedigree' system for careful selec- import substitution of long staples. The Cotton which had largely been grown for tion of the seed. Colonel Showers had focus was on high yielding varieties in local use. began to be grown specifically earlier in 1865 made several recommen- irrigated areas in rich alluvial soils with for export, and numerous textile produc- dations for the improvement of the indi- large inputs of fertilisers and pesticides. ing centres decayed. The export market genous plant.25Contrary to informedopin- Consequently there has been a shift to- completely transformedcotton cultivation ion in scientific circles on improvement wards hybrids and hirsutums because the in Indiaby setting up new criteriaof quality of quality through changes in agricultural desi (indigenous) varieties were unsuited for cotton. It was now tor the needs of the practices and introduction of quality indi- to increased yields through artificial in- machine ratherthan for the cloth that could genous seeds, the government sought to puts. In 1947, 97 per cent of production be made from it, that the characteristics improve the quality of cotton mainly was from indigenous varieties of the were examined. Though desi varieties through legislation like the adulteration arboreum and herbaceum varieties. This were well-known to produce the finest law of 1929 with a penalty of two years decreased to 37 per cent in 1990, while cloth, they were unsuited to the new textile rigorous imprisonment for adulteration, that of hybrids and hirsutums went up machinery invented in England. Hamilton that became more stringent with the from 3 per cent to 63 per cent.28 commenting on the cotton of the Dacca Adulteration Act of 1863.26 These changes were not due to market muslin observed that despite the greater By the time the government had realised demands but due to a deliberate policy by fineness of cotton produced near Dacca, the need to improve Indian cotton much the government that favoured certain the American varieties have a longer fila- damage had been done. Mollison, the varieties. A study team on cotton consti- ment and are thus more fitted for European inspector general appointed to improve tuted by the National Commission on machinery. Indian cotton, reported, in 1903. little Agriculture envisaged a gradual increase The damaging effects on cotton culti- practical results in improving the cultiva- in lower medium count but no increase in vation through promotion of research for tion of Indian cotton. The reason being production in coarse counts for 25 years. the sake of trade was recognised by the that the existing knowledge on indigenous It is thus little wonder that the price of well-informed George Watt, the botanical varieties was poor and incomplete. He lower counts of cotton have witnessed the advisor to the government, who observed recommended that a survey be conducted steepest increase in price in recent years that due to the prevailing trading policies of the existing cottons of India based on muchto the distressof millions of handloom the progression of improvement of the the suggestions of George Watt and that weavers making cloth for everyday use in indigenous staple was deliberately stulti- seed farms be established all over the local markets.29 fied and the laboursof centuries ruthlessly country. Seventy-seven varieties were The research conducted since indepen- thrown away. The existing trade, he felt examined as a result at the three farms in dence has been on the same principles and

Economic and Political Weekly January3(). 1999 PE-15

This content downloaded from 130.92.9.57 on Fri, 13 Jun 2014 06:16:17 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions following the same direction as that es- American cotton and Indian hand tech- presence of essential oils in Indian cotton tablished first by the East India Company niques. that the American cotton did not have. and continued by the colonial govern- That Indian cotton could produce high Tests with indigo indicated that Indian ment. Both policy and research favour the quality yarn was a fact not unknown to yarn took colour better.34 cotton merchants and big mill owners, at the British. The cloth manufactured from During the 1860s when the British the cost of the small farmerand the weaver, the threadof Nagpore cotton was reported authorities were concerned about the lack or even the user of the end product, the to last long, and to bear washing well. of demand for British goods in the Indian cloth. The cotton, which now gets a high H-ingunghatcotton was celebrated for its market, they commissioned a survey on price, is the variety suited to the machine. cleanness, strength, length, brightness, the slackness of demand for European not that which gives good cloth. Once it evenness and silkiness.30 George Watt goods. The survey report revealed that reaches the spinning mill it is made into commenting on the peculiarityof the Dacca "Indian cloths contained more cotton and yarn on the same machines that were muslin cotton believed that the manu- less sizing material than their imported developed from the early ones and in- facturers of machinery had a lot to learn substitutes, and were, therefore preferred. tended for long staple cotton. There has from the cotton and spinning techniques The native article was more durable, been no research into different machines employed. He attributed the peculiar thicker, warmer and better suited to the suited to desi cottons. excellence of the Dacca muslin to its ability wants of the people in the area."35Indian The present suicides of cotton farmers not to swell on bleaching.31 cotton has a largerdiameter to compensate are directly linked to the policy of the Several studies were made on Indian for the shortness of staple. The greater government to favour those varieties that cotton in the 19th century in Britain and elasticity of Indian cotton provided for a were amenable to huge inputs of irriga- they give us some idea about the particular cavity for easy passage of air making cloth tion, fertiliser and pesticides. It is becom- characteristics of Indian cotton. Clare's from Indian cotton more absorbent. ing increasingly clear that such policies study comparing the threads made from Despite these