Prejudice 57 Unconscious Behaviour 58 Stereotype Threat 58 Dual Process Theories 65 Chapter Summary 67
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The Contact Hypothesis Reevaluated1
The Contact Hypothesis Reevaluated1 Elizabeth Levy Paluck2, Seth A. Green3, and Donald P. Green4 Abstract This paper evaluates the state of contact hypothesis research from a policy perspective. Building on Pettigrew and Tropp’s (2006) influential meta-analysis, we assemble all intergroup contact studies that feature random assignment and delayed outcome measures, of which there are 27 in total, nearly two-thirds of which were published following the original review. We find the evidence from this updated dataset to be consistent with Pettigrew and Tropp’s (2006) conclusion that contact “typically reduces prejudice." At the same time, our meta-analysis suggests that contact’s effects vary, with interventions directed at ethnic or racial prejudice generating substantially weaker effects. Moreover, our inventory of relevant studies reveals important gaps, most notably the absence of studies addressing adults’ racial or ethnic prejudice, an important limitation for both theory and policy. We also call attention to the lack of research that systematically investigates the scope conditions suggested by Allport (1954) under which contact is most influential. We conclude that these gaps in contact research must be addressed empirically before this hypothesis can reliably guide policy. What we have learned since Pettigrew and Tropp: A 10-year retrospective and update For more than a century, researchers have sought to understand what causes people to harbor and express prejudice against outgroups. Sustained attention to the topic of prejudice reflects the fact that in every era and region, stereotyping, discrimination, and 1 For invaluable research contributions, the authors thank Jason Chin and Kulani Dias. For detailed comments on their meta-analyses, we thank Linda Tropp, Thomas Pettigrew, Gunnar Lemmer, and Ulrich Wagner. -
The Neural Basis of Implicit Attitudes Damian Stanley,1 Elizabeth Phelps,1 and Mahzarin Banaji2
CURRENT DIRECTIONS IN PSYCHOLOGICAL SCIENCE The Neural Basis of Implicit Attitudes Damian Stanley,1 Elizabeth Phelps,1 and Mahzarin Banaji2 1New York University and 2Harvard University ABSTRACT—Evidence that human preferences, beliefs, and enable us to rapidly and efficiently react to simple sensory inputs behavior are influenced by sources that are outside the as well as to multifaceted experiences such as individuals, reach of conscious awareness, control, intention, and self- groups, objects, and events we encounter in our social worlds. reflection is incontrovertible. Recent advances in neu- Unlike other organisms, humans have the ability to introspec- roscience have enabled researchers to investigate the tively identify and even change the attitudes they hold. As Max neural basis of these implicit attitudes, particularly atti- Klinger of MnAnSnH said, ‘‘I used to be an atheist, but I gave it up tudes involving social groups. From this research, a model for lent.’’ This ability to examine the contents of our own minds with three identified neural components related to the and manipulate them is uniquely human. Its presence can automatic activation and regulation of implicit attitudes create the illusion that we control more about ourselves and our is beginning to emerge. The amygdala is implicated in the universe than we actually do, and that we know what our pref- automatic evaluation of socially relevant stimuli, while erences are and why we have them. Research in social psy- the anterior cingulate and dorsolateral prefrontal cortices chology has shown that, in addition to our conscious attitudes, are involved in the detection and regulation, respectively, we possess automatically triggered attitudes that can influence of implicit attitudes. -
Intergroup Threat Theory Walter G. Stephan University of Hawaii Oscar
Intergroup Threat Theory Walter G. Stephan University of Hawaii Oscar Ybarra University of Michigan Kimberly Rios Morrison Stanford University To be published T. Nelson (Ed.), Handbook of Prejudice. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Address correspondence to: Walter G. Stephan, 2097 Aliali Pl. Hononlulu, HI 96821. Email: [email protected] Intergroup Threat Theory We live in a world polarized by religion, nationality, political ideology, race, ethnicity, sex, social class, and so many more divisions they are too numerous to mention. These social groups shape our identities and our lives. All of these social groups are characterized by membership criteria and boundaries – they include some people and exclude others. Although it is not logically necessary for these boundaries to imply any tension between groups, in practice relations between groups are far more likely to be antagonistic than complementary. Social identity theorists argue that one reason for intergroup antagonism is the psychological benefits conferred on group members, particularly those associated with identification with ingroups (Tajfel & Turner, 1986). These benefits include acceptance, belonging, and social support, as well as a system of roles, rules, norms, values, and beliefs to guide behavior. Groups also provide our lives with meaning by boosting our self-esteem (Crocker & Luhtanen, 1990), increasing our sense of distinctiveness from others (Turner, 1987), and making us more certain of the social world and our place within it (Abrams & Hogg, 1988). Because of the needs they fill, groups are as dear to us as life itself, and we fear their destruction almost as much as we fear our own. As a result, we tend to favor our own group and exhibit hostility toward other groups, especially during dangerous or contentious times (Branscombe, Ellemers, Spears, & Doosje, 1999; Tajfel & Turner, 1986). -
