The Song of Roland: a Mid-Twelfth Century Song of Propaganda For

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Song of Roland: a Mid-Twelfth Century Song of Propaganda For Hans E. Keller The Song of Roland: a Mid-Twelfth Century Song of Propaganda for the Capetian Kingdom For more than a century now scholars have been discussing the Oxford version of the Song of Roland. It is thus scarcely surprising that all of those who have dealt with the poem have been intrigued as to the authorship of such an incomparable masterpiece, nearly classical in its structure. But it seems even more important to understand its signifi- cance and to define the audience to whom the poet is speaking, as well as to discover the message he wants to convey. For this purpose, it is most vital to know when the Oxford version of the poem was composed. If that problem can be solved satisfactorily, we will know more about the man who signed the Oxford version, Turoldus, and, further, the dispute as to whether or not the different parts of the work constitute later inser- tions can be resolved without undue difficulty. This paper, therefore, will examine the factors which help determine the date of the version preserved in the Oxford manuscript, and we will also propose a possible new solution to the problem. For the dating of the Oxford Roland, it is not without interest that one finds all combatants using the spear in what Dorothy Leigh Sayers1 terms "the modern fashion (escrime nouvelle): the spear is held firmly under the right arm, with the point directed at the adversary's breast, the aim being either to pierce him through, or to hurl him from the saddle by weight and speed as the horses rush together." She further points out that in the Bayeux Tapestry (which "fut pour la première fois suspendue de pilier en pilier à l'entour de la nef"2 for the celebration of the dedication of the newly rebuilt and considerably enlarged cathedral on 14 July 1077), "both the old (escrime ancienne) and the modern fashion are shown together, some knights being depicted with the right arms raised above head-level, using the spear as a throwing-weapon."3 Sayers also calls attention to the fact that in the Bayeux Tapestry "the spears thus thrown have plain shafts, whereas most of those used in the modern escrime are adorned with a pennon or gonfalon just below the point, 1The Song of Roland, trad. Dorothy L. Sayers (Harmondsworth: Penguin Classics, 1937), p. 35. 2Simone Bertrand, La Tapisserie da la reine Mathilde à Bayeux (Paris: Hachette, n.d. [1969]), p. 9. 3Sayers, loc. cit. 242 Keller/Song of Roland 243 exactly as described in the Roland (e.g., vv. 1228, 1539, 1576, etc.)."4 It therefore can be safely stated that the Oxford version of the Song of Roland must have been composed after 14 July 1077. But it is generally agreed today that the poem must have been composed even later, after 1086, the year of the battle of Zalaca, near Badajoz in western Spain, in which the Berber Moslem sect of the Almora- vides inflicted a crushing defeat upon the Christians of Alfonso VI through the use of camels and drums. Neither had ever been seen or heard before by the Christians, reports the chronicler; consequently, the fact that they are mentioned in connection with the pagans in the Oxford Roland is currently considered a strong indication that the poem must have been written after 1086.5 It is much more difficult to determine the terminus ante quem of the poem, since there is no evidence in the work itself to provide help. Some scholars6 have maintained that the fact that the Song of Roland never mentions Santiago de Compostela and its importance for the pilgrims sug- gests a composition before 1095. Following the Council of Reims in 1049 —at which time the archbishop of Santiago was excommunicated by the Pope —there were hostile feelings between the Spanish Church and the Pope, causing an estrangement dividing all of western Christianity. In the fight concerning the supremacy of the archbishop of Santiago over the Spanish Church, the French Church sided very strongly with Rome. This fact, it has been claimed, could explain the silence of the Song of Roland with respect to the central place of Christianity in Spain. But after the reconciliation in 1095, in view of the First Crusade, such a silence would have been senseless, all of which suggests composition of the Oxford Roland before that date. Such arguments ex silentio, however, are rarely convincing. The fact that this center of pilgrimage is not men- tioned has little relevance, because the poem contains no proof whatsoever that its theme was to propagandize pilgrimages to Santiago. The terminus ante quem of the poem should therefore be sought out- side of the work itself. The fact that certain Byzantine coins are mentioned in the Song is no longer considered to be of significance, 4Ibid. 5Martín de Riquer, Les Chansons de geste françaises, 2e édition, entièrement refondue, trans. Irénée Cluzel (Paris: Nizet, 1957), p. 76. 