attributes one of the rea- are counter-productive and unless there is Indian and American cotton through a sons for the British disfavouring Indian a fundamental questioning of the basis of microscope revealed that yarn made out cotton was because the cotton that arrived these like the inferiority of Indian cotton, of Indian cotton was much finer than the in Liverpool from India came in a highly these trends are unlikely to be reversed. American. "It required, at least, four such contaminated state. When this cotton was A techno-historical audit of cotton tech- threads of hand spun British India cotton processed in Britain injury to the staple nology can help us examine these axioms twisted together to make one thread equal was high. Whitney's saw gin was used for and replace them with others consonant to the finest machine spun cotton in this ginning and was seen as an improvement with sustainable cotton farming. In the country". He observed that the presence over the roller gin because of speed of following section we critically examine of moisture while spinning was respon- operation. It was on account of the saw one such axiom, namely. that longer staple sible for the differences in appearances gin that length of staple became important. length implies good quality cotton, an between Indian cotton and others. The The longer the staple the more was the axiom on which Indian cotton has been hand-spun fibres had better adhesion and chance that even if it broke in processing branded inferior. were thereby stronger and finer than the remaining pieces would still be long machine made yarn. Briggs. commenting enough to engage in the machine. In II on Clare's and Wilson's studies, remarked contrast, the superior qualities of Indian that the "facts brought to light by means cotton - fineness, silkiness, softness, TEXTILE TECHNOLOGYAND OF QUALITY of these microscopic observations afford durability and absorbency - are enhanced INDIAN COTTON an idea of the delicacy of Indian cotton by low speed operations. Arkwright, the Textile science today equates length of beyond anything of which we could have inventor of the first spinning machine, staple as determiningthe quality of cotton. any conception". However he was quick however knew only of long-stapled Such a quality consideration fails in the to add, in keeping with the thinking of the hirsutum of America. It is from this device case of the Dacca muslin, which produced times, that independent of fineness of that all modern spinning machinery is the finest cloth in the world from the staple, length of staple was of the highest derived. 'Quality' in cotton fibre has shortest staple. The Ponduru spinners of importance in trade circles.32 thereby become dictated by the limita- Srikakulam to this day are able to spin Indian cotton today is used only for tions of the spinning machine. As modern yarn as fine as 100 counts and above from spinning lowercounts so much so that desi machines work at higher and higher speeds cotton that is of short staple. These un- cotton has become synonymous with they need longer and stronger fibres, but explained 'anomalies' in textile science coarse cloth. This was not the case before the action of the machine itself weakens raise some questions. Was the shortness the advent of modern machinery. It is on the cotton. All these qualities are sacri- of staple a limitation for mill machinery record that yarn up to count 400 was ficed to the needs of a particular design to operate? If so, what were the pre-spin- produced. In 1868, when British goods of the spinning machine.36 ning operations that were responsible for and yarn had made sufficient inroads into The incompatibility of Indian cotton the high quality of yarn of Indian fabric the local markets and the spinning indus- with machine processing in Britain be- of the past'? Are they being served by try had almost died out in most parts of comes clear in the cotton reports of 1834. present-day machinery?Isn't there a need India, Rivett-Carnac was still able to dem- Several tests were performed on Indian for differentquality markersfor hand made onstrate yarn of count 244 spun by the cotton and Indian cotton was injured in and machine made goods? To answer these Dhers in one of his cotton exhibitions.33 almost all the cleaning operations. A closer questions we look at some evidence from Indian cotton could also take dyes better. look at the tests show that there was least textile history on the quality of Indian A calico printer of fine Swiss cloth injury to the staple when the foot roller cotton. This will help us examine if there realised that his colours were brighter was used, more injury when the charkha is an incompatibility with Indian cotton when he used east Indian fabrics than (hand gin) was used and maximum injury and mill technology today and between British. Dunsmore attributed this to the when the saw gin was used. When the

PE-16 Economic and Political Weekly January 30, 1999

This content downloaded from 130.92.9.57 on Fri, 13 Jun 2014 06:16:17 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions speed of the saw gin was reducedfrom the Indian context would necessarily have aspects of cloth manufacture were con- 210 rpm to 90 rpm, the injuryto staple looked into the quality of the linkages bet- ducted. Heading the technical department was considerablyreduced. This pointsto ween the various parts of the whole rather of the All India Khadi Board (later the All the fact that it was possible to devise than emphasising increases in produc- India Spinners Association) was Maganlal machineryto run at lower speeds to suit tivity of individual parts of the industry. Gandhi who played a big role in providing Indian cotton. However, there was no The industrial revival of India that the necessary technical inputs to the de- attemptmade in this direction.37In India Gandhi sought for through the khadi mand for khadi cloth created by the non- modernginningaffected traditional cotton movement in the 1920s had consciously cooperation movement and the swadeshi growing practices. These gins mixed rejected some of the established axioms vows. Maganlal and his co-workers had differentcotton varieties,good and bad of the textile industry.In introducingkhadi, to set new