S/2018/132 Security Council
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Fact Sheet - the Palestinian Authority’S Campaign of Incitement
Fact Sheet - The Palestinian Authority’s Campaign of Incitement “We welcome every drop of blood spilled in Jerusalem. This is pure blood, clean blood, blood on its way to Allah. With the help of Allah, every martyr will be in heaven, and every wounded will get his reward.” -Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas, September 16th, 2015 “We plan to eliminate the State of Israel and establish a purely Palestinian state. We will make life unbearable for Jews by psychological warfare and population explosion. Jews will not want to live among Arabs. I have no use for Jews. They are and remain Jews.” -Former Palestinian Authority President Yasser Arafat, 1996 Executive Summary The Palestinian Authority (PA) was established as a result of the 1993 Oslo Accords, which recognized the PA as the interim governing body to oversee the Gaza Strip and parts of the West Bank. In 2006, Hamas took over control of the Gaza Strip. The PA currently maintains control over part of the West Bank. Since Oslo, the PA has incited terrorism against Jews and Israelis, violating a core tenant of the negotiations. The PA continues to violate the Oslo Accords and has refused to condemn terrorism, but instead encourages, celebrates, and awards Palestinian terrorists. Oslo Accords: Outcomes & Promises • The PA and Israel each had to recognize the other’s existence. • The PA is obligated to refrain from incitement against Israel and its civilians and to take measures to prevent others from engaging in it. • The PA is required to police their territories and work with Israel to fight terrorism. -
Syria: the War of Constructing Identities in the Digital Space and the Power of Discursive Practices
CONFLICT RESEARCH PROGRAMME Research at LSE Conflict Research Programme Syria: The war of constructing identities in the digital space and the power of discursive practices Bilal Zaiter About the Conflict Research Programme The Conflict Research Programme is a four-year research programme managed by the Conflict and Civil Society Research Unit at the LSE and funded by the UK Department for International Development. Our goal is to understand and analyse the nature of contemporary conflict and to identify international interventions that ‘work’ in the sense of reducing violence or contributing more broadly to the security of individuals and communities who experience conflict. About the Authors Bilal Zaiter is a Palestinian-Syrian researcher and social entrepreneur based in France. His main research interests are discursive and semiotics practices. He focuses on digital spaces and data. Acknowledgements I would like to acknowledge the thoughtful discussions and remarkable support of both Dr. Rim Turkmani and Sami Hadaya from the Syrian team at LSE. They showed outstanding understanding not only to the particularities of the Syrian conflict but also to what it takes to proceed with such kind of multi-methods and multi-disciplinary work. They have been patient and it was great working with them. I would also like to thank the CRP for the grant they provided to conduct this study. Without the grant this work would not have been done. Special thanks to the three Syrian programmers and IT experts who worked with me to de- velop the software needed for my master’s degree research and for this research. They are living now in France, Germany and Austria. -
Shattered Glass Houses of Zionist Pawns