A Neglected Aspect of Conscience: Awareness of Implicit Attitudes
Note: this is the pre-refereed draft version. Please find the final published version in Bioethics, Vol: 28:1, pp. 24-32 at DOI: 10.1111/bioe.12058 A neglected aspect of conscience: awareness of implicit attitudes The conception of conscience that dominates discussions in bioethics focuses narrowly on the regulation of behaviour resulting from explicit attitudes and neglects to mention implicit attitudes. But if conscience is a way of ensuring that a person’s behaviour is in line with her moral values, it must be responsive to all aspects of the mind that influence behaviour. There is a wealth of recent psychological work demonstrating the influence of implicit attitudes on behaviour. A necessary part of having a well-functioning conscience must thus be awareness and regulation of one’s implicit attitudes in addition to one’s explicit attitudes and resulting behaviour. On my revised conception of conscience, the ethical training necessary to ensure that health professionals develop and maintain a well- functioning conscience must involve cultivation of awareness of implicit attitudes and techniques to enable better control over them. This could be done through the methods of reflective practice in combination with workshops on implicit attitudes. If the function of conscience is to encourage a person to behave in accordance with her moral values, conscience must be responsive to all aspects of the mind that influence behaviour. Recent empirical work in psychology demonstrates the influence of implicit attitudes on behaviour and also emphasises the need for self-awareness relating to these aspects of one’s mind. Implicit attitudes are attitudes that are below the level of conscious awareness and thus seemingly not subject to direct conscious control nor to rational revision through reflection. -
Contact, Perspective Taking, and Anxiety As Predictors of Stereotype Endorsement, Explicit Attitudes, and Implicit Attitudes Christopher L
Contact, Perspective Taking, and Anxiety as Predictors of Stereotype Endorsement, Explicit Attitudes, and Implicit Attitudes Christopher L. Aberson, Sarah C. Haag To cite this version: Christopher L. Aberson, Sarah C. Haag. Contact, Perspective Taking, and Anxiety as Predictors of Stereotype Endorsement, Explicit Attitudes, and Implicit Attitudes. Group Processes and Intergroup Relations, SAGE Publications, 2007, 10 (2), pp.179-201. 10.1177/1368430207074726. hal-00571645 HAL Id: hal-00571645 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-00571645 Submitted on 1 Mar 2011 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 2007 Vol 10(2) 179–201 Contact, Perspective Taking, and Anxiety as Predictors of Stereotype Endorsement, Explicit Attitudes, and Implicit Attitudes Christopher L. Aberson Humboldt State University Sarah C. Haag University of Iowa We proposed a model of intergroup contact wherein contact promotes understanding of outgroup perspectives, perspective taking relates to reduced intergroup anxiety that in turn is associated with lessened stereotyping and more positive intergroup attitudes. Additionally, we examined if implicit attitudes followed this model or were directly impacted by contact. White undergraduates (n = 153) completed measures of contact, perspective taking, intergroup anxiety, stereotype endorsement, and implicit and explicit intergroup attitudes. -
1 the Psychology of Implicit Intergroup Bias and the Prospect Of
1 The Psychology of Implicit Intergroup Bias and the Prospect of Change Calvin K. Lai1 & Mahzarin R. Banaji2 1 Washington University in St. Louis 2 Harvard University Last updated: June 24, 2020 Correspondence should be addressed to: Calvin Lai at [email protected]. Paper should be cited as: Lai, C. K., & Banaji, M. R. (2020). The psychology of implicit intergroup bias and the prospect of change. In D. Allen & R. Somanathan (Eds.), Difference without Domination: Pursuing Justice in Diverse Democracies. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. 2 1. Introduction Over the course of evolution, human minds acquired the breathtaking quality of consciousness which gave our species the capacity to regulate behavior. Among the consequences of this capacity was the possibility of internal dialogue with oneself about the consistency between one’s intentions and actions. This facility to engage in the daily rituals of deliberative thought and action is so natural to our species that we hardly reflect on it or take stock of how effectively we are achieving the goal of intention-action consistency. We do not routinely ask at the end of each day how many of our actions were consistent with the values so many individuals hold: a belief in freedom and equality for all, in opportunity and access for all, in fairness in treatment and justice for all. Even if we wished to compute the extent to which we succeed at this task, how would we go about doing it? As William James (1904) pointed over a century ago, the difficulty of studying the human mind is that the knower is also the known, and this poses difficulties in accessing, in modestly objective fashion, the data from our own moral ledger. -
A History of Implicit Social Cognition 1