parameters of quality cloth seeds, serving as a disincentivefor the Gandhi and his followers were also at- production that was to be experimented farmerto grow good cotton as his best tempting to establish a different textile and validated at hundreds of production seeds were mixed up with inferiorones science by placing faith in the axioms of centres through out the country. They had and he got an unevenseed mix in return. indigenous cloth manufacture. The re- to research, innovate, test and try out Wattpointed out that as a result,the Indian sponse of the khadi movement to colonial different types of tools lor use in the stockof cottongot degradedor equalised. science and technology was not just a movement. Experiments on growing of He remarkedthat "the specialisationof cultural response but also a technological cotton varieties were carried out at the centuriesof naturalselection was being response to the quality aspects of Indian Ashram simultaneously with improved rapidlyeffaced by this new phaseof com- cotton. The khadi movement sought to gins, carding bows, charkhas and methods mercialproduction".38 work out in the field the dissenting sci- of testing yarn. The needfor a differentkind of machin- entific agenda on the quality of Indian The popular political journal Young ery to suit the specificityof Indianstaple cotton outlined above. It is to such an India reported the results of the experi- received little attention.There was no indigenous industrial revolution that we ments on the cultivation of cotton through substitutefor the Whitneygin in Indiaas focus our attention to in part III. Maganlal's column, 'Khadi Notes'. lateas 1860.It was only duringthe cotton Maganlal was not biased in favour of famine that the court of directors declared III indigenous cotton varieties. He was at- an awardof 100 the East tempting to grow high quality cotton for poundsthrough SCIENCE IN KHADI MOVEMENT IndiaAssociation to stimulatemechanics use in decentralised manufacture.Initially, to producea suitablemachine for Indian Khadi (hand-spun, hand-woven cloth) the focus was more on care in the growing cotton.Of the few thatfinally worked, the needs to be resurrected today from its of cotton and proper manuring even Perker'sgin was the most promisingand cliched usage of a symbol that got India through composting human excreta. His initialtests indicatedthat it cleared five its freedom. In the specific case of cotton experiments and experiences soon led him timesmore cotton than the nativecharkha technology khadi also has in it the seed to recommend growing hardy and resis- withoutinjuring the staple.It is not clear of an alternative technological response tant cotton varieties and also tree cotton as to whathappened to this machine.But to universalistic modern western science. in the backyards of peasants' homes. the lack of referenceto it in later texts By insisting on hand-spun yar in decen- Maganlal followed up his insights on indicatethat the effort was discontinued.39 tralised manufactureGandhi introduced a perennial cotton with the varieties of tree We thus notice that Indiancotton had new dimension to the swadeshi move- cotton that could be grown.4) The Ashram several special attributes.It was more ment. Swadeshi was no mere boycott of began co-ordinating the supply of good absorbent,more durable, took dye better, mill yarn but had to focus itself on pro- quality seeds separated by the hand gin. was capableof extreme fineness, had a viding a technology to rework a produc- The column soon became a forum to report lustreand was soft. On many parameters tion system of decentralised cloth manu- the diverse varieties of cotton from places Indiancotton was morethan comparable facture that had gone out of use. It meant as far as Bengal and Karnataka. Science to the best cottons in the global market. replacing the inefficient processing tech- and khadi were very much part of the Manyof these attributeswere enhanced niques and wasteful transportation of political agenda of the Congress and by low speed processing,spinning, and cotton by techniques that could be done Congress workers were urged to bring all weaving.The deteriorationof qualityip at the farm and cottage levels, and finally varieties of cotton grown in their region Indiancotton is thus also linked to the to varieties of cotton that would suit with particulars of soil, climate, rainfall, replacementof these techniquesby faster decentralised manufacture. Just as Indian etc, for the annual khadi exhibitions during machinemade processes. varietiesof cotton were unsuitedto modem the Congress Plenaries.41 The attempthere is not to belittle any textile mills and caused injury of staple, In his book Charkha Sastra (translated innovationsthat occurredin the modern American varieties of cotton were unsuited in English from Gujaratiin 1924) Maganlal textile sector but to point out that inno- to the indigenous cottage mode of manu- Gandhi mentions in detail the ways of vationsare necessarilycontext specific. facture. The seeds of these varieties were examining good cotton and compares Thekind of 'industrialrevolution' that the too soft and would get crushed in the hand Indian cotton and hand processing with indigenousindustry would have under- gins. It was thus not possible to conceive machine processes. Maganlal realised the gonewould have been of a vastlydifferent of an Indian swadeshi khadi movement important connection between hand spin- nature.The machinesand the modes of with American cotton. ning and growing of cotton and remarked productionwould have perhaps been scaled The khadi movement that started with that the extinction of the fine art of spin- down to suit the decentralisednature of the aim of reintroducing spinning to the ning "spelt the death of fine cotton grow- productionand the specific characteristics masses had to look at the varieties of ing in India". In acknowledging that the of Indiancotton. Quality would then have cotton suited for home-based production. fineness of American cotton of 20th becomeintrinsic to the systeminstead of The movement had its own laboratory,the century was through "gradual improve- being imposedfrom outside. Quality in Satyagraha Ashram, where tests on all mentbrought about by carefuland scien-

