The Decline of the Generations (Haazinu)
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1 Parashat Ki Tavo Rabbi David Silverberg Parashat Ki-Tavo Begins
Parashat Ki Tavo Rabbi David Silverberg Parashat Ki-Tavo begins by discussing the mitzva of bikkurim, which requires a farmer to bring his first fruits each year to Jerusalem as a gift to the officiating kohen. Among the unique features of this mitzva, as the Torah describes, is the mikra bikkurim declaration which the farmer must recite as part of the bikkurim ceremony. This declaration, which the Torah dictates in our parasha (26:5-10), briefly recounts the story of the Exodus, from the time of Yaakov until Benei Yisrael’s departure from Egypt, and then tells of the nation’s entry into the land. Maimonides introduces this obligation in Mishneh Torah (Hilkhot Bikkurim 3:10) by writing, “There is an affirmative command to confess in the Temple over the bikkurim” (“Mitzvat asei le-hitvadot be-Midkash al ha-bikkurim…”). Curiously, Maimonides defines this declaration as a viduy, a “confession.” This term is familiar to us from two other contexts, most obviously the mitzva of teshuva, which Maimonides, in the beginning of Hilkhot Teshuva, defines as essentially an obligation to verbally confess. Additionally, the Sages employed the term viduy also in reference to the second mitzva presented in Parashat Ki-Tavo, a halakha known as viduy ma’aser. This obligation requires a farmer to pronounce a declaration every three years affirming his compliance with the laws of terumot and ma’aserot (the required tithes and other gifts from his agricultural yield). Maimonides, interestingly enough, applies the term viduy also to mikra bikkurim. Many writers have addressed the question as to how the concept of “confession” relates to viduy ma’aser, in which a farmer announces that he has faithfully observed all the laws applying to his agricultural produce. -
Chapter Fourteen Rabbinic and Other Judaisms, from 70 to Ca
Chapter Fourteen Rabbinic and Other Judaisms, from 70 to ca. 250 The war of 66-70 was as much a turning point for Judaism as it was for Christianity. In the aftermath of the war and the destruction of the Jerusalem temple Judaeans went in several religious directions. In the long run, the most significant by far was the movement toward rabbinic Judaism, on which the source-material is vast but narrow and of dubious reliability. Other than the Mishnah, Tosefta and three midrashim, almost all rabbinic sources were written no earlier than the fifth century (and many of them much later), long after the events discussed in this chapter. Our information on non-rabbinic Judaism in the centuries immediately following the destruction of the temple is scanty: here we must depend especially on archaeology, because textual traditions are almost totally lacking. This is especially regrettable when we recognize that two non-rabbinic traditions of Judaism were very widespread at the time. Through at least the fourth century the Hellenistic Diaspora and the non-rabbinic Aramaic Diaspora each seem to have included several million Judaeans. Also of interest, although they were a tiny community, are Jewish Gnostics of the late first and second centuries. The end of the Jerusalem temple meant also the end of the Sadducees, for whom the worship of Adonai had been limited to sacrifices at the temple. The great crowds of pilgrims who traditionally came to the city for the feasts of Passover, Weeks and Tabernacles were no longer to be seen, and the temple tax from the Diaspora that had previously poured into Jerusalem was now diverted to the temple of Jupiter Capitolinus in Rome. -
Pesachim 036.Pub
