The Inland Sámi Societies of Northern Fennoscandia During the Late Iron Age and Early Medieval Period: an Archaeological Approach

The Inland Sámi Societies of Northern Fennoscandia during the Late Iron Age and Early Medieval Period: An Archaeological Approach

Petri Halinen

Petri Halinen, Archaeology, Department of Philosophy, History, Culture and Art Studies, University of Helsinki, P. O. Box 59, FI-00014 Helsingin yliopisto, Finland / National Board of Antiquities, P. O. Box 913, FI-00101 Helsinki, Finland: [email protected], [email protected]

Abstract This article explores the archaeological features of the inland Sámi societies of northern Fennoscandia in the Late Iron Age and early medieval period (ca. 700‒1300 CE). The traces of Late Iron Age and the early medieval dwelling sites of inland northern Fennoscandia are primarily rectangular hearths. The distribution area of the rectangular hearths is wide, from southern Norway and central Sweden to north-eastern Finland and Norway. A dwelling site most often comprises a row of hearths. The change in location of the dwelling sites occurred in approximately 700 CE, when sites began to be located near bogs, small lakes, and small rivers, in a completely different environment than earlier. The rectangular hearths are generally located in pine forests or birch forests. The bone material connected to the rectangular hearths primarily indicates wild reindeer hunting or reindeer herding. Good contact networks and long-distance travel could maintain the similarities of the societies in different sections of the area.

1 Introduction sible to identify the similarities and differences in such a large area? The purpose of this article is to explore the ar- Research into the Late Iron Age and me- chaeological features of the inland Sámi socie- dieval societies of the northern areas has been ties of northern Fennoscandia in the Late Iron on the fringes of archaeological research in Age and early medieval period (ca. 700‒1300 Finland: the historical and archaeological re- CE). The Sámi live today in Sápmi, in the search primarily addresses the themes of the northern portion of Fennoscandia and on the southern Finnish environment. The interiors Kola Peninsula. This large area comprises se- of Finland and Lapland are seldom discussed veral different geographical areas with their equally with southern Finland. This is partial- characteristic environmental factors. In dif- ly understandable because historical sources ferent areas of Sápmi, the Late Iron Age and regarding Lapland are quite scarce. Thus, early medieval archaeological record reads archaeology provides a fertile approach to differently; however, there are some common questions regarding the development of Late features. The prehistoric and early historical Iron Age and early medieval Sámi societies. inland Sámi societies are archaeologically in- During the last several decades, archaeologi- teresting because the area is wide and several cal surveys and excavations have resulted in features are similar from the south to the north- extensive new source material dated to these eastern corner 1000 km away. How is it pos- periods – many times the amount of materi-

NEW SITES, NEW METHODS THE FINNISH ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY, ISKOS 21, 2016 THE INLAND SÁMI SOCIETIES OF NORTHERN FENNOSCANDIA DURING THE LATE IRON AGE AND EARLY MEDIEVAL PERIOD

Figure 1. Hearth 4, Inari Kiellajoenkangas. Photo: P. Halinen. als from older periods and previous decades. 2014a; 2014b). The archaeological picture that According to this new archaeological material, has been formulated using only the stray finds it can be assumed that extensive changes oc- differs significantly from the previously men- curred during the Late Iron Age in northern tioned research, which considers other sides Fennoscandia. These new archaeological finds of the culture as well. Several problems are can be connected to numerous aspects of the related to the use of stray finds alone: the re- societies: increasing numbers of dwelling sites searcher should be aware of all of the finds, not and changes in the structure of the dwelling only a random selection (in these publications, sites, the sieidis (sacred sites of the Sámi), and several generally known and even published the silver hoards. finds, such as iron arrowheads, are missing). The results of the new research on the Late One should consider also the research pub- Iron Age and early medieval period of north- lished in Sweden and Norway, because the in- ern Fennoscandia have been published widely land area of northern Fennoscandia comprises (e.g. Äikäs 2011; Äikäs et al. 2009; Carpelan Sweden, Norway, Finland, and Russia. The 2003; Halinen 2009; Halinen et al. 2013; overall picture of the inland zones would be Hamari 1996a; 1996b; 1998; Hedman 2003; more comprehensive and valid if analyses of Hedman & Olsen 2009; Karlsson 2006; Mulk international features were not limited by cur- 1994; Sommerseth 2009; Storli 1991; 1993). rent national borders (Finland). These studies have considered various avail- The archaeological traces of a society reflect able source materials. Some other recent pub- numerous aspects of life: dwellings, subsistence lications address only stray finds and do not (hunting methods, animal husbandry), religious consider dwelling sites or other types of sites expression, social relations, material culture, and at all (e.g. Hakamäki & Kuusela 2013; Kuusela so on. These aspects can all be observed, regis-

