W. van Zanten Aspects of Baduy music in its sociocultural context, with special reference to singing and

In: Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, Performing Arts in 151 (1995), no: 4, Leiden, 516-544

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The Baduy form an ethnic group of some 5,000 people, who live in an area of about 50 square kilometres located 100 km southwest of , West . They speak a Sundanese dialect and are in this respect not very different from other . However, the Baduy have been living in this small area near the source of Ciujung River, called Desa Kanekes,1 for several hundred years in a rather isolated way. Their social organization and religion differ from those of the surrounding Islamic Sundanese. There are no other groups living in Desa Kanekes except the Baduy. As the Baduy form an enclave within Sundanese society, and have a very traditional way of living, knowledge of their music should give us some understanding of the historical development of music in West Java. However, because outsiders are usually not allowed to stay in the Baduy area for more than a few days, not a great deal is known about Baduy social organization and music. In this article I shall discuss some aspects of Baduy music, based on short periods of fieldwork in 1976, 1979, 1992,2 and 1993. The traditional Baduy way of life is under great pressure from the outside world. Their music making has been affected by recent develop- ments, for instance, by the Baduy transmigration project initiated by the Indonesian government in 1978. In the first part of this article I shall sketch the social organization of the Baduy and give an overview of their music. Their music is very much related to their traditional way of life, and especially the agricultural calendar. In the second part of the article, I shall discuss some particular genres of singing as well as music played with the angklung, a set of shaken .

' I follow the present-day spelling rules as used in dictionaries: Sundanese e is pronounced as in 'set' in English or as in 'mais' in French; it used to be written e or e. Sundanese e is pronounced like e in 'given'; it used to be written e. The use of accents to indicate the difference in pronunciation between e and e is only used in dictionaries; elsewhere both speech sounds are spelled e. 2 I would like to thank the Akademi Seni Tari (ASTI; presently STSI: Sekolah Tinggi-Seni Indonesia) in for their help with this fieldwork. I am especially grateful to Enip Sukanda, who accompanied me to Desa Kanekes during my first trip in 1992.

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The Baduy within Sundanese and Indonesian societies In some sense, the Baduy partially represent the Sundanese past in the present time. There used to be more of these isolated communities in West Java, but the Baduy are the only ones to survive (Bakels 1989). They were once considered to be the descendants of the people who managed to escape , the seat of the glorious Hindu kingdom near present-day , just before Islamic forces destroyed it in AD 1579. However, Van Tricht (1929:63-71) and Geise (1952:11-2) have pointed out that the Baduy most probably originate from , in northwest Java. Judistira Garna (1988:34) argues that the Baduy were already living in the Desa Kanekes area before the Pajajaran kingdom (1333-1579). According to Berthe (1965:216-8), 'the Baduy consider themselves to be the guardians of the forest, irrigation sources, and the soil, and at the same time they hold themselves responsible for the destiny of the world'. They are seen as guarding the source of the river for the Sundanese people living on the northern plains, who depend on this river for irrigating their wet-rice fields. In this way the Baduy have a task to perform for the ruler of the north. Recently it has been suggested that the Baduy resemble a mandala community: they form a holy community in a holy area, and their ascetic way of life is beneficial for the 'king' and the whole world.3 The Baduy are in any case considered to be of older descent than the surrounding Sundanese (Judistira Garna 1988:62-3). The spiritual leaders of the Baduy (puun; pronounced pu'un) are the 'elder brothers' of the secular leader of the north. This used to be the ruler (ratu, king, later the sultan) of Banten. As there is no longer a sultan of Banten, secular power nowadays is invested in the regent of nearby and some of his sub- ordinates in Leuwidamar and Rangkasbitung (Judistira Garna 1988:122, 366; Bakels and Boevink 1988:129). On a higher level it is the governor of the province of West Java and the Indonesian government, notably the minister of internal affairs, and even the Indonesian president, who today are seen as the 'younger brothers' of the Baduy. The Baduy have always had the function of foretelling the future for the rulers. Every year, Baduy spiritual leaders climb the terraces of the holy place Sasaka Pusaka Buana4 on Mount Kendeng in the southern part of the Baduy area, and read the future from the growth of mosses or changed position of stones. When a Baduy delegation pay their annual respects to the rulers during the seba ceremony, which takes place around the first of June, after the rice harvest, they may foretell the future. It is said that President and some of his advisers have consulted the Baduy

3 See, for example, Saleh Danasasmita and Anis Djatisunda 1986:5-7; Judistira Garna 1988:180, 221; Bakels 1988:40, 1989, 1991:14,35; Bakels and Boevink 1988:12-7. 4 Also known as Area Domas, or Sasaka Pada Ageung; see Judistira Garna 1988:280, 294.

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about the future.5 In one sense the former ruler of Banten has been replaced by the Indonesian president. In 1985 a Baduy delegation was received by President Suharto. They pointed out to the president that, by their ascetic way of life, they had always helped to promote harmony in the kingdoms of West Java. In his turn, the king had always protected the Baduy area and respected their traditions. Now, with surrounding farmers using Baduy grounds in Desa Kanekes for wet-rice fields (the Baduy traditionally only have dry-rice fields, or huma), they asked President Suharto for his help. This was granted: the boundary of Desa Kanekes was marked with concrete poles, not painted with the usual red colour, but with the holy colour of the Baduy, which is white.6 Social organization Baduy society consists of the 'Inner' Baduy (kajeroan, urang tangtu, kaum daleum, or urang girang) and the 'Outer' Baduy {urang luar, panamping). The Inner Baduy live in three small villages in the south- central part of Desa Kanekes, and their area includes the holy places Sasaka Pusaka Buana and Sasaka Domas, and the source of the Ciujung River in the south. According to Bakels and Boevink there are about 800 Inner Baduy (Bakels 1991:10; Bakels and Boevink 1988:31-3). Judistira Garna (1988:59, 1989:26) estimates 472 in 1983, and 500 in 1986. The Outer Baduy number about 4,500. They live in the area around the Inner Baduy, to the north, the east, and the west, in some forty villages. Some of them live in a so-called dangka village outside Desa Kanekes. Furthermore, in 1992, around one hundred families of Baduy descent {Baduy pamukiman) were living in nearby resettlement areas. Both Inner and Outer Baduy men can immediately be recognized by their special clothing. The most visible difference is that Inner Baduy men always wear a white head cloth, while Outer Baduy men wear a blue-black one. There are, however, no clothes, colours, or other symbols that distinguish a leader from other Baduy people. Baduy life is regulated by many prohibitions, as handed down by the