Shattered Glass Houses of Zionist Pawns. Belgium and Norway Turn a Blind Eye to Israeli Atrocities By Dr. Vacy Vlazna Region: Europe, Middle East & North Africa Global Research, October 21, 2017 Theme: Crimes against Humanity, Media Disinformation, Police State & Civil Rights, Poverty & Social Inequality In-depth Report: PALESTINE “People who live in glass houses should not throw stones.” Proverb Western governments that have servilely abrogated to a foreign power, i.e. Israel, their responsibilities to uphold international law can no longer claim national sovereignty nor a moral high-ground. These states have become bystanders to Israeli war crimes and genocide and are corrupt mouthpieces parroting Zionist platitudes that undermine Palestinian rights, particularly the right to resist and to defend Palestine’s freedom and land from its brutal occupier/ land- thief. Two recent typical examples of glass house hypocrisy are Belgium and Norway. Belgium Belgium had been a generous benefactor of school funding in Palestine, having to date built 23 schools in the Israeli occupied West Bank with plans to build a further 10 schools. Palestinian parents, living in forced impoverishment are aware of their children’s dismal present and future, and so value education for their children even more. It is, then, of great concern that at the behest of Palestinian Media Watch* on the 7th October the freezing of Belgian school fundingwas announced because the Beit Awaa Elementary Girls School, Hebron region, built with funds from Belgium in 2012-2013, was renamed the Dalal Mughrabi Elementary School. Dalal Mughrabi, was a 19 year old PLO freedom fighter who led an attack in 1978 against the Israeli occupier which left 35 people dead and more than 70 injured. -
Israeli - Palestinian Negotiations: Survey of the Past, Present and Future
ISRAELI - PALESTINIAN NEGOTIATIONS: SURVEY OF THE PAST, PRESENT AND FUTURE For the last 19 years, Israelis and Palestinians have been trying to find solu- tions to end their conflict. Although the need to live together should have brought both sides to find a solution, the conflict is “stuck” and no solution ending the conflict has been agreed upon. Despite the natural tendency to analyze the conflict by criticizing the allegedly strong side (which, in this case is Israel), the following article presents a short summary and overview of the past, the missed opportunities, the current matters, and an optimistic look to the future. Tal Gat* * Tal Gat is serving as the Deputy Consul General of Israel in Istanbul since 2009. 65 VOLUME 9 NUMBER 3 TAL GAT ince its establishment, the State of Israel has stretched its hand for peace to all neighboring states and their people. Israel regards peace as the basic principle in its integration in the region and has proved in the past that it is willing to offer major concessions to fulfill this aspira- tion. The majority of Israelis support the goal which was emphasized by the cur- rent government: two nation states, living next to each other in peace and security. Whereas Israelis understand the price and the concessions they will have to make, the Palestinians are yet to make the necessary concessions on their side. If we learn something from history, it is that the lack of will to accept Israel as a legitimate part of the Middle East is not something that the Palestinians are the first to implement. -
Hamas's Response to the Syrian Uprising Nasrin Akhter in a Recent
Hamas’s Response to the Syrian Uprising Nasrin Akhter In a recent interview with the pro-Syrian Al Mayadeen channel based in Beirut, the Hamas deputy chief, Mousa Abu Marzouk asserted in October 2013 that Khaled Meshaal was ‘wrong’ to have raised the flag of the Syrian revolution on his historic return to Gaza at the end of last year.1 While on the face of it, Marzouk’s comment may not in itself hold much significance, referring only to the literal act of raising the flag, an inadvertent error made during an exuberant rally in which a number of other flags were also raised, subsequent remarks by Marzouk during the course of the interview describing the Syrian state as the ‘beating heart of the Palestinian cause’ and acknowledging the previous ‘favour’ of the Syrian regime towards the movement2 may be more indicative of shift in Hamas’s position of open opposition towards the Asad regime. This raises the important question of whether we are now witnessing a third phase in Hamas’s response towards the Syrian Uprising. In the first stage of its response, a period lasting from the outbreak of hostilities in the southern city of Deraa in March 2011 until December 2011, Hamas’s position appeared to be one of constructive ambiguity, publicly refraining from condemning Syrian authorities, but studiously avoiding anything which could have been interpreted as an open act of support for the Syrian regime. Such a position clearly stemmed from Hamas’s own vulnerabilities, acting with caution for fear of exacting reprisals against the movement still operating out of Damascus. -