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Figure 2. The hearth row site at Kiellajoenkangas, Finland. The scale shows the amount of phosphate observed in samples: green 20‒40, yellow 41‒60, brown 61‒80, orange 81‒100, light red 101‒120, red 121‒140, dark red 141‒159 P mg/l. Map: K. Nordqvist.

tered, and classified from their own perspectives; sible on the ground, and up to 0.5 m high. The however, it is difficult to classify them in such a Stallo sites are located in the high mountainous way that they are comparable to one another, al- zone. In this study, the primary focus is on the though it is possible to draw various aspects into rectangular or, in some cases, oval stone set- discussion separately or together and to consider tings. their effects on the overall picture. The purpose Over the course of research history, the of this article is to bring the Late Iron Age and rectangular stone settings were not always early medieval archaeological material of north- identified as the remains of dwellings. In the ern Fennoscandia into the discussion and create 1960s, Povl Simonsen excavated stone settings a comprehensive picture of the Sámi society. The in Juntavadda in Kautokeino and Assebakte in material included consists of dwelling sites, their Karasjok in Finnmark and interpreted them as structure, chronology, and variability, and the graves that were strongly influenced by eastern archaeological features that can be connected to societies and religions (Simonsen 1979). Since these dwelling sites and to the means of liveli- the 1980s and 1990s, the settings have been hood of the people who lived in and used them. interpreted nearly unanimously as hearths or fireplaces (Storli 1991; 1993). However, 2 The dwelling sites Simonsen (1997) maintained his grave interpretation at least in some cases in Juntavadda The Late Iron Age and early medieval dwel- and Assebakte. In this study, the hearth inter- ling sites of inland northern Fennoscandia pretation is generally accepted, although hu- are primarily rectangular stone settings (Fig. man remains have been discovered in some 1) and so-called Stallo sites. The rectangular hearths (Hedman 2003). This type of hearth stone settings are located in the forest zone, vi- most likely belonged to a dwelling with a light

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construction (goahti), because no visible con- only – without the boassjo stone – small stones, struction or embankments can be identified the size of which varied between 5 and 15 cm, around them, and in some cases the systematic which is an exception in the case of a rectangu- distribution of bone refuse and the high phos- lar hearth (Halinen 2008a; 2008b; 2008c). phate values suggest the same kind of goahti The boassjo is noted for its larger number (Halinen 2009; Halinen et al. 2013; Hedman of finds and high phosphate values (Halinen 2003; Mulk 1994). 2009; Halinen et al. 2013; Hedman & Olsen The hearths are often located side by side 2009). The majority of the preserved bones (Fig. 2). They form smaller (1‒4) or larger and other find categories have been unearthed (5‒10) groups. Close to the hearths is a thin in connection with the boassjo. Sometimes the cultural layer with a varying number of finds. phosphate values near the uksa are also high. Generally the size of a hearth varies from 100 When compared to the phosphate values of to 250 cm in length, 50 to 150 cm in width, and younger fireplaces with arms (from 1450‒1900 1 to 50 cm in thickness. Pirjo Hamari measured CE), the phosphate values form the same type the average size of the hearths in Finland as of distribution as in rectangular hearths and as 1.65 x 1.05 m (Hamari 1996a: 25‒26, Appendix expected on the basis of ethnographic sources III). One of the largest hearths, sized 264 x 145 (Halinen 2009) (Fig. 3). x 24 cm (Halinen 2009), was excavated in Inari The rectangular or in some cases oval Kiellajoenkangas (148010798). Generally there hearths may be low, only 10‒15 cm high, or is no soil on the stone settings; however, be- higher, up to nearly 50 cm. Often the hearths tween the stones there is often fine-grained soil were built in one go and did not accumu- that includes traces of fire: fire-cracked stones, late gradually over time. This conclusion is red sand, charcoal, ash, or burned bone. The based on the rate of fire-induced cracking of size of the stones in a setting varies; the larg- the stones: on the top layer, the stones are ex- est stones are at the narrow end, which faces tremely cracked; however, the bottom layer north or farther away from the lake. One or is not cracked. There is a clear difference be- two large stones are assumed to be the Sámi tween the highest and lowest hearths: some of boassjo stone. The boassjo lies on the back the highest hearths were used for a longer time side of the goahti and was considered sacred – than the lowest hearths. Most likely the high- the boassjo divides the goahti into sacred and est hearths were used during the winter season secular sections. According to ethnographical and the lowest hearths were used during other, sources, men stored sacred objects and hunting shorter seasons. This theory can be deduced weapons in the boassjo, which also served as from the number of finds and the find catego- the area in which wild animals were slaugh- ries. The clearest observation is that more finds tered and prepared for cooking. The space be- indicate that the hearth was used for a longer tween the hearth and the main door, uksa, was time; if there was more material to begin with, an area reserved for female activities, such as scientists are more likely to discover traces. preparing dairy products and domesticated This conclusion is a result of the altering of animals for food. The sleeping areas, luoitos, soil acidity caused by the high amount of cal- were situated on both sides of the goahti. The cium in refuse bones – the presence of a large back door was situated in the boassjo and was amount of bones in one place helps to preserve for males only; men used that door to leave for the bones better. The soil between the stones and return from hunting trips. The back door is often discoloured because fire was main- was also used for bringing in the caught and tained on top of the hearth and because refuse killed wild animals (Halinen 2009; Halinen et and grease dropped into the hearth during the al 2013; Ränk 1949; Yates 1989). The hearths preparation of the food and during eating. of the Inari Ampumaradan tausta (148010103) Bones and fish scales can be discovered in as- and Tupavaara 2 (148010496) sites comprised sociation with a hearth. Bones and scales can