5 In a newspaper article Dirk Vlasblom (1995) points out that lately Suharto has tried to present himself as a devout Muslim. However, it is a public secret that he regularly consults seers and traditional healers, and that he seeks esoteric knowledge. A critic of the present regime, Permadi Satrio Wiwoho, got into trouble when he said during a seminar at Gajah Mada University, Yogyakarta, on 28 April 1994: 'Do you know why you have to study the kejawen [Javanese traditional life and culture, including esoteric knowledge and concepts of power]? Because Suharto also studies it. This knowledge is necessary to anticipate those who misuse it.' (my translation from the Dutch newspaper) 6 I am grateful to Gerard Persoon for drawing my attention to an article in the newspaper Pelita (28 May 1985). In a photograph, the Baduy village head Nakiwin is seen being welcomed by President Suharto in his state palace. See also Judistira Garna 1988:220, 224, 367, 1989:31 and Persoon 1994:313.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/06/2021 03:38:41PM via free access Aspects of Baduy Music 519 forefathers. For instance, they are only allowed to have dry-rice fields (huma), whereas most farmers in Java grow their rice on irrigated fields (sawah). Also, they are not allowed to have buffalo, to have fish ponds, to grow cloves, to have radios or high-pressure lamps, or to wear long trousers, to mention only a few of the restrictions. Most Baduy cannot read or write, because they are not allowed to go to school. Nowadays, how- ever, children of Baduy descent in the resettlement area, and even some Outer Baduy in Desa Kanekes, do go to school (Bakels and Boevink 1988:103-7). On the whole, such prohibitions, and there are many, are more strictly followed by Inner Baduy than by Outer Baduy. For instance, the Inner Baduy always travel by foot, whereas nowadays the Outer Baduy are allowed to travel by car or train. These days, people from outside Indonesia are not allowed to enter the Inner Baduy area. Judistira Garna (1988:295) mentions that the only non- Baduy visitors to the holy places Sasaka Pusaka Buana and Sasaka Domas in the Inner Baduy area were Blume in 1822, Koorders in 1864, and Koolhoven in 1930. are allowed to visit the Inner Baduy area, but most of them for just one day, without staying overnight. Foreign visitors and researchers are allowed to visit and spend the night only in villages of the Outer Baduy. Berthe speaks of 'the exorbitant privilege of a stay of almost one month' in the villages of Kaduketug and Cicatang that he was granted in March 1962. However, like previous foreign visitors, he was not allowed to witness any important ritual or ceremony (Berthe 1965:190-1). Bakels and Boevink (1988:1, 10) were initially refused per- mission to stay with the Baduy longer than one day and night. When they said they wanted to get to know the Baduy, the reply was that this was prohibited by traditional rules (pikukuh, Indonesian: adat). My own experience with the attitude of the Baduy towards research is rather positive. In June and again in July of 1976 my wife and I were allowed to stay in the Outer Baduy village of Gajeboh, be it only for a few days and nights. Talsim, the Baduy who had made quite a number of arrangements for my research, said that he was pleased about the recordings I had made. In this way the outer world would become acquain- ted with Baduy music. Watching my super-8 film some time later in Jakarta, he said he very much enjoyed the visual documentation as well.7 In October and November of 1992 I was allowed to stay with the secular village head (jaw pamarentah) Asrab in Kadujangkung for nearly twenty days at a stretch, and later on for another four days.

7 A copy of these 1976-79 audio recordings are kept in the archives of the Ethnomusicological Centre 'Jaap Kunst', University of Amsterdam. A compilation of the visual material that I collected in 1976-79 was used in the exhibition of Baduy textiles, Een kleur van heiligheid; Wereldbeeld en kleding van de Baduy in the Museon museum, The Hague, 20 June 1991 to 5 January 1992.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/06/2021 03:38:41PM via free access Author with tape recorder outside the house of the jam dangka; inside the house music is being played. Gajeboh, 19 July 1976.

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At the time of our visit to Desa Kanekes in June 19768 no angklung (set of bamboo idiophones) music was played. These instruments may only be played for about three months of the year (in the period from September to December) during the ceremonies that accompany rice planting. In September 1976 Talsim came to our house in Jakarta with a group of Baduy to play angklung and xylophone { and ) music. He again showed his interest in having Baduy music recorded when he turned up at our house in Jakarta in January 1977. This time he had brought a storyteller with him to have & pantun story recorded. Again in 1992 several musicians were willing to recite a pantun story for a recording outside Desa Kanekes. Within Baduy territory the recitation of pantun stories can take place only within a ritual context. In October 1992, however, with the special permission of the village head Asrab, I was able to record the ceremonial playing of angklung on audio tape from inside a house. While doing this, I was able to witness the ceremony through a hole in the wall. In 1976 there were also restrictions on my recording of gamelan music. The gamelan was played inside a house in Gajeboh, a Baduy village. I was allowed to place microphones inside the house near the gamelan, but the recording apparatus had to be outside the house (see photo). Most other recordings took place on the verandah of Baduy houses, which is the place for receiving guests. As certain Baduy social and religious customs differ from those of the surrounding Sundanese, many stories are told about them. Some Sundan- ese talk about the magical powers of the Baduy, and I suspect that some Baduy occasionally make use of this to generate income. This image may be partly due to the fact that outsiders' knowledge of the Baduy is still scant. In a fairly recent article the anthropologist Wessing (1977:294) men- tions that the Baduy do not use money. This was definitely not my experience during the 1970s: I paid money to Baduy individuals both in 1976 and in 1977. If anything, these stories show that people often do not realize that Baduy society is, and probably always has been, in a process of change. For example, whereas in 1976 I did not hear of any shops in the Baduy area, in 1992 I saw a shop in a Baduy village; it was very near the shops just outside the Baduy area in Ciboleger, and could be seen as a kind of 'luxury'. In this shop cigarettes, salt, and the like were sold for money, be it not openly, because officially shops were indeed forbidden by the spiritual leaders of the Baduy community. In a newspaper article Bakels (1993) mentions that some parts of the holy forest in the Inner Baduy area have been cut down and used for agriculture by the Inner Baduy themselves. Persoon (personal commun- ication, 1994) confirms that in the late 1980s he saw many fruit trees in this holy forest, viewed from a distance, through his binoculars. The

8 A report of this visit, made together with Bernard Suryabrata, was published by the journalist Machmudi Romli (1976) in the Jakarta newspaper Berita Buana.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/06/2021 03:38:41PM via free access 522 Wim van Zanten composition of the forest was such that it could clearly no longer be considered primary forest. If this situation is indeed due to the Inner Baduy themselves, it would be another indication that their society is changing more rapidly than we may think. Unfortunately, the information is difficult to check: outsiders are not allowed to visit the Inner Baduy forest. Much of our information about the Inner Baduy comes from Outer Baduy, and may be biased due to some antagonism between these two groups.

Overview of Baduy music The earliest reports on Baduy music date from the beginning of the nineteenth century. The information in these reports cannot always be taken at face value. The angklung (set of nine bamboo idiophones, which are played by being shaken) is reported by almost all early visitors to the area: Blume (1993[1822]:32), Spanoghe (1838:303), Van Hoevell (1845: 429). Pleyte (1907:26-7) gives information on the used for accompanying the recitation of pantun stories. Didi Suryadi (1974) gives a concise overview of Baduy music, mainly based on earlier literature. More recent information on Baduy music can be found in Baier (1985:10-11; 1986, IV:13, V:12). Presumably the earliest recordings of Baduy music were made by Bernard IJzerdraat (alias Kawat, Suryabrata) in the RRI (radio) studio in Jakarta in 1956 (Lysen 1956). The Archive of Field Recordings at Cornell University's Music Library has about 45 minutes of Baduy music, recorded by Suryabrata in the 1960s.9 Most of the instruments used by the Baduy can also be found in the surrounding Sundanese area, be it sometimes under a different name and often in a slightly different form. Many Baduy instruments have white crosses (tumbal) on them. These signs indicate that they play a role in communication with gods and forefathers (Van Zanten 1989:94-5). Except for the ceremonial pounding of rice (gendek; the pestles and the long mortar are used as musical instruments) and the mouth harp (), all Baduy instruments are played by men. Women may sing with the gamelan (lenong, koromong, goong) or other instrumental accompaniment. Boys may start to play the angklung and other instruments at the age of about eight. During my fieldwork I recorded the following Baduy instruments (except for the tarawelei) and genres of music. Angklung. The term angklung refers to an ensemble of nine bamboo idiophones with two or three . Each consists of three tubes in a frame that is shaken; each such instrument on its own is also called angklung. The tubes within each frame are tuned in octaves, re- sulting in a distance of two octaves between the lowest and the highest tube. Between the notes produced by the different angklung instruments