"Al-Assad" and "Al Qaeda" (Day of CBS Interview)
This Document is Approved for Public Release A multi-disciplinary, multi-method approach to leader assessment at a distance: The case of Bashar al-Assad A Quick Look Assessment by the Strategic Multilayer Assessment (SMA)1 Part II: Analytical Approaches2 February 2014 Contributors: Dr. Peter Suedfeld (University of British Columbia), Mr. Bradford H. Morrison (University of British Columbia), Mr. Ryan W. Cross (University of British Columbia) Dr. Larry Kuznar (Indiana University – Purdue University, Fort Wayne), Maj Jason Spitaletta (Joint Staff J-7 & Johns Hopkins University), Dr. Kathleen Egan (CTTSO), Mr. Sean Colbath (BBN), Mr. Paul Brewer (SDL), Ms. Martha Lillie (BBN), Mr. Dana Rafter (CSIS), Dr. Randy Kluver (Texas A&M), Ms. Jacquelyn Chinn (Texas A&M), Mr. Patrick Issa (Texas A&M) Edited by: Dr. Hriar Cabayan (JS/J-38) and Dr. Nicholas Wright, MRCP PhD (Carnegie Endowment for International Peace) Copy Editor: Mr. Sam Rhem (SRC) 1 SMA provides planning support to Combatant Commands (CCMD) with complex operational imperatives requiring multi-agency, multi-disciplinary solutions that are not within core Service/Agency competency. SMA is accepted and synchronized by Joint Staff, J3, DDSAO and executed by OSD/ASD (R&E)/RSD/RRTO. 2 This is a document submitted to provide timely support to ongoing concerns as of February 2014. 1 This Document is Approved for Public Release 1 ABSTRACT This report suggests potential types of actions and messages most likely to influence and deter Bashar al-Assad from using force in the ongoing Syrian civil war. This study is based on multidisciplinary analyses of Bashar al-Assad’s speeches, and how he reacts to real events and verbal messages from external sources. -
From Cold War to Civil War: 75 Years of Russian-Syrian Relations — Aron Lund
7/2019 From Cold War to Civil War: 75 Years of Russian-Syrian Relations — Aron Lund PUBLISHED BY THE SWEDISH INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS | UI.SE Abstract The Russian-Syrian relationship turns 75 in 2019. The Soviet Union had already emerged as Syria’s main military backer in the 1950s, well before the Baath Party coup of 1963, and it maintained a close if sometimes tense partnership with President Hafez al-Assad (1970–2000). However, ties loosened fast once the Cold War ended. It was only when both Moscow and Damascus separately began to drift back into conflict with the United States in the mid-00s that the relationship was revived. Since the start of the Syrian civil war in 2011, Russia has stood by Bashar al-Assad’s embattled regime against a host of foreign and domestic enemies, most notably through its aerial intervention of 2015. Buoyed by Russian and Iranian support, the Syrian president and his supporters now control most of the population and all the major cities, although the government struggles to keep afloat economically. About one-third of the country remains under the control of Turkish-backed Sunni factions or US-backed Kurds, but deals imposed by external actors, chief among them Russia, prevent either side from moving against the other. Unless or until the foreign actors pull out, Syria is likely to remain as a half-active, half-frozen conflict, with Russia operating as the chief arbiter of its internal tensions – or trying to. This report is a companion piece to UI Paper 2/2019, Russia in the Middle East, which looks at Russia’s involvement with the Middle East more generally and discusses the regional impact of the Syria intervention.1 The present paper seeks to focus on the Russian-Syrian relationship itself through a largely chronological description of its evolution up to the present day, with additional thematically organised material on Russia’s current role in Syria. -