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The question regarding the contemporane- ity of the hearths is not easy to resolve. The spatial analysis of the location of the hearths indicates that in a hearth row, there may be 1‒4 smaller groups that are not contemporaneous, such as at the Inari Kiellajoenkangas site (Fig. 2). At Kiellajoenkangas, there are two larger groups (numbers 7‒9 and 3‒6) and two single hearths (1 and 2). According to Sámi tradition, a Sámi cannot use the hearth of an ancestor – a new hearth must be built next to the previous hearth (Hedman 2003: 160). The life span of a dwelling site is therefore greater than should be expected: people return to a dwelling site later and live there another season, which renders it more difficult to consider the spatial relation between the hearths and the artefact finds (Halinen 2009). Figure 3. Phosphate distribution at the site of Utsjoki The rectangular hearths are primarily dated Palggapakti. Scale: green 0‒200, yellow 201‒400, between 700 and 1600 CE (Hedman 2003: orange 401‒600, red 601‒800 P mg/l. Map: K. 133); however, the most common period of use Nordqvist. was between 800 and 1300 CE (Halinen 2009; be identified inside the hearth or close to the Halinen et al. 2013). The rectangular hearths in hearth – the majority of the bone refuse has Finland have been dated to 633‒1669 CE. The been identified in the boassjo section of the majority of the hearths are dated between 950 dwelling. That is a natural consequence of its and 1270 CE. In Norway, the hearths are dated use as a butchering and food preparation area. between 684 and 1285 CE (Hamari 1996a: Maintaining fire causes the soil to become Table 3). red. Most often, the red area is situated under During the Home, Hearth and Household the middle of the hearth: the heat was so high project (2007‒2009), nine hearths were exca- that the mineral soil was discoloured (Halinen vated in Finland and seven in Norway. Two 2007; 2008a; 2008b; 2008c; 2009; Halinen et hearths (1 and 2) in Siuttavaara W (148010499) al. 2013; Hedman & Olsen 2009). were dated to 890‒920 and 940‒1030 CE; three A dwelling site most often comprises a hearths (4, 7, and 9) in Kiellajoenkangas were row of hearths. In a row, there can be more dated to 1040‒1230 CE (4), 1030‒1210 CE than 20 hearths, such as in Inari Siuttavaara (7), and 1040‒1260 CE (9); and one hearth in (148010370). A small group comprises 1‒4 Ampumaradan tausta was dated to 890‒920 hearths, and a large group is 5‒10 hearths. and 940‒1040 CE (Halinen 2007; 2008a; More than ten hearths is uncommon. The larg- 2008b; 2008c). The hearths in Brodtkorbsneset er groups are generally situated in areas that in Norway were dated to 960‒1390 CE (hearth are sheltered from winds and cold and there- 1), 1010‒1290 (‒1640) CE (2), 1030‒1400 CE fore appropriate for the winter season, and the (3), 1010‒1285 CE (4), 1010‒1280 CE (5), smaller groups are often situated in areas ap- 1020‒1280 CE (6), and (530‒) 1050‒1310 CE propriate for wild reindeer hunting or reindeer (7) (Hedman & Olsen 2009: 10). According herding. Some of the smaller groups are situ- to these dates, it is not possible to state unam- ated in sheltered areas as well (Halinen 2009; biguously whether the hearths belong to one or Halinen et al. 2013; Hamari 1996a; 1996b; several use phases. Several indicators suggest 1998). that the Brodtkorbsneset site comprised seven