9 I am grateful to Martin Hatch for granting me permission to listen to and make copies of some of the Sundanese music at the Archive in October 1991.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/06/2021 03:38:41PM via free access Aspects of Baduy Music 523 there are approximately equidistant intervals, five within an octave. Thus, the tuning resembles the Sundanese salendro tone system. The highest two instruments are called roel, and they are played by one person. The other seven instruments are each played by one person, and from high to low pitch they are called: torolok, indung leutik, engklok, gunjing, dongdong, ringkung, and indung gede. The three accompanying drums are, from high to low pitch, called talingting, ketuk, and . Djoewisno (1988:44) cites an informant who compares the sounds of the different instruments to water (roel 1 and 2, torolok; these sounds are called 'basic'), flowing water (indung leutik, engklok), birds (gunjing), wind (dongdong), rain (ringkung), and frogs (indung gede). Men may sing and dance to angklung accompaniment, and I shall return to this below. Carita pantun. The (carita) pantun is an epic narrative sung by a male singer who accompanies himself on a zither (kacapi). A pantun is per- formed in recitatidnal chanting, alternated with melodically more elaborate songs which are interspersed in the long recitatives. The rate of recitation varies from normal speech tempo to very fast or very slow.10 Gendek. This is the name given to the ceremonial pounding of rice by some eight to ten women, each with a pestle (halu), in a 7 to 8-metre-long mortar (lesung). Through the pounding, with no rice in the mortar, rhyth- mic patterns are produced.11 Elet, lamus, suling kumbang, tarawelet. These are different types of bamboo ; a photograph showing the first three types is presented in Van Zanten 1989:100. The elet, suling kumbang, and tarawelet are always played on their own. The suling lamus (see photo) may be played on its own, but also in combination with the kacapi zither and/or the bowed (rendo). The elet is an end-blown about 20 cm long with five fingerholes.12 It is mostly played by boys. The suling lamus (literally, flute like a pair of bellows) is an end-blown ring flute, about 62 cm long, with six fingerholes, a flute similar to that used in the Tembang Sunda Cianjuran music of West Java. The suling kumbang (literally, flute of the bumblebee, that is, of someone in love) is a transverse flute with two fingerholes. The tarawelet, also called tarawelot or taleot, is also a transverse flute with two fingerholes, about 58 cm long. However, unlike the suling kumbang, both fingerholes of the tarawelet are near the open end of the flute, about 38 cm and 43 cm from the mouthhole. The inner diameter is about 2.4 cm, which is much larger than the 1.7 cm inner diameter of the suling lamus and suling kumbang. The Baduy elet and

10 The Sundanese and Baduy carita pantun should not be confused with the Malay pantun, which is a special type of short poem referred to by the Sundanese as sisindiran. For further information on pantun singing see Van Zanten 1993, and below. 11 This genre is called gondang in other parts of West Java. 12 It is called bangsing in other parts of West Java.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/06/2021 03:38:41PM via free access The Baduy suling lamus is played with the circular breathing technique. The performer is Yati from Gajeboh, 19 July 1976.

Downloaded from Brill.com10/06/2021 03:38:41PM via free access Aspects of Baduy Music 525 suling lamus are played using circular breathing. There is a continuous flow of notes, and some core notes are played for a relatively long time. In between these long notes the transitions are marked by trills and other ornaments. The suling kumbang of the Baduy is not played with circular breathing. It can only produce a few notes, and it is played in a more discontinuous way. Kacapi, rendo. The kacapi is a zither, which can be played on its own, or to accompany a pantun singer. The rendo is a two-stringed bowed lute, called tarawangsa in other Sundanese areas. The rendo can be played on its own, or with a kacapi and/or a suling lamus. Van Hoevell (1845:428), most probably referring to the Outer Baduy, mentions 'a kind of trio known by the name rendo. It consists of three instruments, accompanying two singers. The instruments are the tarawangsa [...], the kecape, [...] and the suling [...].' In 1992 I made recordings of such an ensemble; during some of these recordings the ensemble accompanied a female singer (see below). More information on the kacapi zither and bowed lute (rendo) can be found in Van Zanten (1989:chapter 5). Karinding. This is a mouth harp made of bamboo. The mouth harp is partially placed in a bamboo tube, to produce better resonance (see photo). My only opportunities to record this instrument were in 1976, and the instrument was then played on its own, as well as together with a second one. The players were all men. However, one of my informants (Pe'i, between 50 and 60 years old in 1976) said that this instrument was formerly played by women. He himself had learned to play the instrument from a woman in the inner area of Desa Kanekes.13 Gambang and calung. These two xylophones are made of wood and bamboo, respectively. Both instruments are played on their own. In 1977 I made recordings of one gambang with 10 keys, and one calung with 16 keys. The gambang played on its own is different from the one used in the gamelan ensemble (see below). The gambang played on its own has a resonating frame consisting of a trough made from one solid piece of wood. The calung keys are laid down on two cords, fixed to a skeleton made of bamboo sticks. Gamelan. Like most Sundanese gamelan ensembles the Baduy version consists of only a few instruments: - two caning: metallophone with five or six keys, called sawn elsewhere in Java; - kromong: set of ten bronze kettles resting on a horizontal frame, called elsewhere in Java; - : set of five bronze kettles resting on a horizontal frame (in Gajaboh), or : one held in the hand (in Kompol); - gambang: xylophone with 14 to 20 keys;

13 In one of the pantun stories the voice of a woman is compared to the karinding (Enjum 1974:10, 13).

Downloaded from Brill.com10/06/2021 03:38:41PM via free access The Baduy karinding, mouth harp, is partially placed in a bamboo resonator. The performer is Hatim from Batu Belah, Gajeboh, 20 July 1976.

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- kecempres or kecrek: two cymbals, held on top of each other and struck with a stick; - small and large ; - a rebab (two-stringed bowed lute) is optional. A (biola) with four strings may also be added. I have seen the , but have not heard them being played with the gamelan. In the recordings made in the 1960s by Suryabrata, a copy of which is kept at Cornell University (see footnote 9), the Baduy gamelan is played with both rebab and suling (lamus). This also happens in , but the rebab-suling combination is no longer used in present-day Sundanese gamelan: the rebab is only used in the gamelan salendro, and the suling only in the (see also Van Zanten 1989:81, 103).

Classification of genres of Baduy music The genres of Baduy music may be classified according to the occasions on which they are used. On the one hand, music may be played for one's own pleasure or for just a few people. On the other hand, music may be played at festivities, like weddings, which involve the whole village or even several villages, or it may be played during rituals concerning the whole Baduy society. In Baduy society it is the agricultural rice cycle that determines the different musical seasons of the year. The angklung ensemble of nine bamboo idiophones is only played in the three months during which rice is planted on the Inner and Outer Baduy fields and the young plants are treated for illnesses. After this period, the angklung is 'put to sleep' and it cannot be played in the following nine months of the year. The long recited stories, (carita) pantun, in which the bard accompanies himself with a zither (kacapi), are mainly performed at the beginning of the rice-planting season, and during harvest festivals and marriage celebra- tions. Although the pantun story is also performed at rice ceremonies, it is not restricted to a single season, as is the angklung. The ceremonial pounding of rice, playing the gamelan, and reciting a pantun story are mainly performed at ceremonies involving the whole village, namely mar- riages and circumcision, and formerly tooth-filing for girls. Pantun stories are also recited when a new house is occupied, or when a purification rite is performed. The remaining instruments - bamboo flutes, two-stringed bowed lute (rendo), violin, mouth harp - are usually played for small groups. Most of these may also be played in combination with other instru- ments. The sound produced by the wind blowing through holes in bamboo sticks of different size (up to 5 m long; calintu), which are placed near the rice fields, is described as music to entertain the rice goddess Dewi Asri. The same is said of the sound produced by a large bamboo propeller