Economic and Political Weekly January30. 1999 PE-17

This content downloaded from 130.92.9.57 on Fri, 13 Jun 2014 06:16:17 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions tific cultivation" he was implicitly setting as is requiredfor distinguishingthe finest cultivation of cotton. The khadi move- the research agenda for proper cultivation variations in a musical note. ment tried establishing its own norms of of cotton for India to recover her glory of He writes similarly on strength tests. quality which while on the one hand was the past. In the section 'Examination of To test strength one end is held by the open to the question of diversity, on the Cotton' we find an elaboration of a dif- fingers and then stretched.Their strength other, allowed for the possibility of con- ferentscience thaton the one handacknow- is seen by the resistanceoffered to strain. stant improvement through continued ex- A is to learn to ledges the effort of the scientific advances long practice necessary perimentation. Quality was not forsaken their relative this of the west, but on the other, argues for recognise strength by for greater production. In his notes An for in a different of this science in process. aspirant proficiency Maganlal advised workers that the manu- application to be able to the anotherculturaland context.42 spinningought recognise facture of strong and good khadi was more geographic of cotton. Maganlal goes about his scientific ex- quality essential than increase in the quantity of in an innovative shift connects periments by first validating, through ex- Maganlal production. He warned spinners against these with education and the perience of use in the field, the Indian hand processes spinning yarn of high count but weak context of the times processing techniques. He affirms faith in political by suggesting yarn. He would rather have the spinners that schools be the 'model farms'. the tools by arguing that the proper use village spin lower count yarn superior to the mi lls. In a small cotton farm can be of these could lead to good yarn. villages In Maganlal one finds a hard headed attachedto each nationalschool to facili- The out of these slivers small scientist for whom the fact that India yarnspun (of tate the of this art. If the teacher is so clean and learning possessed traditional knowledge of high carding bows) strong has a taste for his that it of even gardening, by experi- calibre was not reason for elation, but surpassessuperior qualities ments he can the cotton cultiva- mill Cotton receives such a improve rather, the fact of its extinction a case for yarn. rough tion of his What is done at enor- the of village. serious research "to into these handlingduring process cleansing mous cost at the farms can go deeper in the that it is found government and not assume it to be and adopted mills, by be done at a much smaller our things easy scientific calculation to be 80 expense by losing per national schools. taxes cotton simple". He urged Congress workers to cent of its If cotton By paying vitality. strong staple and merchantsare involve themselves deeply into the art of is drawn out of the on the cultivators indirectly pods plants of ex- cloth manufacture and take interest in all without leaves to inter- bearing the burden the enormous allowing any dry be the processes, not just spinning.45 En- mix with it and is with pense of such farms.They could paying carefully ginned tax schools of their thused by the atmosphere created by a hand machine and a direct to the national ginning similarly own contributeto the art Maganlal and Gandhi, there were workers carded,it would also yield very good yarn. villages improve of spinning and be able in the near future like Laxmidas Purushottam who took on then makes an shift Maganlal important to enjoy the sweet fruits of national experiments in the Ashram to "demon- in the this science could be validated way welfare.43 strate that given good cotton and good insisting that it is at the farmer's by right At the more practical level he recom- carding, it was possible to draw fine thread and not the where the fields, laboratory, mended steps for better quality of cotton that would beat the strongest mill yarn of is best examined. He cotton says, and yarn that included field picking of the same count".46The continued produc- It is not so easy to determinethe quality cotton insteadof pod picking, drying before tion of khadi cloth started providing new of the cotton when it is ginned as when ginning to prevent crushing of seeds and insights and facts on indigenous process- habit it is still adheringto the seed...The formation of weak fibres, and thrashing ing techniques making Gandhiremark that, of observationis a most valuable acquire- with a hooked stick to reduce ginning "machine ginned and machine pressed ment of man as necessary for matters time. he said was essential as cotton loses its and is more dif- the Drying vitality worldly as well as spiritual, and ex- can lead to seeds ficult to treat with the hand bow than hand amination of cotton contributes to its improper drying getting crushed. For best results he suggested that ginned cotton".47 development in no small measure. spinners take cotton direct from the fields, The Ashram was not averse to using What is of interest here is the possibility failing which they use hand ginned cotton modern textile testing apparatusif it suited of a science where is not in universality and in the worst case machine ginned but their purpose.48 What is of particular its in conditions but repeatability specific unabled cotton. Baling according to him interest here is the process of scientific in the sense that man could be a every would make the thrashinginsufficient and researchthat leads to differentresults based scientist without the need for expensive necessitate additional scrubbing making on fundamentally different axioms, in this laboratories. A farmer cotton examining him to remarkthat "machine made slivers case local production for use instead of with care in his field was sci- practising even if made from good cotton is inferior production for export. Maganlal was no ence on similar terms as a laboratory to hand made slivers as the vitality of Luddite fighting American varieties of scientist