י"ב טבת תשפא“ Sun, Dec 27 2020 OVERVIEW of the Daf Distinctive INSIGHT 1) Fulfilling the mitzvah of matzah with tevel (cont.) Matzah cannot be made from Bikkurim אוציא חיטין ושעורין שיש במין ביכורים Ravina offers an alternative explanation to the Baraisa but the Gemara demonstrates that the explanation offered by R’ Sheishes is clearer. T he Gemara brings a Baraisa which teaches that mat- 2) Matzah made from ma’aser sheni grain zah cannot be made from fruits which are brought to A Baraisa is cited that records different sources that do Yerushalayim as Bikkurim. Rabbi Yosi HaGalili learns this not permit the use of ma’aser sheni grain for the mitzvah of from the verse which describes matzah as something that is in all your communities,” which— בכל מושבותיכם “ matzah. eaten An apparent contradiction is noted regarding R’ Akiva’s excludes Bikkurim fruits which can only be eaten in position concerning matzah that was kneaded with liquids Yerushalayim. Rabbi Akiva also determines that the mitz- other than water. vah of matzah cannot be fulfilled from Bikkurim, and he The Gemara resolves the contradiction by distinguishing learns this from the association between matzah and mar- between the first day of Pesach and the remaining days of ror (in the verse Bemidbar 9:11). We know that a person Pesach. cannot fulfill his obligation to eat marror with Bikkurim. 3) Kneading dough in lukewarm water So too, claims Rabbi Akiva, matzah cannot be performed The Gemara questions why the previous Baraisa does not with Bikkurim. permit the use of lukewarm water to make matzah whereas The Gemara then clarifies the analysis of Rabbi Akiva. -
When Rabbi Eliezer Was Arrested for Heresy
JSIJ 10 (2012) 145-181 WHEN RABBI ELIEZER WAS ARRESTED FOR HERESY JOSHUA SCHWARTZ and PETER J. TOMSON Introduction: A Shared History This study is part of a larger project the ultimate aim of which is to write a shared, twin or intertwined history of Jews and Christians in the first and second centuries CE. The first stage of the project will be to select relevant sources, to describe their literary and historical characteristics, and to read and reread them in view of their significance vis-à-vis other sources. The second stage will encompass the writing of a historical synthesis of the shared history. We stress the shared aspect of the history because Judaism and Christianity in the ancient world are usually studied separately, as though involving not just two distinct histories, but also two separate sets of sources, two frameworks of interpretation and reflection, two programs of academic teaching, research, and writing, and two canons of judgment and review. While Jewish and Christian history can be considered separately in the Middle Ages and later, including modern times, this is not the case for Antiquity, and particularly not regarding the first two centuries CE, before what is known as the “parting of the ways.” Although there was some movement toward separation during the first two centuries CE, as evinced, for instance, in such sources as the Didache, the Gospel of Matthew, and the Epistle of Barnabas, 1 this was by no means a “parting of the ways” and certainly does not justify separating the history of early Christianity from Jewish history. -
Table of Contents 1. Women in the Temple 2. Women After The
Table of Contents Tal Ilan Introduction 1 1. Women in the Temple Gtinter Stemberger Did Women Actively Participate in the Sacrificial Cult ofthe Temple of Jerusalem? Some Preliminary Observations 9 Andreas Lehnardt "The Scent ofWomen." Incense and Perfume in jSheq 5:2 (Sheqalim) 23 Marjorie Lehman Reading the Gendered Rhetoric of Yom Kippur (Yoma) 33 Moshe Benovit^ Miriam bat Bilgah in the Temple: Self, Symbol, Substitute or Stereotype? (Sukkah) 57 Ishaj Rosen-Zvi The Sotah in the Temple: A Well-Ordered Choreography (Sotah) 71 Tir^ah Meacham How Pragmatism Trumps Dogmatism: Marginalization and the Masses in the Case of Coming to the Temple (.Niddah) 85 2. Women after the Destruction of the Temple i Aryeh Cohen The Gender of Shabbat (Shabbat) 109 Gail l^abovit^ The Omitted Adornment: Women and Men Mourning the Destruction (Mo'ed Qatan) 127 http://d-nb.info/1023055899 X Table of Contents Klaus Herrmann Do Women have Access to the Divine Realm? Temple Ideology in Judaism ('Hagigah) 147 Christiane T^uberi "And the Woman is a High-Priest": From the Temple to the Kitchen, From the Laws of Ritual Im/Purity to the Laws of Kashrut (Toharot) 167 David hevine Why NoWomen in the Beit Midrash? 177 3. Women in the Temple and in Seder Qodashim Dvora Weisberg Clothes (un)Make the Man: bMenahot 109b (Menahot) 193 Jane Kanarek All are Obligated: Sacrifice, Sight and Study (Arakhin) 213 Monika Brockhaus 3V3 Trim nan pns: How do the "Harlot" and the "Dog" Affect the Sacrifice (Temurah) 225 Federico Dal Bo "Women to think with:" Sexual Transgressions as Heuristics in bKeritot 17a—20a (Keritot) 241 Dalia Marx Tractate Qinnim: Marginality or Horizons [Qinnim) 253 4. -