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(kolecer) fixed to the top of a high tree.14 It is also said that the kacapi is used to entertain Dewi Asri. Further, at the end of the ceremony in which the rice is 'married off to the earth (see below), angklung music is meant to 'entertain the children of the rice goddess Dewi Asri'. Apart from the angklung, the only other genre of Baduy music whose use is strictly limited in time is the gamelan. The gamelan can be played only between the end of the harvest ceremonies, marked by the presenta- tion of agricultural products to the rulers (seba) around the first of June, and the beginning of the rice-planting season, around the first of Sep- tember. Angklung and gamelan are not allowed to be played in the same season; this is forbidden (buyui). The angklung season starts when the gamelan season ends. Information about restrictions with respect to the playing of the other instruments is conflicting. One informant said that the tarawelet flute was not to be played in March and April (Kasa—Karo). Another informant said that the same tarawelet flute may only be played by the Inner Baduy, and in the 'bamboo season', that is, the time in which the angklung is played. It is difficult to get such information for instruments that are predominantly played by the Inner Baduy. However, I am pretty sure that except for the angklung and the gamelan, the other instruments may be played through- out the year. During the harvest period, there is not much opportunity to make music, as people are too busy with their work in the fields. This may be why people think that certain instruments, apart from angklung and gamelan, are forbidden during this period. One of the goals of my 1992 fieldwork was to find out more about such restrictions on music making. The opening and closing of a music season (for angklung and gamelan) is determined by the Inner Baduy agricultural calendar. In my discussions with Outer Baduy it appeared that much con- fusion is caused by the complicated timetable for planting and harvesting rice on the various fields of the Inner and Outer Baduy. Some genres of music can only be found among the Outer Baduy. It is said that all musical instruments made of bronze or any other metal alloy are forbidden to the Inner Baduy. Hence the Inner Baduy do not play the gamelan, whereas the Outer Baduy do. This supports the theory that the gamelan is a later addition to Baduy music - and, more generally, to Sundanese music. The small bamboo flute (elet) is also not played by the Inner Baduy, according to informants. This may be because this instrument is a toy for the boys who guard buffalo outside the Baduy area. The Baduy are not allowed to keep buffalo, although they have two buffalo ancestors (Geise 1952:57). The Outer Baduy are not allowed to play the elet inside the house. It is also said that the gambang xylophone, as well as the bamboo xylophone (calung; a rare instrument among the Baduy), the

Small boys sometimes run around with a small bamboo propeller as a toy.

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six-fingerhole bamboo flute (suling lamus), the violin (), and the two- stringed bowed lute (rendo), can only be found among the Outer Baduy. The music of the Inner Baduy may be performed outside their area, but music from outside may not always be played in the inner area. Angklung, reciting pantun stories with a kacapi zither, ceremonial rice pounding (gendek), the two transverse bamboo flutes with two fingerholes (suling kumbang and tarawelei), and the mouth harp (karinding) can all be found among the Inner Baduy as well, it is said. These days the two-fingerhole flutes and the mouth harp seem rare among the Outer Baduy. It is said that this is because of the more interesting musical instruments they are allowed to play, like the six-fingerhole flute and the violin.

Pantun singing, falsetto voice, and female vocalists Present-day Sundanese music is seldom purely instrumental. Most musical genres involve singing, and there are many different words in the Sundan- ese language for 'singing', 'song', and 'vocal music' (Van Zanten 1989: 13-36). However, among the Baduy, music seems more often to be purely instrumental. The main term for 'singing' is ngawih, from kawih, sung text. Men sometimes sing while playing the angklung. The night-long recitation of the pantun story is called mantun. The Baduy do not use kidung in the Sundanese sense of 'singing' an incantation to avert illness, theft, and possible evils when entering places that might harbour spirits. Further, women - and sometimes men as well - sing to the accompaniment of a gamelan, a kacapi zither, a rendo (bowed lute), or a suling flute. A female vocalist with gamelan, or other accompaniment, is called pasinden, from another word for 'singing', sinden. Women also sing privately for their children. I was told that women sometimes sing while someone plays the mouth harp, but I have never heard this myself. I shall now discuss several types of Baduy singing, and start with the recitation of a pantun story. The (carita) pantun is an epic narrative sung by a male singer who accompanies himself on a kacapi zither. The pantun contain myths (lalakon kabudayaan), for instance about rice, which are often recited in the fields. The repertoire also includes legends about the nobility of the old Sundanese kingdoms (lalakon nagara), such as Pajajaran and Galuh. See Van Zanten 1993 for further general information on Sundanese and Baduy pantun stories. Only once have I personally heard a pantun performed by a Baduy, namely the story Lutung Kasarung, as recited by Sajin. I made a recording of this at my house in Jakarta, on the evening of 8 January 1977. The total recitation time was about four hours. Appendix 1 is a transcription of a small section of this story, a section starting about 45 minutes after the beginning of the recitation. Sajin's singing is often very drawn-out, such as in the first line and a half. Here the melody consists of an ordering of just two tones, a and b. In the fourth line there is a flow of rapidly recited words on a single tone (d). In the sixth line the singing becomes melodic-

Downloaded from Brill.com10/06/2021 03:38:41PM via free access 530 Wim van Zanten ally more elaborate. A similar melodic section is repeated regularly, though not always with the same words, throughout the recitation. Reciting a pantun story can only take place after incense has been burnt, an offering has been made, and the singer has spoken a magical formula (jampe). A recitation is usually in the context of a ritual, such as the ceremony for occupying a new house. In haggling about the price to be paid for the recording of the pantun story Lutung Kasarung in 1977, the Baduy pointed out to me that the pantun belongs to the domain of religion (agama) and not to the arts (kaseniari) - and so I had to pay twice the price that I thought reasonable. In the text of a pantun recitation, the Baduy bard Sajin asks his audi- ence to pay attention to the 'divine voice' (ngasuhan ta mah sanghiang sora in Sajin 1973:3 and asuhan mah sanghiang sora in Sajin 1974:9, 114). Sajin (1973:5) mentions a god with a beautiful voice: Batara Endah Sora, who is also mentioned in the introductory part of a pantun as given by Jacobs and Meijer (1891:172, footnote 2). In my own recording of the carita pantun Lutung Kasarung as recited by Sajin, he asks the 'God of the Word' (Sanghiang Sora) forgiveness for his limited competence (tanaga kami diajar). Before this performance, Sajin had burnt incense. He had also asked for a white cloth (lawon bodas) to put up like a tent, under which he recited the story (see also Van Zanten 1993:144-8). All this points to the use of the kacapi player's voice as a medium between the gods and humankind. Singing with kacapi: falsetto voice Whenever I asked kacapi zither players to play something other than a pantun recitation, they would play without singing. The same holds for other instruments like the bowed lute (rendo) and the bamboo flute. Playing an instrument is not automatically accompanied by singing. Only once, in October 1992, did I record a kacapi player singing; it was Sawari in the first Baduy transmigration village Cipangembar, who sang two songs while playing. He was not very eager to do so. He used a falsetto voice, something that I had not heard before in West Java, at least not for a whole song. (Baduy women and men occasionally use a falsetto voice for high passages.) It is possible that Sawari's use of falsetto voice is just an idiosyncrasy. However, I speculate that his using falsetto for a whole song has to do with the fact that he, like all Baduy kacapi players that I have met, can also recite pantun stories. The four-line verses (sisindiran) that Sawari sang with his kacapi accompaniment apparently do not really belong to the repertoire of a pantun bard. These sisindiran are sung by men with angklung, or by women with gamelan or kacapi accompaniment. One of the texts sung by Sawari is given in Appendix 2. In Sawari's case, it may be that the falsetto voice is meant to mask the voice of the pantun singer. Having no further information at the moment, I