or technologist. cotton fibres is destroyed by 80 per cent cotton. We find in his model of research 'Examination of Cotton' reads like any in passing through various machines".44 a lot of importance given to field expe- laboratory manual. Maganlal perhaps did more than any of riences. In his notes he does no more than Take a small quantityof cotton.Grasp half the scientists in the these and the connec- of it in each hand and then divide it into government programme report experiences in cotton varieties and tions between cotton and the kinds two the hands. If improving Indian variety parts by pulling away the trend in favour of American of The khadi movement thus the sound (of separation)is dry and gritty, reversing processing. varieties for trade.The Ashram had shows a different relation between the it means the cotton is strong and good. If global low, it is the contrary. Sound varies di- set the parameters for research in the centre of research and the place of appli- rectly according to quality. movement by encouraging people to cation - the laboratory and the field. Maganlal was quick to remark however grow their own cotton even if it was just Research at the centre did not make for that this seemingly simple test required in their backyards. The Ashram also set a universal validity of truth claims to be practice that would make it an art. the standards, by example, of the quality applied at the field, but on the contrary, To be able to detect the differences in this of yarns for hand spinning, and thereby, the field worker had to do his own research sound requiresalmost the same capacity the methods of processing and care in and validate it locally. Conversely, the

PE-18 Economic and Political Weekly January30, 1999

This content downloaded from 130.92.9.57 on Fri, 13 Jun 2014 06:16:17 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 'laboratory'(SatyagrahaAshram) was also and discriminating judgment and skill of before the onset of monsoon prevented to be involved in production making it the worker to instantly change and adapt Indian cotton in the 19th centuryfrom sensitive to every crisis in the field. This itself and the working of implements to attainingits maturityand true strength. If is in contrast to the model of agricultural the variations in the fibre." Gregg throws Maganlalhad set the stagefor researchon science prevalenttoday where despite large more light on the loss of vitality thatGandhi handmade processes, Gregg provided the numbers of suicide deaths of farmers, the referred to by pointing to the inherently theoryand scientific understanding for the scientific establishmentseeks to explain the violent and inefficient,methods in mill CharkhaSangh's claims on quality.s5 crisis merelyas failuresof extension mecha- spinning. "Cotton for mill needs spinning NAIK ANDTHE KAPAS SAMITI OF nisms or of the farmers. It does to be cleaned, mixed. beaten, and drawn ignorance CHARKHASANGH not see it as a crisis in agriculturalscience. many, many times. The necessity for It is quite probable that the experiences greater output from the machines results Thekhadi movement was unable to work and experiments of Maganlal could have, in all these processes being done at high out all these possibilities though it had if continued and collated, provided fresh beater and roller speeds in power ginning, faith in them. The need for systematic insights and newer theories on textile enormous pressures in baling cotton and workon cottonvarieties was taken up only manufacture. However, the demands of further violent, high speed beating in the in the late 1940s with the setting up of the movement and his untimely death in opening or blowing process, high speed a 'kapassamiti' ('cotton committee') under 1928 ended a significant chapter in the machine scutching and carding. All these the auspicesof AISA in 1949. Dadabhai technical history of the movement. bruise, scrape. strain, cut and injure much Naik, who was the headof this committee Krishnadas Gandhi, the secretary of the of the fibre. and waste much of it, and dec- was perhapsthe lastdissenter to arguefor All India Spinners Association (AISA), rease the elasticity, strength and 'vitality' the qualityaspects of Indiancotton. Much was later to remark in 1949 that no sys- of what survives. The corresponding hand of Maganlal'sexperiences were based on tematic efforts to researchon cotton grow- processes", Gregg observed, "were vastly Gujarat,which hadtraditional long staple ing were taken up after Maganlal's death. more slow and gentle, and tended far more cotton. Naik's experiences in Madhya Maganlal had by then established the to preserve the qualities of the fibre." Pradesh made him to question more fron- qualities of home-based processing. The Gregg pointed out that durability was tally the mistakennotion of longerstaple AISA planned a khadi museum in his not just through uniformity of fibre, but leadingto moredurable cloth. He argued memory, which would house specimens also of strength, pliability and elasticity. thatgovernment policy favouredthe mills of the finest yarn, the various implements What Gregg alludes to is the fact that what throughlegislation and pricing policies of manufacture of khadi from different the Indian mode of production lacked in at disfavouringshort staple varieties. The parts of the country and a plot where a particularstage or attributein comparison government scientists claimed that tree experiments on cotton growing would to mill processes, was compensated for in cottons attracted pests and legislated continue. The AISA basing itself on his a later stage or by other attributes. Com- against it asking farmers to burnthe plants experiments and experiences in the field parisonsat each stage on parametersset up after harvest. The pest problems however could by then confidently proclaim the by modern spinning processes would dis- did not reduce but some indigenous tree superiority of decentralised manufacture favour Indian cotton and processing tech- cottons like the Karunganninever survived. and had established that "home-grown niques. However, if a comparison was Given the total neglect of research by cotton which is well picked and which made of the cloth as a whole then Indian research laboratories