A History of Implicit Social Cognition 1 A History of Implicit Social Cognition: Where Is It Coming From? Where Is It Now? Where Is It Going? B. Keith Payne University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill Bertram Gawronski The University of Western Ontario Within the space of two decades, virtually every In this introduction, we aim to provide a context for intellectual question in social psychology, and many the chapters that follow by highlighting some of the outside of it, has been shaped by the theories and themes that keep surfacing in the field, tracing them to methods of implicit social cognition. Many of those their historical roots, and identifying emerging themes questions are pondered in this volume, involving the role that may guide future research. We hope that our of automatic/implicit/unconscious processes in attitudes historical synopsis will not only provide an orientation (Petty & Briñol, Chapter 18), social judgment and for the in-depth discussions of particular topics in the decision-making (Bodenhausen & Todd, Chapter 15), following chapters, but also circumscribe the goal pursuit (Ferguson & Porter, Chapter 17), prejudice characteristics that define implicit social cognition as a and stereotyping (Amodio & Mendoza, Chapter 19; particular way of studying, understanding, and Trawalter & Shapiro, Chapter 20), self-concepts and self- explaining human behavior. In addition, we hope that our esteem (Schnabel & Asendorpf, Chapter 22; Zeigler-Hill introduction helps illuminate the historical roots of & Jordan, Chapter 21), social-cognitive development previous and ongoing debates, which seems valuable for (Olson & Dunham, Chapter 13), romantic relationships critical appraisals of theoretical interpretations in (Baldwin, Lydon, McClure, & Etchison, Chapter 23), implicit social cognition. -
Attitude, Inference, Association: on the Propositional Structure of Implicit Bias
Attitude, Inference, Association Attitude, Inference, Association: On the Propositional Structure of Implicit Bias Eric Mandelbaum Department of Philosophy Baruch College, CUNY 17 Lexington Avenue New York, NY 10010 Email: [email protected]; [email protected] Phone: 908-770-0378 Homepage: http://people.fas.harvard.edu/~mandelbaum/ Keywords: Implicit Bias, Dual Process Theories, Cognitive Architecture, Implicit Attitudes, Unconscious Reasoning, Associative Learning 1 Attitude, Inference, Association Attitude, Inference, Association: On the Propositional Structure of Implicit Bias Abstract: The overwhelming majority of those who theorize about implicit biases posit that these biases are caused by some sort of association. However, what exactly this claim amounts to is rarely specified. In this paper, I distinguish between different understandings of association, and I argue that the crucial senses of association for elucidating implicit bias are the cognitive structure and mental process senses. A hypothesis is subsequently derived: if associations really underpin implicit biases, then implicit biases should be modulated by counterconditioning or extinction but should not be modulated by rational argumentation or logical interventions. This hypothesis is false; implicit biases are not predicated on any associative structures or associative processes but instead arise because of unconscious propositionally structured beliefs. I conclude by discussing how the case study of implicit bias illuminates problems with popular dual process models of cognitive architecture. 2 Attitude, Inference, Association Attitude, Inference, Association: On the Propositional Structure of Implicit Bias Implicit biases have received much attention, and for good reason: many pernicious and ubiquitous forms of prejudice are perpetuated because of them. A person with a strong implicit bias against African Americans is apt to smile less at them and to cut off conversations with them sooner (McConnell & Leibold 2001). -
Attitudes As Global and Local Action Guides0
ibits. inion tonal New Attitudes as Global and Local Action Guides0 ALISON LEDGERWOOD AND YAACOV THOPE \Ve often th ink of ou r att itudes ami beliefs as stahle personality chamcteristics wllen asked to describe ourselves, we might cite our love of a particular composer, oor support for a long-preferred political party, or perhaps a deep and ahiding hatred of Oreo cookies. Echoing this assumption, attitudes have historically been consid ered relatively stable individual differences that remain consistent across time and contexts, unless or until an overt persuasion attempt is encountered. However, more recently, a far more malleable pictu re of attitudes has clnerged from research sug gesting that evaluations can shift quite flexibly in response to the immed iate social environment (e.g., Baldwin & Holmes, 1987; Kawakami, Dovidio, & Dijksterhui s. 2003; Ledgerwood & Chaiken, 200i; Lowery, Hardin , & Sinclair, 200j ). In this chapter, we propose that these competing conceptualizations of attitudes as stable versus shifting llIay reflect two difTerent roles that attitudes play in regulat ing evaluative responding. On the one hand, att itudes can funct ion to gU ide action with respect to tile current social context. In order to act efTect ively and efficiently in the here and 1I0W , individuals need quick summaries of pertinent information to gUide their interactions with objects and people in the present situation. On the other hand, att itudes can function to guide action at a distance. \Vhen planning behavior in the distant future or making decisions about a faraway location, indi viduals need to he able to efficient ly abstract across the particularities of any one . -