Downloaded from Brill.com10/06/2021 03:38:41PM via free access Aspects of Baduy Music 531 speculate that Sawari's 'pantun voice' cannot (yet?) be used for singing sisindiran, and therefore he uses a falsetto voice for that occasion. Before Sawari came into the house where I was going to record him, I had tuned the kacapi (on which he was to play) to the tone system, as used in Tembang Sunda Cianjuran, a Sundanese genre not played by the Baduy. I asked him to check the tuning of the instrument before he started. He tried the tuning, did not change anything, and said it was correct. Sawari knew the terms for the two Sundanese tone systems (called pasieup by him) - pelog and salendro - but he was obviously confused about them. Some of the songs he proceeded to sing were in salendro, he said, although he was clearly singing in the pelog tone system to which I had tuned his instrument. This suggests that the Baduy, like other Sundanese, can easily play a song in different tone systems {pelog or salendro). These form different modes of the same song.

Vocalist with gamelan or other accompaniment A female Baduy vocalist may be accompanied by a gamelan, a kacapi zither, a bowed lute (rendo), or a suling. The last three instruments can also be used in combination. As the gamelan is only played by the Outer Baduy, we may assume that its repertoire contains pieces that are more recent than those of the pantun and the angklung. This assumption is supported by the fact that musical pieces for gamelan often carry the same names as in other parts of West Java. As said before, Van Hoevell (1845:428) reported the accompaniment of singing by rendo, kacapi, and suling in the first half of the nineteenth century. Van Hoevell mentions male singers. Today, although Baduy men occasionally sing with gamelan or kacapi / rendo / suling accompaniment, this is not very common. For the mainstream Sundanese music tradition as well, a singer with gamelan is more likely to be a woman than a man. Appendix 3 is a transcription of a song by the female vocalist Raida, from Kaduketuk, in the Outer Baduy area. She is accompanied by a bowed lute (rendo) and kacapi zither. The tone system used resembles the Sundanese salendro system. Further, the song shows structural principles that can also be found in other Sundanese singing. For instance, the song centres around the notes e-flat and gt, a salendro fifth apart; b-flat is stressed in lines 6, 7 and 8. The song ends a fifth lower than it started, a rather common feature (compare Van Zanten 1989:134). The rendo accom- paniment is very similar to the singing part. Although there are several structural similarities between this Baduy music and mainsteam Sundanese music, the sound quality of voice and instruments is very different from music heard elsewhere in West Java. The text of this song, Desa Nyungsi, is interesting. Certain parts of the text cannot be very old. The words Pancasila and Golongan Karya, and a

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reference to the symbol of this political party15 point to the 1960s or later. The last two lines are entirely in accordance with the respect that the Baduy have traditionally shown to rulers. Angklung playing during the engagement ceremony of the goddess of rice The angklung is played in combination with singing and dancing by men. There are two different social settings in which angklung music is used: a setting in which it is used for entertainment and a ritual setting. When the angklung is used for entertainment, the male players sing sisindiran while they are playing. A soloist will sing the main text, and a chorus of players answers. The angklung is closely associated with the ritual of rice planting. It is always played during the ceremony held the night before the ceremonial planting of rice (ngaseuk). This ceremony takes place several times: first on various fields of the Inner Baduy, and then on a special field of the Outer Baduy.16 This ceremony is to 'wake' the goddess of rice, Nyi Pohaci Sanghyang Asri (also called Nyi Pohaci, or Dewi Asri; in other parts of Java she is called ), and to announce her marriage (ngareremokeun) the following morning to the earth (Geise 1952:36-7). A few weeks after the planting of the rice, the earth 'gets medicine', to protect it from diseases, and the angklung is played again. I was given permission to record the 'engagement' ceremony on audio tape in the village of Kadujangkung during the night of 22 October 1992. The ceremony took place near the house of Asrab, who is an Outer Baduy. Asrab, as secular village head (jaw pamarentah, or jaro gubernemen), is responsible for the communication between Baduy society and the Indo- nesian authorities. As there would also be Inner Baduy present at this ceremony, I was only allowed to record the ceremony from inside a house, so that those present would not see me and the recording apparatus. The recording was made from behind a plaited bamboo wall. Through two holes of 8 x 8 cm in the wall, I could see what was going on outside. The angklung players and dancers passed within a metre of this wall, and the greatest distance between them and the wall was about 8 metres. As plaited bamboo is thin, most of the recordings are of good quality. Unfortunately, during the solo singing of the ceremonial text around midnight, the singers were seated on a mat on the ground and singing away from my microphones. Hence, this text is poorly recorded and diffi- cult to understand.

15 The Indonesian goverment insists on calling the Golongan Karya a 'functional group' and not a political party. The symbol of this party or group is the waringin tree. 16 See Judistira Gama 1988:321 for the complicated schedule.

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The evening started around 19.00 hours, and went on until about 4.30 the following morning. Just before 19.00, the nine different pieces of Kadujangkung's angklung set had been placed with the top parts together, in a roof-like shape A. The two drums and some burning incense had been put under this 'roof. Then they picked up the instruments and the playing started: eight men and boys played the angklung idiophones (the two instruments producing the highest tones are always played by one person), and two men played the two drums (bedug and talingting). Some of the adult men had a ceremonial white sash with coloured patterns at the ends (sabuk, adu mancung; see photograph in Bakels 1991:42) around their waist. As usual, a few men sang while playing the angklung. The players walked around in a circle, of which about a quarter was open, in a counter-clockwise direction. The Baduy angklung is therefore also called angklung aleutan, the angklung [played in a] 'row'. During the evening, angklung groups from other villages arrived and joined in. Sometimes there were dancers among the group of players. Around 23.45 hours a basket of rice was carried from the house of the village head and put on a mat in the open space. The leader (jaro angklung) of one of the groups of angklung players from different villages said a formula (jampe), and incense was burnt, while other people were talking. Thereafter one angklung group started playing the song Marengo17 while circling around the mat in a clockwise direction. This lasted.for one hour. There was no dancing now. The dancers were sitting with the musicians who were not playing, on the mat in the middle. This was the part of the ceremony in which the goddess of rice, Nyi Pohaci Sanghyang Asri, is engaged to the earth Partiwi. The text of the engagement song was sung alternately by the two leaders of the visiting angklung groups from Cikadu and Cisaban. Now and then players were replaced by others. When they were not playing, they would sit on the mat, or at the side, outside the circle of players, and join in with the chorus. Most of the men smoked occasionally, even while they were playing. About 0.50 hours the music stopped after a last section which was played very fast (ngagubrugkeun), and the players stood still. One of the leaders took off his ceremonial sash (sabuk), and put it on the basket of rice. Then the village head carried the basket back inside his house. A few minutes later the angklung players started again. They walked around the circle again in counter-clockwise direction, and sang sisindiran, as they had done during the first part of the evening. The music and dancing went on like this until about 4.00 in the morning. Gradually most spectators had gone and were apparently sleeping somewhere, because it became quieter outside. The angklung players had stopped walking around in a circle. Then, around 4.00, they