regarding varieties does not need to undergo the devitalising hand spun cloth was more durable. Thus suited to khadi, the AISA decided to process of pressing enables the spinner to a relatively weaker yarn that would make embark on an ambitious research draw a strongerthread".49 However it was weaving impossible in mill weaving would programme on cotton. This programme not until Richard Gregg brought out his be possible by the handloom. What indi- recognised that diversity of varieties was scholarly book on khadi in 1928 titled, vidual fibres in Indian cotton lacked in possible and could only be preserved Economics of Khaddar that these insights strength was compensated throughgreater throughlarger participation of people in from the field were placed in the larger twist provided in spinning. Greater friction the scientific quest. The research agenda context of the debate between hand-based between fibres in hand spinning resulted of the AISA was to progressthrough open and machine-based manufactures. in little loss in overall strength of the yarn. sharing of information and a call was out other of made for farmers and GREGGAND KHADI SCIENCE Gregg pointed advantages participation by charkha yarn over mill yarn. The indi- enthusiasts to build a knowledge base of Gregg. an American lawyer with expe- vidualfibres were strongerandmore elastic, the varieties of Indiancotton throughlarge- rience in industriallabour problems, spent the twist more uniform, no electricity scale experimentation across the country two years in the villages studying the developed in the hand process and the at various farms and regions. The com- movement and put together the insights individual fibres were better locked. The mittee listed the parametersfor research, mentionedabove by connecting them with larger periods of storage for ripening and which emphasised pure line selection of some scientific results from the modern drying in hand processes gave more twist local varieties of local cotton over the textile processes. He embarked on a sys- to the individualfibres andgreater strength. hybrids, and durability and maturity of tematic analysis of cotton technology to The exposure of raw cotton to the sun fibres over staple length. Primaryresearch place in perspective the possibility of fine increased the elasticity of the seeds and was to be done at the farmers' fields and and durablecloth throughhand production. helped prevent their being crushed in the there was scope for final testing at the Gregg argued that as no two fibres of gin. Gregg gives us furtherproof to show government laboratories, though with an cotton were wholly alike modern spinning how the demands of trade worked against alteredperspective. Naik insistedthat the practices requiredmore elaborate process- the qualities of the Indian fibre and how laboratorieswould have to look at the ing of the fibre prior to spinning. Hand i ncreasedspeed of operationwas at the cost cloth as a whole and not just the fibre or operation of yarn, on the other hand, of quality. The hurryto send the cotton to yarn strength. Naik went further and allowed for the "sensitive touch and sight the portsfrom the inlandproduction centres suggested a 'wear test' (emphasising

Economic and Political Weekly January 30. 1999 PE-19

This content downloaded from 130.92.9.57 on Fri, 13 Jun 2014 06:16:17 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions durability)instead of theconventional 'tear We have in this studyattempted to link cotton varieties along the Indo-Pakborder to test'which was based on tensilestrength.5 the khadimovement with the dissenting combatthe dreadedleaf-curl disease of cotton. Krishnadas the then views in the of textile The plan suggests planting only desi cotton Gandhi, secretary history technology. for 20 km along the border.See 'Buffer zone of AISA, madean attemptto sharethese This helps us draw a differentdirection as antidote to cotton crop disease mooted', insights with the IndianCentral Cotton in the historyof technologyby charting Business Standard, December 15. 1997. Committee(ICCC) to them involved out a of dissent, on 4 See Olmstead, Frederic Law (1861), The get genealogy focusing Cotton A Traveler's in researchinto cottonvariet- the roads not taken, and under- Kingdom: Observation indigenous thereby on Cotton and Slavery in the AmericanSlave ies. He placedbefore it the field experi- standto thebiases that favoured a particu- States, Moder Library Edition, New York, ences of the movement, namely, that lar choice of technology. It is only by republished 1969. durablecloth of the last 20-25 yearswere appreciatingthese fundamentalchanges 5 See LaxmanSatya (1997), Cottonand Famine notfrom the in Berar, Manohar Publishers. New Delhi, prevalentcotton varieties. He in textile historythat the presentcrisis in 166-73. pointedto the difficultiesspinners faced cottonfarming can be set right. The clamour 6 Freight comparison between Indian cotton in obtainingpure strains of roziathat gave for greateryields of cottonwithout look- and Americanshowed thatcost of freightwas durable cloth due to programmesthat ingat the issues of sustainabilityand quality about 6 per cent of the value of cotton in favouredthe higheryielding jarila in the is likelyto createmore situations for suicides America while in India it amounted to 125 per cent. See Briggs, John, 'The CottonTrade cottontracts of MadhyaPradesh. Gandhi andstarvation deaths. This presents a great of India: Past and Present Conditions and requestedICCC for varieties suited to challengeto researchersnot only amongst FutureProspects', paper read before the Royal each region. Placing their own experi- cotton scientists but also in the textile Asiatic Society, November 16, 1839, pp 36- ences regardingdesi cotton varieties,he industryand the khadi establishment. 