6The idea goes back to Aurelio Roncaglia, "Il silenzio del Roland su Sant' Iacopo: le vie del pellegrinaggi e le vie della storia," in Coloquios de Roncesvalles, Agosto 1955 (Zaragoza: El Noticiero, 1957), pp. 151-71. 244 Olifant/Vol. 3, No. 4/May 1976 because evidence they provide for dating the poem has been so strongly contested. The only factors we can take into consideration, then, are: 1° the date of the Oxford manuscript; 2° the date of the adaptation of the poem into Middle High German by the priest Conrad; and, 3° the icono- graphic evidence. 1° The date of the Oxford manuscript has been much discussed. Some maintain that it was copied in the second quarter of the twelfth century, while others believe in a date around 1170 or even slightly later. Joseph Bédier never adhered to the early date assigned to the manuscript by his compatriot Charles Samaran in 1933. The latter, in an article published in 1973,7 tried to add even more weight to his argumentation based entirely upon paleographical evidence. Other paleo- graphers, however, especially from Great Britain, have seriously ques- tioned such an early date.8 Linguists have also stressed dialectal particularities which cannot be found yet in the second quarter of the century.9 Furthermore, it is a strange coincidence that the oldest extant fragments of Wace's Roman de Brut, also preserved in the Bodleian Library at Oxford, show an astonishing paleographical and linguistic resemblance to the Oxford manuscript of the Roland: these fragments were dated in 1974 by two paleographers of the Library as having been written toward the end of the twelfth century.10 For these reasons, the Oxford manu- 7Charles Samaran, "Sur la date approximative du Roland d'Oxford," Romania, 94 (1973), 523-7. 8For example, see Ian Short, "The Oxford Manuscript of the Chanson de Roland: A Paleographical Note," Romania, 94 (1973), 221-31. 9See Jules Horrent, La Chanson de Roland dans lee littératures française et espagnole, Bibliothèque de la Faculté de Philosophie et Lettres de l'Université de Liège, Fascicule 120 (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1951), pp. 34-42. To Horrent's pertinent remarks should be added another feature found in v. 3986, where the Oxford manuscript has "Truvee li unt lo num de Juliane"; the spelling "truvee" for a masculine past participle does not occur in Anglo-Norman texts before the later twelfth century; cf. Mildred K. Pope, From Latin to Modern French, with Especial Consideration of Anglo-Norman. Phonology and Morphology, re- vised edition (Manchester: University Press, 1952), §1235. 10"We feel that fol. 83-4 are certainly no later than the begin- ning of the thirteenth century and may belong to the late twelfth" (private communication from Mr. Bruce C. Barker-Benefield, 16 September 1974). Keller/Song of Roland 245 script can hardly have been composed before the second half of the cen- tury, in all probability not before the chancellery of King Henry II Plantagenet had begun to exert its overall influence in England, i.e., not before 1170. 2° In a recent article11 the writer hopes to have demonstrated that, contrary to a widely held view among Germanists, the Middle High German adaptation by Conrad was—as already maintained by Professors Rita Lejeune and Jacques Stiennon12—probably composed after 1180, per- haps between 1185 and 1189. That adaptation—which, incidentally, does not reflect so much the Oxford version as that of Venice IV13—was thus composed so late in the century that it is of no help in dating the composition of the Song of Roland as we read it today in the Oxford version. 3° Iconography is not much of assistance either in dating the poem, because the first time that it is found represented in its entirety by an artist is precisely in the Middle High German Ruolantes liet, of which the oldest manuscript (now preserved in Heidelberg) is decorated by inserted pictures as they were in use particularly in England in the second half of the twelfth century, especially in the Abbey of St. Albans in Hertfordshire.14 This points again to the end of the twelfth century, the date of the Heidelberg manuscript. Before that time, iconographic representations depict only the first part of the poem, up to Charle- magne's revenge upon the pagans. These images are indeed attested quite early in the century, above church portals and in church mosaics in Southern France and in Italy, as we know thanks to the research of Pro- 11"Der Pfaffe Konrad am Hofe von Braunschweig," in Wege der Vorte. Festschrift für Wolfgang Fleischhauer (Köhn: Böhlau Verlag, forthcoming).