Hezbollah's Concept of Deterrence Vis-À-Vis Israel According to Nasrallah
Hezbollah’s Concept of Deterrence vis-à-vis Israel according to Nasrallah: From the Second Lebanon War to the Present Carmit Valensi and Yoram Schweitzer “Lebanon must have a deterrent military strength…then we will tell the Israelis to be careful. If you want to attack Lebanon to achieve goals, you will not be able to, because we are no longer a weak country. If we present the Israelis with such logic, they will think a million times.” Hassan Nasrallah, August 17, 2009 This essay deals with Hezbollah’s concept of deterrence against Israel as it developed over the ten years since the Second Lebanon War. The essay looks at the most important speeches by Hezbollah Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah during this period to examine the evolution and development of the concept of deterrence at four points in time that reflect Hezbollah’s internal and regional milieu (2000, 2006, 2008, and 2011). Over the years, Nasrallah has frequently utilized the media to deliver his messages and promote the organization’s agenda to key target audiences – Israel and the internal Lebanese audience. His speeches therefore constitute an opportunity for understanding the organization’s stances in general and its concept of deterrence in particular. The Quiet Decade: In the Aftermath of the Second Lebanon War, 2006-2016 I 115 Edited by Udi Dekel, Gabi Siboni, and Omer Einav 116 I Carmit Valensi and Yoram Schweitzer Principal Messages An analysis of Nasrallah’s speeches, especially since 2011, shows that he has devoted them primarily to the war in Syria and internal Lebanese politics. -
Project of Statistical Data Collection on Film and Audiovisual Markets in 9 Mediterranean Countries
Film and audiovisual data collection project EU funded Programme FILM AND AUDIOVISUAL DATA COLLECTION PROJECT PROJECT TO COLLECT DATA ON FILM AND AUDIOVISUAL PROJECT OF STATISTICAL DATA COLLECTION ON FILM AND AUDIOVISUAL MARKETS IN 9 MEDITERRANEAN COUNTRIES Country profile: 3. LEBANON EUROMED AUDIOVISUAL III / CDSU in collaboration with the EUROPEAN AUDIOVISUAL OBSERVATORY Dr. Sahar Ali, Media Expert, CDSU Euromed Audiovisual III Under the supervision of Dr. André Lange, Head of the Department for Information on Markets and Financing, European Audiovisual Observatory (Council of Europe) Tunis, 27th February 2013 Film and audiovisual data collection project Disclaimer “The present publication was produced with the assistance of the European Union. The capacity development support unit of Euromed Audiovisual III programme is alone responsible for the content of this publication which can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the European Union, or of the European Audiovisual Observatory or of the Council of Europe of which it is part.” The report is available on the website of the programme: www.euromedaudiovisual.net Film and audiovisual data collection project NATIONAL AUDIOVISUAL LANDSCAPE IN NINE PARTNER COUNTRIES LEBANON 1. BASIC DATA ............................................................................................................................. 5 1.1 Institutions................................................................................................................................. 5 1.2 Landmarks ............................................................................................................................... -
Tailwind® 500/550 with RDU TV Programming for Europe
Tailwind® 500/550 with RDU TV programming for Europe European Programming 23 CNBC Europe E 57 WDR Köln G 91 N24 Austria G 125 EinsPlus G ® for Tailwind 500/550 with RDU 24 Sonlife Broadcasting Network E 58 WDR Bielefeld G 92 rbb Berlin G 126 PHOENIX G A Arabic G German P Portuguese 25 Russia Today E 59 WDR Dortmund G 93 rbb Brandenburg G 127 SIXX G D Deutch K Korean S Spanish 26 GOD Channel E 60 WDR Düsseldorf G 94 NDR FS MV G 128 sixx Austria G E English M Multi T Turkish F French Po Polish 27 BVN TV D 61 WDR Essen G 95 NDR FS HH G 129 TELE 5 G 28 TV Record SD P 62 WDR Münster G 96 NDR FS NDS G 130 DMAX G Standard Definition Free-to-Air channel 29 TELESUR S 63 WDR Siegen G 97 NDR FS SH G 131 DMAX Austria G 30 TVGA S 64 Das Erste G 98 MDR Sachsen G 132 SPORT1 G The following channel list is effective April 21, 2016. Channels listed are subject to change 31 TBN Espana S 65 hr-fernsehen G 99 MDR S-Anhalt G 133 Eurosport 1 Deutschland G without notice. 