37. Also Brice A C (1863), Indian Cotton the ICCCon such The suicidedeaths of farmersis a failure Supply: The Only Effectual and Permanent questioned parameters Measurefor Relief to Lancashire, pp 51-52. as tensilestrength and staple length won- of agriculturalscience that the scientists 7 Baynes, Alderman (1857), Two Lectures on deringif they werethe only factorsin the can come out of only if they appreciate the Cotton Trade, Blackburn, 15. making of durable cloth.52 This open the historicalnature of this crisis. Rather 8 'Testimony of an Eye-witness, an English invitation thekhadi movement to ICCC than look for collaborationswith scien- Cotton Merchant,addressed to the President by of the Chamber of Commerce, Manchester, does not seem to have met with any tists' abroadin transgeniccotton and in December, 16, 1838'. Quoted in Briggs. meaningfulresponse or rethinkingby the growing organic cotton, the scientists 9 Shamrow, RamchunderB (1853), Notes on scientificestablishment. The findings of the woulddo well to listen to the long list of Cotton Culture in Western India, Bombay, khadimovement were to ICCC's scientistsand dissenters who on and 1-16. relegated spoke 10 'The replies by W B Bruce of Calpec on sectionon perennialcottons without creat- workedtowards improving Indian cotton. 'Queries on the Culture of Cotton in ing any change in its main agenda.Naik The faithin Indiancotton varieties needs Bundhelkand',proposed by G F Hodgkinson', was invited for a seminaron perennial to be muchmore than peripheral attempts quoted in Briggs, 61. See also Briggs, 54, for laterandthecottonestablish- the Indo-Pakborder to ward off the botanists' views. cottonthreeyears along I I bid, 65. mentcontinued its researchagenda oblivi- pests.Much more needs to be done within 12 Lettersby F C Brown to John Bright,Supply ous to the scientific questionsraised. Indiato deal with the over use of pesti- of Cottonfrom India, letter no 2 to J D Sim, At the seminarNaik was criticalof the cides and to reestablishthe quality of Secretaryto GovernmentRevenue Department, for finer cloth that necessitated Indiancotton of ancienttimes. It is Madras,August 10, 1862. Letter to P Grant, policy only 15-16. importof cottonor cloth. He statedthat by being self criticalof its role in society 13 Shamrow, ibid. thedurability of thecloth made out of long and being open to learn from traditions 14 See 'Cotton Cleaning in the Guzerat', staplecotton was suspect. "It is a halftruth outside its own that the scientific estab- published on October 5, 1839 in the Bombay thatthe longstaple cotton gives us a more lishmentcan be free from the dangerof Times and Journal of Cotton. Quoted in durable The cleannessand the Briggs, 72-75. yarn. strength repeating follies of history. 15 Monograph on Cotton Manufacture in the of cloth is not on the of dependent length Notes Punjab, 1885, 2. the staple as much as the percentageof 16 Brice, 62. maturityof the pods. Varietieswith long [I would like to acknowledge the insights of 17 'The Letters of James Dunsmore' (1995), Textiles Newsletter, 8. PPST staplehave a lesserpercentage of mature L'zramma,the research work of Ramakrishna, WorkingGroup and assistanceof Ambirajanin this study. I thank Foundation, Madras. pods.... Indiahas always known to pro- AmritSrinivasan for commentson an earlierdraft 18 'Letter to the Court of Director, dated April duce mediumand short staple cotton. It and the Textiles WorkingGroup which has been 17, 1816, by the Bombay Government'.Also is from these that the fine and strong instrumentalin keeping the debate alive even 'Court of Director in London, to Governor muslin cloths was made and are prior to the recent suicide deaths.] General, Revenue Department,no 3 of 1837' being in 17 and 28. made. The Mochri and kokti of I Farmersin Haryanaand Punjabhave started Briggs, Gajjar shifting to other crops and to traditional 19 Ibid, 19 and 44. Bihar,Kondapatti of Andhraand Bani of varietiesof cotton forsakinghigher yields for 20 Shamrow, 15-18. MadhyaPradesh are examples of these. greaterpest resistance.Area undercotton this 21 Brown to Grant, 12-14. So too the Coconadasand Nadams."53 season was down 25 per cent and area under 22 Rivett-Carac, Report of the Cotton Depart- The slow of the khadi American varieties reduced to a half. See mentfor the Year 1867-68. Cotton Commis- degeneration 'Cottoncrop badly affected in Haryana',The sionerfor the Central Provinces and Berars, 1869. movementafter independence through its Hindu, May 29, 1998. 23 Watt, 199-200. bureaucratisationmade Dadabhai Naik the 2 See Revathi, E 'Farmers'Suicides: Missing 24 The jari, a cross of the bani with the Garo lastknown dissenter arguingfor indigenous Issues', EPW, May 16, 1998, p 1207, for the Hills cotton was India's most prolific but varieties.Naik his decadeof case for neglect of irrigation in Telengana, most inferior short staple plant. Watt, Wild put together and G Parthasarathyand Shameem's study and Cultivated Cottons, 97-133. researchin a book titled Kapasin which 'Suicides of Cotton Farmers in AP: An 25 Letter to Bazley on 'The Cotton Question', heforcefully argues the case for indigenous ExploratoryStudy', EPW, March 26, 1998, by Lt Col Showers, London (1865), 30-31. varieties.54It is only in recentyears that which had highlighted the power of the Also Rivett-Carnac,43. some scientists in the cotton establish- pesticide money lender in the district. 26 Dantwala, M L (1958), One Hundred Years Cotton, Orient 43-49. menthave started that 3 The IndianCouncil for AgriculturalResearch of Longman, Bombay, questioningpolicies (ICAR) has proposed the creation of crop 27 'Letter from the Governmentof India to St have disfavouredindigenous varieties.55 disease resistant buffer zone of traditional George Frederick, Magistrate, Secretary of

PE-20 Economic and Political Weekly January30, 1999