Recommended publications
  • "Ja Ne M'en Turnerai Trescque L'avrai Trovez". Ricerche Attorno Al Ms
    Ja ne m'en turnerai trescque l'avrai trovez Ricerche attorno al ms. Royal 16 E. VIII, testimone unico del Voyage de Charlemagne à Jérusalem et à Constantinople , e contributi per una nuova edizione del poema Thèse de Doctorat présentée par Carla Rossi devant la Faculté des Lettres de l’Université de Fribourg, en Suisse. Approuvé par la Faculté des Lettres sur proposition des professeurs Aldo Menichetti (premier rapporteur) et Roberto Antonelli (deuxième rapporteur, Università degli Studi di Roma "La Sapienza"). Fribourg, le 10/01/2005 Note finale: summa cum laude Le Doyen, Richard Friedli [Copia facsimile della rubrica e dei primi versi del poema, effettuata nel 1832 da F. Michel sul Royal 16 E VIII della BL] Carla ROSSI - Thèse de doctorat - Note finale: summa cum laude 2 Ja ne m'en turnerai trescque l'avrai trovez Ricerche attorno al ms. Royal 16 E. VIII, testimone unico del Voyage de Charlemagne à Jérusalem et à Constantinople , e contributi per una nuova edizione del poema INTRODUZIONE....................................................................................................................................................... 4 PRIMA PARTE 1. Il testimone unico del VdC e Eduard Koschwitz, suo scrupoloso editore................................................... 6 1. 1. Albori degli studi sul poema: "Dieu veuille que cet éditeur soit un Français!"................................... 6 1. 2. Sabato 7 giugno 1879: il testimone unico scompare dalla Sala di Lettura del British Museum........ 11 1. 3. Eduard Koschwitz.......................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Bibliography
    BIBLIOGRAPHY Published Primary Sources Anseys de Ales, ed. HerrnanJ. Green. Paris: [Les Presses modemes], 1939. Aristophanes. Lysistrata, trans. Charles T. Murphy. In Stages of Drama: Classiwl to Contemporary Theatre, eds. Carl H. Klaus, Mirian1 Gilbert, and Bradford S. Field, Jr., 5th edn. Boston: Bedford/St. Martin's, 2003, p. 121, l. 663 [pp. 114-31] Aurassin et Nirolette, ed. Jean Dufoumet. Paris: Flammarion, 1984. Batts, MichaelS. Das Nibelungenlied: Paralleldrurk der Handsrhriften A, B und C nebst Lesarten der ubr(<5en Handsrhriften. Tiibingen: Niemeyer, 1971. Baumgartner, Emmanuele and Franc;oise Vielliard. Eds., Le Roman de Troie de Benoit de Sainte-Niaure. Paris: Librairie generale franc;aise, 1998. Bergman, Sister Mary Bemardine. Trans., Hrosvithae Liber Tertius: A Text and Translation, Introduction and Commmtary. Covington, KY: The Sisters of Saint Benedict, 1943. Berry, Virginia Gingerick. Ed., Odo of Deuil, De profertione Ludoviri VII in orientem. New York: Columbia University Press, 1948. The Book of a Thousand ]udgemmts: A Sasanian Law-Book, Introduction, Transcription and Translation ofthe Pahlavi text, Notes, Glossary, and Indexes by Anahit Perikhanian; Translatedfrom the Russian by Nina Garsorian. Costa Mesa, CA: Mazda Publishers in Association with Bibliotheca Persica, 1997. Camar de mio Cid, ed. Alberto Montaner. Biblioteca Clasica 1. Barcelona: Critica, 1993. Cazelles, Brigitte. The Lady as Saint: A Collection of Frmrh Hagiographir Romances of the Thirteenth Century. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1991. Chretien de Troyes. Romans. Paris: Pochotheque/Livre de Poche, 1994. Combarieu du Gres, Micheline de, and Gerard Gouiran. La chanson de Girart de Roussillon. Paris: Librairie Generale Franc;aise, 1993. Cooper, Louis, and Franklin M. Waltman.