Implicit Social Cognition: Attitudes, Self-Esteem, and Stereotypes
Psychological Review Copyright 1995 by the American Psychological Association, Inc. 1995, Vol. 102, No. 1,4-27 0033-295X/95/S3.00 Implicit Social Cognition: Attitudes, Self-Esteem, and Stereotypes Anthony G. Greenwald Mahzarin R. Banaji University of Washington Yale University Social behavior is ordinarily treated as being under conscious (if not always thoughtful) control. However, considerable evidence now supports the view that social behavior often operates in an implicit or unconscious fashion. The identifying feature of implicit cognition is that past experience influences judgment in a fashion not introspectively known by the actor. The present conclusion— that attitudes, self-esteem, and stereotypes have important implicit modes of operation—extends both the construct validity and predictive usefulness of these major theoretical constructs of social psychology. Methodologically, this review calls for increased use of indirect measures—which are imperative in studies of implicit cognition. The theorized ordinariness of implicit stereotyping is consistent with recent findings of discrimination by people who explicitly disavow prejudice. The finding that implicit cognitive effects are often reduced by focusing judges' attention on their judg- ment task provides a basis for evaluating applications (such as affirmative action) aimed at reducing such unintended discrimination. Long before they became central to other areas of psycholog- research, also has a long-established history (e.g., James, 1890; ical theory, concepts of cognitive mediation dominated the anal- see overview in Wylie, 1974, 1979). ysis of social behavior. The constructs on which this article fo- Through much of the period since the 1930s, most social psy- cuses achieved early prominence in social psychological theory chologists have assumed that attitudes, and to a lesser extent with formulations that were partly (attitude) or entirely (stereo- stereotypes, operate in a conscious mode. -
Implicit Motivation to Control Prejudice
Available online at www.sciencedirect.com Journal of Experimental Social Psychology 44 (2008) 164–172 www.elsevier.com/locate/jesp Implicit motivation to control prejudice a, b Jack Glaser ¤, Eric D. Knowles a Goldman School of Public Policy, University of California, 2607 Hearst Avenue, Berkeley, CA 94720-7320, USA b Department of Psychology and Social Behavior, University of California, Irvine, USA Received 16 August 2005; revised 15 December 2006 Available online 18 January 2007 Abstract This research examines whether spontaneous, unintentional discriminatory behavior can be moderated by an implicit (noncon- scious) motivation to control prejudice. We operationalize implicit motivation to control prejudice (IMCP) in terms of an implicit negative attitude toward prejudice (NAP) and an implicit belief that oneself is prejudiced (BOP). In the present experiment, an implicit stereotypic association of Blacks (vs. Whites) with weapons was positively correlated with the tendency to “shoot” armed Black men faster than armed White men (the “Shooter Bias”) in a computer simulation. However, participants relatively high in implicit negative attitude toward prejudice showed no relation between the race-weapons stereotype and the shooter bias. Implicit belief that oneself is prejudiced had no direct eVect on this relation, but the interaction of NAP and BOP did. Participants who had a strong association between self and prejudice (high BOP) but a weak association between prejudice and bad (low NAP) showed the strongest relation between the implicit -
The Hidden Mechanisms of Prejudice: Implicit Bias & Interpersonal Fluency
The Hidden Mechanisms of Prejudice: Implicit Bias & Interpersonal Fluency Alex Madva Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2012 © 2012 Alex Madva All rights reserved Abstract The Hidden Mechanisms of Prejudice: Implicit Bias and Interpersonal Fluency Alex Madva This dissertation is about prejudice. In particular, it examines the theoretical and ethical questions raised by research on implicit social biases. Social biases are termed “implicit” when they are not reported, though they lie just beneath the surface of consciousness. Such biases are easy to adopt but very difficult to introspect and control. Despite this difficulty, I argue that we are personally responsible for our biases and obligated to overcome them if they can bring harm to ourselves or to others. My dissertation addresses the terms of their removal. It is grounded in a comprehensive examination of empirical research and, as such, is a contribution to social psychology. Although implicit social biases significantly influence our judgment and action, they are not reducible to beliefs or desires. Rather, they constitute a class of their own. Understanding their particular character is vital to determining how to replace them with more preferable habits of mind. I argue for a model of interpersonal fluency, a kind of ethical expertise that requires transforming our underlying dispositions of thought, feeling, and action. Table of Contents List of Figures……………………………………………………………………………………..v Acknowledgments………………………………………………………………………………..vi Dedication…………………………………………………………………………………………x Introduction………………………………………………………………………………………. 1 Chapter 1: The Structure of Implicit Social Attitudes…………………………………………...14 I. Introduction: Madeleine meets Bob…………………………………………………...14 II.