BIKKURIM the Tractate's First Unit Lists the Prerequisites for Separating First Fruits And
CHAPTER ELEVEN THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE TRACTATES: BIKKURIM l. INTRODUCTION The tractate's first unit lists the prerequisites for separating first fruits and reciting the Scriptural confession. The third unit describes, in a narrative passage, the actual procedures through which this offering is designated, separated and carried to the Temple in Jerusalem, where it is presented to the priests. Constructed almost exclusively of Ushan materials, these two units supply all information an Israelite needs to know in order to designate and dispose of first fruits. Concerned pri marily with the mechanics of this operation, they provide few issues of legal interest or theoretical importance within the Division of Agriculture as a whole. As is the case for Tractate Orlah, while the Mishnah's authorities deemed it important to discuss this Scriptural offering, they did not produce an agendum of issues deeper than the surface ques tion of what the Israelite must do to fulfill the requirement described in Scripture. The tractate's middle unit contains a series of comparisons of rules that apply to each of the several agricultural offerings referred to in the Division of Agriculture. Irrelevant to the specific topic of first fruits, this material would, however, comprise a fitting conclusion and sum mary for this division as a whole. It is unclear why it has been redacted between the tractate's two units on laws of first fruits instead of in the more appropriate position at the end of the tractate. 1 Before turning to the substantive development of the tractate's law, let us review the Scriptural passages that provide the facts upon which the Mishnah's rules depend. -
Women's Testimony and Talmudic Reasoning
Kedma: Penn's Journal on Jewish Thought, Jewish Culture, and Israel Volume 2 Number 2 Fall 2018 Article 8 2020 Women’s Testimony and Talmudic Reasoning Deena Kopyto University of Pennsylvania Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/kedma Part of the Jewish Studies Commons, Near and Middle Eastern Studies Commons, and the Religion Commons This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/kedma/vol2/iss2/8 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Women’s Testimony and Talmudic Reasoning Creative Commons License This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial 4.0 License This article is available in Kedma: Penn's Journal on Jewish Thought, Jewish Culture, and Israel: https://repository.upenn.edu/kedma/vol2/iss2/8 Women’s Testimony and Talmudic Reasoning Deena Kopyto Introduction Today, being a witness is often considered a burden – an obligation that courts force people to fulfill. In contrast, in Talmudic-era Babylonia and ancient Israel, testifying was a privilege that certain groups, including slaves, women, and children, did not enjoy. While minors should be barred from participating in courts, and still largely are today, the status of women in Talmudic courts poses a much trickier question. Through this historical and Talmudic analysis, I aim to determine the root of this ban. The reasons for the ineligibility of female testimony range far and wide, but most are not explicitly mentioned in the Talmud. Perhaps women in Talmudic times were infrequently called as witnesses, and rabbis banned women from participation in courts in order to further crystallize this patriarchal structure. -
The Babylonian Talmud