    [Show full text]
  • © in This Web Service Cambridge University
    Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-04278-0 - Romance And History: Imagining Time from the Medieval to the Early Modern Period Edited by Jon Whitman Index More information Index A note is normally indexed only if the topic for which it is cited is not specified in the corresponding discussion in the body of the text. Abelard, Peter, 64 193–4, 196, 200–2, 204–5, 211, 249, Achilles Tatius, 200 281 (n34), 293 (n11), 294 (n21), Adémar de Chabannes, 143 302 (n18) Aeneas, 9–10, 26, 29–30, 44, 80–1, 130, 140, Aristotle, 165, 171, 176, 181, 195, 198, 201–2, 225 154–5, 188, 199, 202–3, 209, 219, Poetics, 17, 151, 183, 190–4, 204 296 (n27) Armida, 18, 198, 204 see also Eneas; Roman d’Eneas; Virgil artfulness, 9, 26–31, 34–8, 55, 67, 226, 252 Alamanni, Luigi, Girone il Cortese, 291 (n12) see also ingenium/engin/ingenuity Albanactus, 154 Arthur, 10, 13, 56–73, 75–9, 83, 105–33, 141, Alexander the Great, 9–10, 23–7, 32–8, 44, 101, 150, 156, 158, 160, 166, 197, 220, 225, 103, 222–3 247–9 Alfonso I d’Este, 152 see also Arthurian romance; “matters” of Alfred the Great, 107 narrative, Britain allegory, 18, 31, 206–8, 217–18, 221, 225, 234, Arthur, son of Henry VII (Arthur Tudor), 109, 295 (n22) 123 Alliterative Morte Arthure, 13, 105, 107, 110–19, Arthurian romance, 3, 5–6, 11, 14–17, 47, 90–104, 248 145, 149–50, 158–62, 169–78, 181, 188, 197, Amadis de Gaula/Garci Rodríguez de Montalvo, 224, 229, 247–9 16, 124, 169, 175–9, 228–30 see also Arthur; “matters” of narrative, Britain Ami et Amile, 279 (n2) Ascham, Roger, 123 Amyot, Jacques, 191–2 Aspremont,
    [Show full text]
  • Emanuel J. Mickel Ganelon After Oxford the Conflict Between Roland
    Emanuel J. Mickel Ganelon After Oxford The conflict between Roland and Ganelon and the subsequent trial form an important part of the Chanson de Roland. How one looks at the trial and Ganelon's role in the text bears significantly on one's interpretation of the epic. While most critics acknowledge that Roland is the hero of the chanson and Ganelon the traitor, many, perhaps a majority, find flaws in Roland's character or conduct and accept the argument that Ganelon had some justification for his actions in the eyes of Charlemagne's barons and, perhaps, in the view of the medieval audience. Roland, of course, is blamed for desmesure and Ganelon is justified by the argument that his open defiance of Roland and the peers in the council scene gave him the right, according to the ancient Germanic ethical and legal code, to take vengeance on his declared adversaries. Proponents of this thesis allege that the Chanson de Roland, a text which they date to the eleventh century, reflects a growing tension and conflict between the powerful feudal barons and the growing power of the monarchy.1 The barons represent the traditions and custom law of a decentralized state where the king is primus inter pares, but essentially a baron like themselves. As the French monarchy grew in strength and was bolstered in a theoretical sense by the centralizing themes of Roman law, conflict between the crown and the nobility became apparent.2 1 For specific analysis of the trial in terms of allegedly older Germanic tradition, see Ruggero Ruggieri, Il Processo di Gano nella Chanson de Roland (Firenze: Sansoni, 1936); also George F.