17 Judistira Garna (1988:324, 341) also gives the name Pangreremo, which means 'engagement/marriage song'.

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started playing quite differently, and without singing. It gave me the impression that they were learning tunes from each other. Later, it was explained by the village head Asrab that, indeed, most of the players did not know these last melodies very well. However, they belong to the ceremony, because they are tunes to entertain the 'children of the rice goddess, Dewi Asri'. There are three parts (melodies?): Ceuceurikan (crying), Ngupahan (comforting), Seuseurian (laughing). After this iullaby' the music stopped at about 4.30. I heard some dirty phrases being sung, but gradually it became quiet. At 6.00 the angklung group from Cikadu started playing again. Women and men collected baskets full of rice at the house of the village head. In a long procession, about one hundred women and men followed the angklung music to the field where the rice would be planted. Some men and women carried the rice baskets on their heads, and others carried food to be eaten after the planting.18 The angklung played the farewell piece Pileuleuyan. Men and women were in ceremonial dress. Men (except the four Inner Baduy men) were wearing a black shirt without collar over a white shirt without collar, black short trousers, a black and blue headcloth of printed , and some of them used the ceremonial sash (see photographs in Bakels 1991:38, 42). Most of the women were wearing a locally woven blue and red cloth, or a black and blue cloth of printed batik, a white shirt, a ceremonial sash over their shoulder (suat samata), and a big hat of plaited bamboo (see photographs in Bakels 1991:41, 43). After an hour's walk, and after crossing the Ciujung River via the hanging bamboo bridge at Gajeboh, the procession reached the village of Cicakal Hilir. Here, all the Baduy people crossed the river by wading through it, to reach the sacred field of the Outer Baduy (huma tuladan: literally, exemplary field), where the rice would be planted.19 The few non-Baduy Sundanese people, including the very popular administrator of Desa Kanekes, Ukang Sukarna, and myself, could not follow the procession across the river. The Inner Baduy, who had attended the previous night's ceremony and were also to attend this planting ceremony (ngaseuk), had said 'it was not neccessary' for us to be present at this ceremony. Slowly many more Baduy women and men arrived, until there were about 250 people assembled on the sacred field, which lies on a steep slope. The four Inner Baduy and some Outer Baduy walked over the field, as if they were inspecting it, or said prayers in all directions. I estimate the size of this field to be 1 to 1.5 ha. The angklung played again from 7.30 to 8.45. The 18-some players and

18 According to Judistira Garna (1988:325), in this procession they also take toys (cocooan) for Nyi Asri with them, in the form of seeds (piceun, kemiri), shells, and a sponge. 19 The rice harvested from this field is mainly used for the Kawalu and ngalaksa harvest ceremonies (Judistira Garna 1988:192).

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two dancers walked in a clockwise direction around the pungpuhunan, a sacred place covering about a square metre in the middle of the field, marked with some young sugar-palm leaves. It was here that the offerings were placed, and here where the ceremonial planting began. Prayers were said by a spiritual leader; he put rice seeds into a few holes, made with a planting stick (for a description see Geise 1952:38-9; Judistira Garna 1988: 325). Then the angklung was put aside in the shade, and the 250 men and women started to plant rice on the whole field. They worked together in two groups. In each group the men walked with a planting stick and made holes (ngaseuk) about 20-30 cm apart. The women followed with the rice, putting five to seven seeds in each hole (muuhan). The holes were not covered over. About an hour later they were finished, and the angklung played again for about half an hour. They started eating at a large open hut (saung) which had been constructed on the field. Around 11.15 the angklung played again for a short time, and people went home.

Music and dancing during ceremonial angklung playing I was told afterwards that during the ceremonial part of the evening (around midnight) the only singing done was an hour's singing of the song Marengo. However, musically speaking, there was a definite change in the chorus part, after about half an hour's singing. This second part of the song Marengo is presented in Appendix 4. It was repeated for about half an hour in the transcribed way. As the recording of the soloist is very poor, I have not attempted to transcribe his text. Instead, I present the text from Geise (1952:37-8, 190-1) underneath my music transcription. The transcription of the singing gives only the pattern, which is continuously repeated with minor variations. The two sections of the soloist are now and then sung in a slightly different way, because the words have to be adjusted to fit the music. The speed accelerates from 52 to 72 beats per second. The range of the song is small, from slightly lower than b-flat to e, or slightly less than a fifth. Elsewhere I have pointed out that in Sundanese music low tones are used to express cultural importance (Van Zanten 1989:117-8; 1994:77-80). For instance, the songs of the prestigious Tembang Sunda Cianjuran genre are sung on a lower level than the less prestigious gamelan salendro. I wonder whether the two parts of the Baduy song Marengo reflect this hierarchical structure, as the ritual text by the soloist is sung one tone lower than the reply 'Ah-eh-ya-oh-eh' of the chorus. The only music to which Baduy are allowed to dance (ngalage) is angklung music, and it is only men who dance. Outer Baduy may dance with the angklung at any time during the three months of the year that it is played. I was told that Inner Baduy dancing is limited to the ceremony in which the rice goddess is married off to the earth, during the night before the ceremonial planting of rice on the huma serang. However, compare Judistira Garna (1988:89), who states that the Inner Baduy do not dance at

Downloaded from Brill.com10/06/2021 03:38:41PM via free access 536 Wim van Zanten all. In Sundanese music ouside the Baduy area, drums are very much used in dialogue with dancing. Baduy restrictions on dancing may be the reason that drums are used only with the angklung ensemble (with which dancing is allowed) and not in Baduy gamelan {lenong) or other genres of music (with which dancing is not allowed). In the last and fast section of the musical piece, when the angklung players stood still, the dancers started running around the players. They went clockwise and counter-clockwise, turning regularly. Their hands were kept low, and their bodies were bent, as if they were searching for something. They gave me the impression they were imitating birds. The dancers were followed (chased?) by the players. Later, when I asked for an explanation, the leader of the angklung group from Kadujangkung said that this running around of the dancers had no meaning; 'it had always been like this', and it was just for fun. I could not get an explanation about the difference between the clock- wise and the counter-clockwise movement of the Baduy angklung group. In group dancing, moving both clockwise and counter-clockwise in a circle is not uncommon in Indonesia, although Holt (1967:97) remarks that 'Big rounds in which the dancers either face the centre or proceed in a circular file, and files moving in a serpentine course now occur mainly in islands outside Java and Bali'. See also Holt's (1967:282) discussion of dancing in a circle, as mentioned on a copper plate from Panaraga, AD 901. On the Babar Islands in the southeast Moluccas (Toos van Dijk, personal communication, 22 September 1993) and among the Karo on (Juara Ginting, personal communication, 22 September 1993), moving counter-clockwise symbolizes turning to life, and moving clock- wise symbolizes turning to death. The stories told by the reliefs on Javan- ese temples should be read while proceeding in a clockwise direction: the visitor's right side should be turned towards the sacred temple. In my observation, the players and the dancers walked in a clockwise direction when the ceremony was dealing directly with the engagement of the rice goddess Dewi Asri to the earth, as expressed, for example, in the lyrics. During the other sections, when the song texts concerned human beings (love, parting from people, general wisdom), the players moved in a counter-clockwise direction. This is the prevailing direction, as it is during the season the angklung are played just for entertainment. However, Baier's remark (1985:12) that the Baduy angklung players walk only counter-clockwise is definitely not true. Among the Baduy, moving clockwise happens during the recitation of the text of the engagement and marriage of Dewi Asri. This text is connected with creating life, rather than with death. I am inclined to believe that the clockwise direction is the sacred direction: the performer's right side is turned towards the basket of rice, representing Nyi Pohaci Sanghyang Asri. The counter-clockwise direction is the secular direction, which is used when the emphasis is on entertainment rather than ritual.