The Babylonian Talmud translated by MICHAEL L. RODKINSON Book 10 (Vols. I and II) [1918] The History of the Talmud Volume I. Volume II. Volume I: History of the Talmud Title Page Preface Contents of Volume I. Introduction Chapter I: Origin of the Talmud Chapter II: Development of the Talmud in the First Century Chapter III: Persecution of the Talmud from the destruction of the Temple to the Third Century Chapter IV: Development of the Talmud in the Third Century Chapter V: The Two Talmuds Chapter IV: The Sixth Century: Persian and Byzantine Persecution of the Talmud Chapter VII: The Eight Century: the Persecution of the Talmud by the Karaites Chapter VIII: Islam and Its Influence on the Talmud Chapter IX: The Period of Greatest Diffusion of Talmudic Study Chapter X: The Spanish Writers on the Talmud Chapter XI: Talmudic Scholars of Germany and Northern France Chapter XII: The Doctors of France; Authors of the Tosphoth Chapter XIII: Religious Disputes of All Periods Chapter XIV: The Talmud in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries Chapter XV. Polemics with Muslims and Frankists Chapter XVI: Persecution during the Seventeenth Century Chapter XVII: Attacks on the Talmud in the Nineteenth Century Chapter XVIII. The Affair of Rohling-Bloch Chapter XIX: Exilarchs, Talmud at the Stake and Its Development at the Present Time Appendix A. Appendix B Volume II: Historical and Literary Introduction to the New Edition of the Talmud Contents of Volume II Part I: Chapter I: The Combination of the Gemara, The Sophrim and the Eshcalath Chapter II: The Generations of the Tanaim Chapter III: The Amoraim or Expounders of the Mishna Chapter IV: The Classification of Halakha and Hagada in the Contents of the Gemara. -
The Anti-Samaritan Attitude As Reflected in Rabbinic Midrashim
religions Article The Anti‑Samaritan Attitude as Reflected in Rabbinic Midrashim Andreas Lehnardt Faculty of Protestant Theology, Johannes Gutenberg‑University Mainz, 55122 Mainz, Germany; lehnardt@uni‑mainz.de Abstract: Samaritans, as a group within the ranges of ancient ‘Judaisms’, are often mentioned in Talmud and Midrash. As comparable social–religious entities, they are regarded ambivalently by the rabbis. First, they were viewed as Jews, but from the end of the Tannaitic times, and especially after the Bar Kokhba revolt, they were perceived as non‑Jews, not reliable about different fields of Halakhic concern. Rabbinic writings reflect on this change in attitude and describe a long ongoing conflict and a growing anti‑Samaritan attitude. This article analyzes several dialogues betweenrab‑ bis and Samaritans transmitted in the Midrash on the book of Genesis, Bereshit Rabbah. In four larger sections, the famous Rabbi Me’ir is depicted as the counterpart of certain Samaritans. The analyses of these discussions try to show how rabbinic texts avoid any direct exegetical dispute over particular verses of the Torah, but point to other hermeneutical levels of discourse and the rejection of Samari‑ tan claims. These texts thus reflect a remarkable understanding of some Samaritan convictions, and they demonstrate how rabbis denounced Samaritanism and refuted their counterparts. The Rabbi Me’ir dialogues thus are an impressive literary witness to the final stages of the parting of ways of these diverging religious streams. Keywords: Samaritans; ancient Judaism; rabbinic literature; Talmud; Midrash Citation: Lehnardt, Andreas. 2021. The Anti‑Samaritan Attitude as 1 Reflected in Rabbinic Midrashim. The attitudes towards the Samaritans (or Kutim ) documented in rabbinical literature 2 Religions 12: 584. -
Abbreviations and Bibliography
ABBREVIATIONS AND BIBLIOGRAPHY Ah. 'Ahilot Albeck Chanoch Albeck, Si!ah Sidre Mi!nah, Seder Zera'im (Jerusalem and Tel Aviv, 1957) Alon Gedaliahu Alon, "Tefl_uman fel fl_ukkot tohorah," in Mefl_qarim betoldot yiira'el" (2 vols.; Tel Aviv, 1957) 1: 148-76 [="The Bounds of the Laws of Levitical Cleanness," in Alon, Jews, Judaism and the Classical World: Studies in Jewish History in the Times qf the Second Temple and the Talmud (Jerusalem, 1977) 190-234] Arak. 'Arakin ARNA 'Abot de Rabbi Natan, Recension A, ed. Solomon Schechter (Vienna, 1887; reprint: New York, 1945) Aruch Alexander Kohut, ed. Aruch Completum (8 vols.; Vienna, 1878-92; second edition, 1926), and Additamenta ad Librum Aruch Completum, ed., Samuel Krauss et al. (Vienna, 1937) Avery-Peck Alan J. Avery-Peck, Mishnah's Division qf Agriculture: A History and 7heology qf Seder Zeraim (Chico, 1985) Avi-Yonah, Michael Avi- Y onah, with the assistance of Shemuel Safrai, 'Atlas Atlas Karta' litequpat bayyit feni, hammi!nah, wehattalmud [Carta's Atlas qf the Period qf the Second Temple, the Mishnah, and the Talmudj (Jerusalem, 1966) Avi-Yonah, Michael Avi-Yonah, Geograpiah historit fel 'eresyiira'ellemin fibbat iyyon Geography we'ad rl fit hakkibbuf ha'arabi [Historical Geography qf the Land qf Israel from the Restoration to the Arab Conquest] (Jerusalem, 1962) Avi-Yonah, Michael Avi-Yonah, 7he Holy Land .from the Persian to the Arab Conquest, Holy Land 536 B.C.-A.D. 640: A Historical Geography (Grand Rapids, 1966) A.Z. 'Abodah Zarah b. Babli, Babylonian Talmud; ben, "son of," as in "Simeon b. Gamaliel" B Mishnah Zera'im, MS. -