This content downloaded from 130.92.9.57 on Fri, 13 Jun 2014 06:16:17 AM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Statefor India,no 60. Departmentof Revenue and Agriculture - Economic Products. Calcutta. dated December 31, 1903'. UNIVERSITYOF MUMBAI 28 Rao N G P (1991), 'Advancing Dryland in the the Agriculture:Plant Breeding Accomplishments Applications are invited prescribed form for post of Professor andPerspectives', Indian Journal of Genetics. in "Urban Economics and Regional Development" under Dr. Vibhooti Shukla 51 (2), 162-65. Memorial Endowment in the University Department of Economics. Appoint- 29 The following were the projections of ment will be initiallyfor a period of five years. The post, however, will be made requirementsover the years by the National permanent after five years subject to the satisfactory performance of the Chair Commission on Agriculture. and Research Unit attached to it, in the scale of pay of Rs. 4500-150-5700-200- mn (in bales) 7300. The University shall give priorityin allotment of residential house, Flats Variety 1973-74 2000 or Quarters to the Professor appointed to the Chair for this Unit, if he/she is from outstation. Extra long staple 6 20 In addition to Dearness Allowance, House Rent Allowance, 15 42 pay, Compen- Long satory Local Allowance will be paid according to the University rules. The Superior medium 30 60 Lower medium 12 20 post will carry the retirement benefits according to the existing rules of the Coarse 5 5 University. Teachers of the University are permitted to take up outside work according to the University rules. in Santhanam. V (1981), Cotton, Indian The minimum qualification prescribed for the post is as under:- Councilfor AgriculturalResearch Low Priced Book Series no 1, New Delhi. Professor in "Urban Economics and Regional Development":: 30 Carnac, 136-37. 31 Watt, Wild and Cultivated Cottons, ibid. Qualifications:- 32 Briggs, 48-52. General: The incumbent should have a doctorate degree in Economics 33 Rivett Carnac, 35-36. or a very good academic record/equivalent research works with adequate 34 Dunsmore. letters 3 and 5. teaching and research experience. He/she should have capacity to guide 35 Borpujari, Jitendra Gopal (1973). 'Indian research students for Ph.D. degree and undertake independent research Cottons and the Cotton Famine 1860-65'. work/projects. The candidate should have high quality publications to his/ Indian Economic and Social History Review, her credit and outstanding scholarship in the areas of Urban Economics and 10 (1). 37-49. with reference to countries. 36 Uzramma.'Cotton: An Introduction'(1995), Regional Development special developing Textiles WorkingGroup Newsletter, 8, PPST The Additional Specialisation for the post is as under:- Foundation. Madras. prescribed 37 Brggs, 21-22. The incumbent should have specialisation in Urban Economics and Regional 38 Watt, George (1908), The Commercial Pro- Development with special reference to India/developing countries, good ducts of India,John Murray,London, 593-94. background in Economic Theory and quantitative analysis; proven scholarship 39 Brice. 46. Also Dantwala, 37-38. and research minimum 10 and research 40 KhadiNotes: 'Some Useful Varieties of Tree quality publication; years' teaching experience at postgraduate level at Universities or National level research Cotton', Young India, July 5, 1923. institutions. He/she be able to handle work 41 See KhadiNotes: 'Tree Cotton', India, should research independently Young in the areas size and July 26, 1923. Also Khadi Notes, 'Raw of city productivity, urban labour markets, urban finance, Cotton', Young India. November 15, 1923. urban infrastructure, problems of and policies for mega cities, environmental 42 MaganlalGandhi's Charkha Sastra, All India consequences, spatial development with respect to urban growth, etc. The KhaddarInformation Bureau. Ahmedabad, 1924. incumbent will have to give a public lecture once in two years, organise 43 Ibid, 28-34. lectures by eminent Scholars, as also Seminars/Workshops and network or 44 Ibid, 36-41. research on particular issues related to determinants of urban growth and 45 Khadi India. 1923. Notes, Young August, 16, regional development with other institutions in India and abroad, etc. 46 'Room for Improvement',Young India, April Nine of the in the form with attested 29, 1926. Itis howevernot clearas to how suc- copies application prescribed together of certificates a crossed Demand Draft of the cessful Purushottamwas in his experiments. copies alongwith prescribed 47 'Hand-spinningin Mysore', Young India, fee in favour of The Finance and Accounts Officer, University of Mumbai, September 23, 1926. should be sent in an envelope superscribed with "Application for the post 48 Maganlal reportingon the spinning tests at of Professor in "Urban Economics and Regional Development" under the Ashramremarked that 'our methoddiffers Dr. Vibhooti Shukla Memorial Endowment" so as to reach the Registrar, from this (modern testing), in that as we University of Mumbai (T.A.U. Room No. 134), Fort, Mumbai-400 032 on or cannot afford to waste hundredsof yards at before 8th March, 1999. Candidates from abroad, Andaman and Nicobar every test, we have not acceptedthe minimum Islands and send their so as to reach the of the a Lakshadweep may applications weight adopted by laboratory as on or before 23rd 1999. Candidates who are reliable test...' Gandhi, Registrar March, already spinning Maganlal shall send their channel. 'SpinningTests at SatyagrahaAshram', Young employed applications through proper Applications India, August 19, 1926. received after the last date fixed on the receipt of applications will not be 49 'Maganlal Gandhi Memorial', Young India, accepted. The University shall not be responsible for any postal delay. May 17, 1928. Incomplete application and applications on plain paper will not be considered. 50 Gregg. Richard (1928), Economics of Candidates called for interview will have to present themselves at their own Khaddar, especially chapter on Cotton expenses. Canvassing direct or indirect will be a disqualification. Natesanand Madras. Technology. Company, Prescribed forms of application can be had free of charge, from the pp 87-96. Office No. 51 Kapas ki Sattasya : Khadi ki Drishti Se (in Teaching Appointments Unit, Registrar's (Room 134), University Hindi)( 1950), Publicationno 1 of the 'Cotton of Mumbai, Fort, Mumbai-400 032. Request for supply of a set of nine Committee'. AISA, Wardha. prescribed forms by post should be made sufficiently in advance with a self- 52 Ibid. addressed stamped (Rs. 12.00) envelope of the size 27 x 12 cms. 53 Naik,Dadabhai (1952), V)rukshkapas ki Upaj Candidate having knowledge of Marathi will be preferred. in Proceedingsof the Symposiumon Perennial Cottons:Fifth Conference on CottonGrowing (Dr. P.V. Pradhan) in India, ICCC, Bombay. REGISTRAR 54 Naik. Dadabhai(1961), Kapas, Akhil Bharat Mumbai-400 032 Sarva Seva Sangh, Varanasi. 14th January, 1999 55 Rao N G P (1991), op cit.

Economic and Political Weekly January 30, 1999 PE-21

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