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This is accentuated by the dancing, which only happens when the circle of players and dancers moves in a counter-clockwise direction. Dancing is apparently considered by the Baduy to be a secular form of expression (the Inner Baduy are allowed no dancing at all, other than during this special ritual): in general there is dancing only when the emphasis is on entertainment. However, note that during the planting ceremony on the special field (huma tuladan) the following morning, I saw two men dancing with the angklung players walking in a clockwise direction. When the angklung was not being used to address Dewi Asri in the engagement ceremony, and the players and dancers were walking in a counter-clockwise direction, the song texts consisted of four-line poems (sisindiran). These texts, which often express erotic feelings, are also sung outside ceremonial contexts, when an angklung group just plays for the village. It provides a setting where boys and girls can flirt (see also Bakels and Boevink 1988:42). Some of these texts are given below. In the Sundanese text there is a sound association between lines 1-2 and lines 3- 4. The first two lines are called the 'cover, rind, skin' (cangkang), and the last two lines the 'content' (eusi).

Ceuk arileu, ceuk arileu People say that there are many bends in the road (2x) Samping poling kahujanan The plain [not batiked] cloth has become wet from the rain Ceuk ka dieu, ceuk ka dieu Sister, come here, sister, come here Kami goring kaidanan I am really crazy about you. * Kacapi ukir-ukiran The zither is ornamented with woodcarvings Tangkal salakjatakian The salak bush and the gandaria bush Lalaki euweuh pikiran The man who does not think Gancang notak teu makean And easily ends the marriage - do not take him. * Sok hayang ka gula lima Often I want to go to the five pieces of sugar, Sakojor dikaparakeun That are put together in one packet of ten pieces. Sok hayang ka urang dinya Often I want to go to the person over there, Ngagojod ngararasakeun To lie under a blanket and feel [her]. * Cai mulang cai malik The water runs back, the water returns Muhara ka Ciangsana To the estuary at Ciangsana Hayang mulang hayang balik I want to go home, I want to go back Ngumbara kieu rasana I am staying in a foreign region, that's what I feel.

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Conclusion In this article I have presented an overview of Baduy music in its cultural context, and described in more detail some vocal genres and angklung music. Angklung, gamelan, and pantun music are very much related to the agricultural rice cycle. The many restrictions that regulate Baduy life also affect musical expression. The angklung can only be played for three months of the year, and angklung and gamelan cannot be played at the same time of year. Although Baduy music shares many characteristics with other Sundan- ese music, it also has particular qualities, for instance in an acoustic sense. Baduy gamelan, pantun, and female singing sound very different from the corresponding genres in West Java that have been recorded. The exact components of this characteristic sound quality still need further investigation. As far as I know, in other Sundanese areas the technique of circular breathing can only be found with the shawm (tarompet), whereas the Baduy use it in the playing of flutes {elet and suling lamus). Very little has been published on Baduy music. This may be due in part to the impossibilty of visiting their area for any length of time. As the Baduy form an enclave within Sundanese society, and still have a very traditional way of living, study of their music may give us some under- standing of the historical development of music in West Java. It is therefore important to gain more knowledge of Baduy music.

REFERENCES Baier, Randal Emerson, 1985, 'The angklung ensemble of West Java; Continuity of an agricultural tradition', 2(l-2):8-16. -, 1986, Si Duriat Keueung; The Sundanese angklung ensemble of West Java, Indonesia. [MA thesis, Wesleyan University, Middletown, Connecticut.] Bakels, Jet, 1988, 'The Baduy of Banten; The hidden people', in: Reimar Schefold, Vincent Dekker, and Nico de Jonge (eds), Indonesia in focus, pp. 39-45, Meppel: Edu'Actief. -, 1989, 'Mandala-gemeenschappen in West-Java', Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 145:359-364. -, 1991, Een kleur van heiligheid; Wereldbeeld en kleding van de Baduy van West- Java, Den Haag: Museon. [Catalogue of Baduy textile exhibition, 20 June 1991 - 5 January 1992.] -, 1993, 'Het heilige bos van de Baduy', NRC Handelsblad, 14 December 1993. Bakels, Jet, and Wim Boevink, 1988, De Baduy van West-Java, Amsterdam: CAS A. [Werkdocument 2.] Berthe, Louis, 1965, 'Ainds et cadets; L'alliance et la hi6rachie chez les Baduj (Java occidental)', L'Homme 5:189-223. Blume, C.L., 1993, 'Gedachten op eene reize, in het zuidoostelijke gedeelte der residentie Bantam gedaan [december 1821 - januari 1822]', in: Gerard Termorshuizen (ed.), In de Binnenlanden van Java, pp. 21-50, Leiden: KITLV Uitgeverij. [Originally in the form of articles in the Bataviasche Courant, 1822.] Didi Suryadi, 1974, Sekitar kehidupan musik masyarakat Baduy, Bandung: Lembaga Kebudayaan Universitas Padjadjaran. Djoewisno, MS, 1988, Potret kehidupan masyarakat Baduy, Jakarta: Khas Studio. Enjum, 1974, Mundinglaya di Kusumah; Cerita Pantun, Bandung: Lembaga Kesenian Bandung.

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Geise, Nicolaas Johannes Cornells, 1952, Badujs en Moslims in Lebak Parahiang, Zuid-Banten, Leiden: De Jong. [PhD thesis, Leiden University.] Hoevell, W.R. van, 1845, 'Bijdrage tot de kennis der Badoei'nen, in het zuiden der residentie Bantam', Tijdschrift voor Neerland's Indie 7,IV:335-430. Holt, Claire, 1967, Art in Indonesia; Continuity and change, Ithaca/London: Cornell University Press. Jacobs, Jul., and J.J. Meijer, 1891, De Badoej's, 's-Gravenhage: Nijhoff. Judistira Kartiwan Garna, 1988, Tangtu telu jaro tujuh; Kajian struktural masyarakat Baduy di Banten Selatan, Jawa Barat, Indonesia. [PhD thesis, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, Bangi.] -, 1989, The Baduy of West Java; Adaptation and change to development, Bandung: Fakultas Pascasarjana Unpad. Lysen, Am6, 1956, 'Het merkwaardige volk der Badujs; Zij leven in het oerbos van het Kendenggebergte in Banten', Wereldnieuws (illustrated weekly magazine), 20 October 1956, 28-41:16-19. Machmudi Romli, 1976, 'Adat pernikahan suku Badui yg hidup terisolir', Berita Buana (Jakarta newspaper) 15 June 1976, pp. 1, 8, and 'Benarkah masyarakat Baduy tak acuh pada hidup', Berita Buana 7 July 1976, pp. 3, 10. Persoon, Gerard, 1994, Vluchten of veranderen; Processen van verandering en ontwikkeling bij tribale groepen in Indonesie. [PhD thesis, Leiden University.] Pleyte, CM., 1907, 'Raden Moending Laja di Koesoema; Een oude Soendasche ridderroman met eene inleiding over den toekang pantoen', Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde (TBG) 49:1-159. Sajin, 1973, Tjarita Lutung Kasarung, Bandung: Proyek Penelitian Pantun dan Folklor Sunda. [Recited by Ki Sajin (Baduy, Lebak), supervised by Ajip Rosidi.] -, 1974, Carita Buyut Orenyeng, Bandung: Proyek Penelitian Pantun dan Folklor Sunda. [Recited by Ki Sajin (Baduy, Lebak), supervised by Ajip Rosidi.] Saleh Danasasmita and Anis Djatisunda, 1986, Kehidupan masyarakat Kanekes, second edition, Bandung: Bagian Proyek dan Pengkajian Kebudayaan Sunda (Sundanologi), Direktorat Jenderal Kebudayaan, Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan. Spanoghe, 1838, 'De heidenen of Badoewienen van Bantam', Tijdschrift voor Neerland's Indie 1,11:295-305. Tricht, B. van, 1929, 'Levende antiquiteiten in West-Java', Djawa 9:41-120 + iii. Vlasblom, Dirk, 1995, 'Indonesie; ziener wekt woede Moslims en regime op', NRC Handelsblad (Rotterdam newspaper), 14 April 1995. Wessing, Robert, 1977, "The position of the Baduy in the larger West Javanese society', Man 12:293-303. Zanten, Wim van, 1989, Sundanese music in the Cianjuran style; Anthropological and musicological aspects of Tembang Sunda, Dordrecht/Providence: Foris. [With Demonstration cassette tape.] -, 1993, 'Sung epic narrative and lyrical songs; Carita pantun and tembang Sunda', in: Bernard Arps (ed.), Performance in Java and Bali; Studies of narrative, theatre, music, and dance, pp. 144-161, London: School of Oriental and African Studies. -, 1994, 'L'esthe'tique musicale de Sunda (Java-Ouest)', Cahiers de Musiques Traditionelles 7:75-93.