32 TVE INTERNACIONAL EUROPA S 66 Bayerisches FS Nord G 100 MDR Thüringen G 134 Schau TV G Astra 33 CANAL 24 HORAS S 67 Bayerisches FS Süd G 101 SWR Fernsehen RP G 135 Folx TV G 34 Cubavision Internacional S 68 ARD-alpha G 102 SWR Fernsehen BW G 136 SOPHIA TV G 1 France 24 (in English) E 35 RT Esp S 69 ZDF G 103 DELUXE MUSIC G 137 Die Neue Zeit TV G 2 France 24 (en Français) F 36 Canal Algerie F 70 ZDFinfo G 104 n-tv G 138 K-TV G 3 Al Jazeera English E 37 Algerie 3 A 71 zdf_neo G 105 RTL Television G 139 a.tv G 4 NHK World TV E 38 Al Jazeera Channel A 72 zdf.kultur G 106 RTL FS G 140 TVA-OTV -
Channel No. Channel National UAE 2 Abu Dhabi 3 Abu Dhabi TV Plus 1 4
Channel No. Channel National UAE 2 Abu Dhabi 3 Abu Dhabi TV Plus 1 4 Al Emarat 5 Dubai TV HD 6 Noor Dubai 7 Sama Dubai 8 Sharjah TV 9 Ajman TV 12 Al Dafrah News News- Arabic 25 Sky News Arabia 26 BBC Arabic 27 France 24 28 Ekhbariya 29 CNBC Arabia 30 TRT Arabia 31 Al Mayadeen News- International 55 NHK 63 Russia Today News- South Asian 87 E-News 89 Manorama News 90 People TV 96 ARY News 93 India Vision Movies Movies- English 113 Fox Movies Movies- Arabic 152 Rotana Cinema 153 Rotana Aflam 154 Rotana Classic (Rotana Zaman) 161 Nile Cinema 162 Al Hayat Cinema 163 Panorama Film Movies- South Asian 171 B4U Aflam 172 Zee Film Hindi 173 Zee Aflam 174 Zee Alwan 189 Imagine Movies Series TV Series- English 201 Dubai One TV 206 Decision Maker TV 207 Fox 244 Abu Dhabi Drama 257 Al Kahera Wal Nas 258 Rotana Khalijiah 259 Rotana Al Masriya 261 Capital Broadcast Center 262 CBC Drama 263 Panorama Drama 703 Nile Drama 267 Al Nahar 268 Al Nahar Drama 269 Al Nahar +2 (Al Nahar Drama 2) 270 AlHayat 271 Al Hayat 2 272 Al Hayat Mosalsalaat 274 Funoon TV 275 Moga Comedy TV Series- South Asian 303 Jeevan TV 304 Jai Hind TV 305 Amrita TV 313 Channel i 316 B4U Plus 322 Urdu TV Kids 324 Yes IndiaVision Kids- Arabic 351 Space Toon 353 Al Jazeera Baraem 354 Toyour Al Jannah 356 Cartoon Net Arabia 357 Karameesh TV Kids- English Documentaries 378 National Geographic Abu Dhabi Style & Entertainment 401 Fatafeat 405 ARY Zauq 412 Physique TV HD 415 Ikono HD 425 City 7 427 Fashion One HD 429 E-24 430 Citrus TV Music Music - English 433 du Live! (DuBarker2) 434 Channel -
Assad Strikes Damascus
January 2014 Valerie Szybala MIDDLE EAST SECURITY REPORT 16 ASSAD STRIKES DaMASCUS THE BATTLE FOR SYRIA’S CAPItal Cover: A man walks in front of a burning building after a Syrian Air force air strike in Ain Tarma neighbourhood of Damascus. Picture taken January 27, 2013. REUTERS/Goran Tomasevic/Files All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. ©2014 by the Institute for the Study of War. Published in 2014 in the United States of America by the Institute for the Study of War. 1400 16th Street NW, Suite 515 | Washington, DC 20036 www.understandingwar.org Valerie Szybala MIDDLE EAST SECURITY REPORT 16 ASSAD STRIKES DaMASCUS THE BATTLE FOR SYRIA’S CAPItal ABOUT THE AUTHOR Valerie Szybala is a Research Analyst at the Institute for the Study of War, where she focuses on the conflict in Syria. Valerie was in Damascus studying Arabic when the uprising began in 2011, giving her a unique understanding of the ensuing developments. Valerie came to ISW from Chemonics International Inc., where she supported the implementation of USAID-funded development projects in the Middle East. Her prior experience includes analysis of civilian casualties from coalition air strikes in Afghanistan for Dr. Jason Lyall at Yale University, and research on peace process policy with the Israeli-Palestine Center for Research and Information (IPCRI) in Jerusalem. Valerie also worked for several years at the American Council of Young Political Leaders, a nonpartisan NGO dedicated to promoting understanding among the next generation of international leaders.