Parshat Mishpatim 5773
Written by: David Prins Editor: David Michaels Parshat Emor 5777 as much as from what their Rabbi said. They too did not speak respectfully to each other, especially when they had differing political views among themselves. We see from here the Rabbi Akiva’s students- We are in the period of the Omer between Pesach and Shavuot, and awesome responsibility of a Rebbe. We also see what eventuates when people supposedly on the command to count the Omer is in this week’s Parasha. Rabbi Akiva had 12,000 pairs of the same side deflect their energy away from the enemy and towards their own internal students. They all died in the Omer period because they did not treat each other with respect dissensions. This is the causeless hatred which has always caused Israel to miss its chance for (Yevamot 62b). Rabbi Nachman adds that the physical cause of their death was askera, which redemption. Rashi defines as a plague of diphtheria. In his Peninei Halakha, Rav Eliezer Melamed, Rosh Yeshivat Har Bracha, suggests an alternative Rav Sherira Gaon wrote in his Iggeret that they died as a result of shemada, which would suggest explanation that aligns with Rashi’s explanation of askera. Some of Rabbi Akiva’s students joined that their deaths had to do with the use of force and Roman persecution. Etz Yosef comments the Bar Kochba rebellion while others continued in their studies. The two camps behaved on Bereishit Rabba 61:3 that they died in the battle of Betar. The Etz Yosef comments similarly on contemptuously toward each other. -
Daf Ditty Shekalim 14: Swept Away
Daf Ditty Shekalim 14: Swept Away The Death of Prince Leopold of Brunswick James Northcote (1746–1831) Hunterian Art Gallery, University of Glasgow Nephew of King Frederic II; from 1776 Regimentskommandeur und Stadtkommandant of Frankfurt (Oder); died tragically attempting to rescue some inhabitants of Frankfurt during the flood of 1785. 1 Halakha 2 · MISHNA There must be no fewer than seven trustees [amarkolin] and three treasurers appointed over the Temple administration. And we do not appoint an authority over the public comprised of fewer than two people, except for ben Aḥiyya, who was responsible for healing priests who suffered from intestinal disease, and Elazar, who was responsible for the weaving of the Temple curtains. The reason for these exceptions is that the majority of the public accepted these men upon themselves as officials who served without the assistance of even a single partner. 2 GEMARA: The mishna states that there must be no fewer three treasurers and seven trustees. The Gemara states that it was likewise taught in a baraita that there must be no fewer than two executive supervisors [katalikin]. This is as it is written in the verse that lists the men who supervised the receipt of teruma and tithes from the public and their distribution to the priests and the Levites, as well as the receipt of items dedicated to the Temple: And Jehiel, and Azaziah, and Nahath, and Asahel, and 13 גי ְָוֲַיﬠזזהוּ ִוִייחֵאל ְַוַנחתַ ַוֲﬠָשׂהֵאל Jerimoth, and Jozabad, and Eliel, and Ismachiah, and ְְִויַסְָמיכהוּ,ִִויירמוֹתְויָוָֹזבד, ֱֶוִאילֵאל ְְִויַסְָמיכהוּ, Mahath, and Benaiah, were overseers under the hand of מוּ ַ ַ ח ,ת בוּ ְ ָנ ָי וּה -- הו דיּמכונינ ,םַדִק ִִייְפּ ,םַדִק דיּמכונינ הו Conaniah and Shimei his brother, by the appointment of נָכּ( נַ יְ )וּהָ מִשְׁ ו ﬠְ יִ חָא ,ויִ מְ בּ פִ דַקְ חְ י זִ יִּקְ וּהָ וּהָ יִּקְ זִ חְ י דַקְ פִ מְ בּ ,ויִ חָא יִ ﬠְ מִשְׁ ו )וּהָ יְ נַ נָכּ( e,ֶ Hezekiah the king, and Azariah the ruler of the house ofֶלַהמּ ָוְּהיַרזֲַﬠו ידבְּגנ ֵיתִ - ִי.ֱםgהָהא God.