    [Show full text]
  • 14 Pierrepont at a Crossroads of Literatures
    14 Pierrepont at a crossroads of literatures An instructive parallel between the first branch of the Karlamagnús Saga, the Dutch Renout and the Dutch Flovent Abstract: In the French original of the first branch of the Karlamagnús Saga [= fKMSI], in the Dutch Renout and in the Dutch Flovent – three early 13th century texts from present-day Bel- gium – a toponym Pierrepont plays a conspicous part (absent, however, from the French models of Renout and Flovent); fKMSI and Renout even have in common a triangle ‘Aimon, vassal of Charlemagne – Aie, his wife – Pierrepont, their residence’. The toponym is shown to mean Pierrepont (Aisne) near Laon in all three texts. In fKMSI, it is due almost certainly to the intervention of one of two Bishops of Liège (1200−1238) from the Pierrepont family, and in the other two texts to a similar cause. Consequently, for fKMSI a date ‘before 1240’ is proposed. According to van den Berg,1 the Middle Dutch Flovent, of which only two frag- ments are preserved,2 was probably written by a Fleming (through copied by a Brabantian) and can very roughly be dated ‘around 1200’ on the basis of its verse technique and syntax. In this text, Pierrepont plays a conspicuous part without appearing in the French original.3 In the first fragment, we learn that King Clovis is being besieged in Laon by a huge pagan army (vv. 190 ss.). To protect their rear, the pagans build a castle at a distance of four [presumably French] miles [~18 km] from Laon. Its name will be Pierlepont (vv.
    [Show full text]
  • The Sermon of Urban II in Clermont and the Tradition of Papal Oratory Georg Strack Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, Munich
    medieval sermon studies, Vol. 56, 2012, 30–45 The Sermon of Urban II in Clermont and the Tradition of Papal Oratory Georg Strack Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, Munich Scholars have dealt extensively with the sermon held by Urban II at the Council of Clermont to launch the First Crusade. There is indeed much room for speculation, since the original text has been lost and we have to rely on the reports of it in chronicles. But the scholarly discussion is mostly based on the same sort of sources: the chronicles and their references to letters and charters. Not much attention has been paid so far to the genre of papal synodal sermons in the Middle Ages. In this article, I focus on the tradition of papal oratory, using this background to look at the call for crusade from a new perspective. Firstly, I analyse the versions of the Clermont sermon in the crusading chronicles and compare them with the only address held by Urban II known from a non-narrative source. Secondly, I discuss the sermons of Gregory VII as they are recorded in synodal protocols and in historiography. The results support the view that only the version reported by Fulcher of Chartres corresponds to a sort of oratory common to papal speeches in the eleventh century. The speech that Pope Urban II delivered at Clermont in 1095 to launch the First Crusade is probably one of the most discussed sermons from the Middle Ages. It was a popular motif in medieval chronicles and is still an important source for the history of the crusades.1 Since we only have the reports of chroniclers and not the manuscript of the pope himself, each analysis of this address faces a fundamental problem: even the three writers who attended the Council of Clermont recorded three different versions, quite distinctive both in content and style.