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Appendix 1: Carita pantun

Transcribed from cassette tape LK1-A593-613. Recorded 8 January 1977, Jakarta. Story Lutung Kasarung, as recited by Sajin from Cisadane. Text between brackets with a question mark [?] is text that is not clear to me.

J = ca. M 52 (nibato)

-n-

Kt - tu deu - i pa- na- ka-wan Nu te • [u - an ka - tu - ra - an

mah Ka - san

J J JJ 7 J J JJ JJ JJ JJ J Sa-kam-puh-na [ta- put minud?] [Ta-put mu-rud dom-bang?] Ja- ya di-sa-buk-an ku pa

to - la Pa - to - la pa - ma - li di

Du - hung - na Si Ga-gall Nge • lak Di • ga-gang-an A- kar sa- lak di - beu- beui

"~^ Ku • nyuk la - ki bi - si peu - eul

Kitu deui panakawan Here are the servants again Nu teluan katuruan The three of them sleep Dangdan, ari dangdan mah The departure, as to the departure Kasantekna It is imminent Sakampuhna [taput murud?] With his blanket [....?] [Taput murud dombang?] [....?] Jaya disabukan ku patola The power is in his belt made of silk Patola pamali di jala Silk is forbidden to be used in a casting net

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Duhungna Si Gagak Ngelak His keris [is called] Si Gagak Ngelak [way of wearing the headcloth] Digagangan It has a handle Akar salak dibeubeur The salak root is used as a belt Kunyuk laki bisi peueul The male monkey may be dark- coloured

Appendix 2: Song by Sawari

Transcribed from DAT 92-7, 34'. Recorded 12 October 1992, Cipangembar. Accompaniment with kacapi zither by the singer himself. The singer was obviously confused about the text. The text below the music was provided after the recording.

J =»

Pi - it man - di jeung da • da Ma - nuk ku - rang ka - i - rin m m m n~ s^

Ha- yang pu - lang di - i - ring • koun Ha - yang pu - lang di - nng-

Di • i ring - keun

koun Ha-yang pu - lang di • i - ring- keun

Piit mandi The piit bird takes a bath

Piit mandi jeung dadali The ricebird takes a bath and the eagle Manuk kurang kagirangkeun The birds do not get far upstream Hayang balik diiringkeun I want to go home and be escorted Hayang pulang kawiwirangan I want to go home because I have been made ashamed.

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Appendix 3: Song by Raida Transcribed from DAT 92-14, 39'35". Recorded 8 November 1992, Kadujangkung. Sung by female vocalist Raida from Kaduketuk, accom- panied by rendo (Sarmina from Cikadu) and kacapi (Yanci from Cikadu?).

J = M 60 ( A = slightly raised note g) KJI: i ? p

LGeus- an nyung - si mo an - cik di - na ha - reup • an 2.Nu beu - beut - an ngem • bat di na du- nya an - yar 4.Ka sa • kum • na sa - wa - si wi Pu- tra Sun

Reng-at ma - nah ka - tun - da di na A - nu tang - tos sa • da ya- na mo- al U - mum * na man sa - pang • eu- si In

di- na a - lam pa - wang - un - an di- na a - lam pa - wang - un - an na-gen pan - cer di na - ga - ra

Nu ka • weng - ku

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li ka • te • Ian Go-long-an Kar - ya

Desa nyungsi The village investigates

Geusan nyungsi mo ancik dina hareupan In order to find out, don't stay at the front side Rengat manah katunda dina implengan The things that disturb you will then not be contemplated Peuting ieu lintang muru[k] pangauban This evening very good information will be your comfort [Keng resian?] dina alam pawangunan [A hermitage?] in a developing world Nu beubeutan ngembat dina dunya anyar Those who were driven out cast a spell on the new world Anu tangtos sadayana moal samaung This is certain, not all are like tigers Saban widang da w6h pareum sauyunan Each area was exhausted, all alike [Keng resian?] dina alam pawangunan [A hermitage?] in a developing world [1st time] [first time] Nu kadua eta nu jadi tujuan [2nd time] Those two are the goals [2nd time] [Sok kari awis?] caringin nu jadi saksi [Little is left?], the waringin became a witness Panineung hiji lambang ciri nagri It reminds us of the symbol and identification of the country Nu kawengku da dasarna Pancasila Which are determined by the principles of the Pancasila Ulah lali katelah Golongan Karya Don't forget the name Golongan Karya Ka sakumna sawa-siwi Putra Sunda To all of you, offspring of the Sundanese Umumna mah sapangeusi Indonesia In general, to the Indonesian inhabitants Urang jungjung darajat kusumah bangsa We respect those of high rank Masing pageuh nagen pancer di nagara All stand firm around the centre of the country

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Appendix 4: Marengo song for ceremonial angklung

Sundanese text from Geise (1952:37-8, 190-1). Part of the text is sung when the goddess of rice, Dewi Asri, is married off to the earth, Paratiwi. See a similar text in Judistira Garna (1988:426-9). Below this text is the transcription of (the second half of?) the singing. Transcribed from DAT 92-12, 30'-lh0'. Recorded 22-23 October 1992, Kadujangkung. This singing took place in the early morning of 23 October, between 0.21 and 0.51 hours.

From J= M 52 to M 72. 30 minutes later (|j»= lowered.b-flat) Solo r i r r r ' Chorus

Ah eh ya oh eh Ah eh

ya oh eh Ah eh

[Solo]

Pohaci Sanghiang Asri Pohaci Sanghyang Asri, Ku kami r€k ditetepkeun Who will be put by us at a permanent place Ku kami diraramekeun Who is greeted by us with festivities Ku kami direremokeun Who is married off by us Dina malem Ahad On the night before Sunday Di bumi Paratiwi On the earth [called] Paratiwi Buana pancatengah The central world. Ulah ge'de'r, ulah reuwas Do not be afraid, do not be scared Mangka tetep, mangka langgeng May it be permanent, may it be forever Mangka hurip kajayana May her power live Nu kosong pangeusiankeun The empty ones [ears], please fill them, Nu celong pangmeunuhankeun. The lean ones, please make them full.

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