    [Show full text]
  • Jonesexcerpt.Pdf
    2 The Texts—An Overview N’ot que trois gestes en France la garnie; ne cuit que ja nus de ce me desdie. Des rois de France est la plus seignorie, et l’autre aprés, bien est droiz que jeu die, fu de Doon a la barbe florie, cil de Maience qui molt ot baronnie. De ce lingnaje, ou tant ot de boidie, fu Ganelon, qui, par sa tricherie, en grant dolor mist France la garnie. La tierce geste, qui molt fist a prisier, fu de Garin de Monglenne au vis fier. Einz roi de France ne vodrent jor boisier; lor droit seignor se penerent d’aidier, . Crestïenté firent molt essaucier. [There were only threegestes in wealthy France; I don’t think any- one would ever contradict me on this. The most illustrious is the geste of the kings of France; and the next, it is right for me to say, was the geste of white-beardedPROOF Doon de Mayence. To this lineage, which was full of disloyalty, belonged Ganelon, who, by his duplic- ity, plunged France into great distress. The thirdgeste , remarkably worthy, was of the fierce Garin de Monglane. Those of his lineage never once sought to deceive the king of France; they strove to help their rightful lord, . and they advanced Christianity.] Bertrand de Bar-sur-Aube, Girart de Vienne Since the Middle Ages, the corpus of chansons de geste has been di- vided into groups based on various criteria. In the above prologue to the thirteenth-century Girart de Vienne, Bertrand de Bar-sur-Aube classifies An Introduction to the Chansons de Geste by Catherine M.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 the Middle Ages
    THE MIDDLE AGES 1 1 The Middle Ages Introduction The Middle Ages lasted a thousand years, from the break-up of the Roman Empire in the fifth century to the end of the fifteenth, when there was an awareness that a ‘dark time’ (Rabelais dismissively called it ‘gothic’) separated the present from the classical world. During this medium aevum or ‘Middle Age’, situated between classical antiquity and modern times, the centre of the world moved north as the civil- ization of the Mediterranean joined forces with the vigorous culture of temperate Europe. Rather than an Age, however, it is more appropriate to speak of Ages, for surges of decay and renewal over ten centuries redrew the political, social and cultural map of Europe, by war, marriage and treaty. By the sixth century, Christianity was replacing older gods and the organized fabric of the Roman Empire had been eroded and trading patterns disrupted. Although the Church kept administrative structures and learning alive, barbarian encroachments from the north and Saracen invasions from the south posed a continuing threat. The work of undoing the fragmentation of Rome’s imperial domain was undertaken by Charlemagne (742–814), who created a Holy Roman Empire, and subsequently by his successors over many centuries who, in bursts of military and administrative activity, bought, earned or coerced the loyalty of the rulers of the many duchies and comtés which formed the patchwork of feudal territories that was France. This process of centralization proceeded at variable speeds. After the break-up of Charlemagne’s empire at the end of the tenth century, ‘France’ was a kingdom which occupied the region now known as 2 THE MIDDLE AGES the Île de France.
    [Show full text]
  • UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Marvelous Generations: Lancastrian Genealogies and Translation in Late Medieval and Early M
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Marvelous Generations: Lancastrian Genealogies and Translation in Late Medieval and Early Modern England and Iberia A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in English by Sara Victoria Torres 2014 © Copyright by Sara Victoria Torres 2014 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Marvelous Generations: Lancastrian Genealogies and Translation in Late Medieval and Early Modern England and Iberia by Sara Victoria Torres Doctor of Philosophy in English University of California, Los Angeles, 2014 Professor Christine Chism, Co-chair Professor Lowell Gallagher, Co-chair My dissertation, “Marvelous Generations: Lancastrian Genealogies and Translation in Late Medieval and Early Modern England and Iberia,” traces the legacy of dynastic internationalism in the fifteenth, sixteenth, and early-seventeenth centuries. I argue that the situated tactics of courtly literature use genealogical and geographical paradigms to redefine national sovereignty. Before the defeat of the Spanish Armada in 1588, before the divorce trials of Henry VIII and Catherine of Aragon in the 1530s, a rich and complex network of dynastic, economic, and political alliances existed between medieval England and the Iberian kingdoms. The marriages of John of Gaunt’s two daughters to the Castilian and Portuguese kings created a legacy of Anglo-Iberian cultural exchange ii that is evident in the literature and manuscript culture of both England and Iberia. Because England, Castile, and Portugal all saw the rise of new dynastic lines at the end of the fourteenth century, the subsequent literature produced at their courts is preoccupied with issues of genealogy, just rule, and political consent. Dynastic foundation narratives compensate for the uncertainties of succession by evoking the longue durée of national histories—of Trojan diaspora narratives, of Roman rule, of apostolic foundation—and situating them within universalizing historical modes.
    [Show full text]
  • Stories of Charlemagne
    Conditions and Terms of Use Copyright © Heritage History 2009 Some rights reserved This text was produced and distributed by Heritage History, an organization dedicated to the preservation of classical juvenile history books, and to the promotion of the works of traditional history authors. The books which Heritage History republishes are in the public domain and are no longer protected by the original copyright. They may therefore be reproduced within the United States without paying a royalty to the author. The text and pictures used to produce this version of the work, however, are the property of Heritage History and are licensed to individual users with some restrictions. These restrictions are imposed for the purpose of protecting the integrity of the work itself, for preventing plagiarism, and for helping to assure that compromised or incomplete versions of the work are not widely disseminated. In order to preserve information regarding the origin of this text, a copyright by the author, and a Heritage History distribution date are included at the foot of every page of text. We request all electronic and printed versions of this text include these markings and that users adhere to the following restrictions. 1) This text may be reproduced for personal or educational purposes as long as the original copyright and Heritage History version number are faithfully reproduced. 2) You may not alter this text or try to pass off all or any part of it as your own work. 3) You may not distribute copies of this text for commercial purposes unless you have the prior written consent of Heritage History.
    [Show full text]
  • Anthropoetics XX, No. 2 Spring 2015
    Anthropoetics XX, 2 Anthropoetics XX, no. 2 Spring 2015 Peter Goldman - Originary Iconoclasm: The Logic of Sparagmos Adam Katz - An Introduction to Disciplinarity Benjamin Matthews - Victimary Thinking, Celebrity and the CCTV Building Robert Rois - Shared Guilt for the Ambush at Roncevaux Samuel Sackeroff - The Ends of Deferral Matthew Schneider - Oscar Wilde on Learning Outcomes Assessment Kieran Stewart - Origins of the Sacred: A Conversation between Eric Gans and Mircea Eliade Benchmarks Download Issue PDF Subscribe to Anthropoetics by email Anthropoetics Home Anthropoetics Journal Anthropoetics on Twitter Subscribe to Anthropoetics RSS Home Return to Anthropoetics home page Eric Gans / [email protected] Last updated: 11/24/47310 12:58:33 index.htm[5/5/2015 3:09:12 AM] Goldman - Originary Iconoclasm Anthropoetics 20, no. 2 (Spring 2015) Originary Iconoclasm: The Logic of Sparagmos Peter Goldman Department of English Westminster College Salt Lake City, Utah 84105 www.westminstercollege.edu [email protected] The prohibition of "graven images" in the Jewish scriptures seems to have no precedent in the ancient world. Surrounded by polytheistic religions populated with a multitude of religious images, the ancient Hebrews somehow divined that the one true God could not be figured, and that images were antithetical to his worship. It's true, of course, and significant, that every known culture has taboos regarding representations qua representations, often but not exclusively iconic figures.(1) But only the Hebrews derived a prohibition on images from the recognition that God is both singular and essentially spiritual, hence resistant to material representation.(2) In the ancient world, images were connected to the divine, either as the privileged route to god's presence, both dangerous and desirable; or as forbidden temptations to idolatry, the worship of "false gods," however defined.
    [Show full text]
  • Hero As Author in the Song of Roland
    Hero as Author in The Song of Roland Brady Earnhart University of Virginia A modern reader with no experience in medieval literature who received the unlikely gift of a copy of The Song of Roland might be given pause by the title. Is it going to be a song about Roland? Written by Roland? Sung by him? A simple confusion, quickly cleared up, and yet perhaps providential in the more serious questions it leads us to: Are there ways in which the hero Roland resembles a poet? How might the oliphant function as the text's counterpart within the text itself, and who is the audience? What light could this approach shed on interpretive controversies? A comparison of Roland's situation and that of the writer of the epic is somewhat outside the critical fray, and need not attempt to trump more strictly ideological or linguistic examinations. At the same time, its own answers to commonly disputed critical questions may complement the answers other approaches have provided. It will be necessary first to clarify a few points that can no longer be taken for granted. I will be assuming, as most scholars do, that this work is based on an event that actually took place. I will be examining what I see as its departures from a less self-consciously artistic recording of the event, which seem to lean away from mimesis toward invention. Clearly, historical truth is chimerical, invention a matter of degree and subject to the intricacies of patronage and contemporary aesthetic decorum. One does not have to establish "exactly what happened," though, to examine the differences between earlier and later accounts of a battle, especially when the later account in question diverges so extravagantly and uniquely from the earlier ones.
    [Show full text]