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contemporary dwellings (Halinen et al. 2013). Hedman 2003). Whereas the orientation of the At the Kiellajoenkangas site, the interpretation slope of the prehistoric dwelling sites before is not as clear: it remains possible that there 700 CE most often faced southern (south- was more than one use phase, although if that west‒south‒south-east) directions (Vikkula is what occurred, the phases were close to one 1994), the dwellings after 700 CE opened to- another (Halinen 2009). wards the south. This southern orientation was The distribution area of the rectangular and not absolute; the doorway may have opened oval hearths is wide, from southern Norway towards the north-west, as in Kiellajoenkangas and central Sweden to north-eastern Finland (Fig. 2), if the topography of the area demand- and Norway (Halinen et al. 2013) (Fig. 4). On ed it. The doorway orientations of smaller and the Russian side of the Cap of the North, no larger groups of hearths had some differences. rectangular hearths have yet been identified, The dwellings of the smaller groups did not although this is likely to change in the future necessarily open towards the waters or bogs as more research is carried out. Within this because the dwellings were not always located huge area of distribution, an emerging area can in the vicinity of water – they were located in be observed in which the diffusion of the use several different topographic areas, such as on of rectangular hearths has occurred. The old- ridges or on plains where wild reindeer hunting est hearths have been discovered in northern was successful (Halinen 2009; Hamari 1996a). Sweden, dated before 800 CE. Thereafter the The rectangular and oval hearths are gen- diffusion proceeded south and north or north- erally located in pine forests or birch forests. east. The hearths dated between 800 and 1000 Only a few hearths lie in an open tundra en- CE were excavated in the Dovrefjell area of vironment. Instead, the so-called Stallo sites southern Norway and in the Finnmark area of lie today in mountainous areas in an open northern Norway. The majority of the hearths tundra environment; originally, however, they dated between 800 and 1000 CE were excavat- were located in birch forests (Bergman et al. ed in northern Sweden and northern Norway 2013; Liedgren & Bergman 2009). The change and Finland. This distribution area remains of climate changed the vegetation conditions nearly the same from 1000 to 1200 CE and as well: areas that were covered by birch a from 1200 onwards (Bergstøl 2008; Halinen thousand years ago are now open tundra en- 2009; Halinen et al. 2013; Hamari 1996a; vironments, and areas that were covered by Hedman 2003; Hedman & Olsen 2009). In pine are now birch or remain pine forests. analysing the area of origin and the diffusion, Approximately a thousand years ago, the tem- one must consider that the dates are based perature was generally higher, in what was on different types of dated material: charcoal called the Medieval Warm Period (Eronen et (pine, birch, willow) and bones, which have al. 2002; Helama 2004; Helama et al. 2002; their own sources of error. These dates suggest Korhola et al. 2000; Kultti 2004; Kultti et al only a general character of diffusion that is not 2006; Seppä & Birks 2002; Zetterberg et al. definitive. 1994). The tree line was approximately 100 m For thousands of years before 700 CE, pre- higher than the current tree line. These condi- historic dwelling sites had been located near tions indicate that the rectangular hearths most water (lakes, seas, rivers). The change in loca- likely originated in pine forests. An exception tion of the dwelling sites occurred in approxi- to this rule is the site of Aursjøen in Lesja, mately 700 CE, when sites began to be located southern Norway, which is in an open tundra near bogs, small lakes, and small rivers, in a environment (Bergstøl 2008). completely different environment. The doors The rectangular and oval hearths were of the dwellings opened towards the waters or not the only type of fireplaces used approxi- bogs, and the row of dwellings followed the mately a thousand years ago in northern shoreline (Halinen 2009; Halinen et al. 2013; Fennoscandia. Kalddasjohka 4 (1000001231)

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marily in the lower forest region. Stallo foundations differ from rectangular hearths in their visible wall embankments and sunken floor area with central hearths. The type of construction used remains debatable. These hearths can be observed in groups of 1‒5 stallo foundations and occur in the same types of rows as rectangular hearths (Bergman et al. 2013; Liedgren & Bergman 2009; Mulk 1994; Sommerseth 2009; Storli 1991). Stallo foundations have not been observed in Finland; however, they are an essential component of the Late Iron Age and early medieval interior of Lapland, even of the coastal area of Westrobothnia and Ostrobothnia, because the rivers of Sweden run from the mountains to the coast.

Figure 4. The distribution of rectangular hearths (based on Bergstøl 2008; Halinen et al. 2013: 155). 3 Finds Illustration: P. Halinen. Finds from sites with rectangular and oval hearths consist of metal objects, bone, and tin- in Pulmanki Utsjoki, Finland, was excavated der flint. The metal object categories are nume- in 2008; however, before excavation, a circle rous: objects used for hunting (arrowheads), of stones was visible on the surface on the for preparing prey and for working (axes, surface was visible. Scientists expected that knives), jewellery (pendants, beads, buckles), the stone circle was a product of tourists that items to determine value (scales, weights, hack could be dated to the modern era. However, silver, coins), and fragments of cut bronze or the radiocarbon dating was 1020‒1160 CE copper alloy. (2σ; Hela-2142; 959±30 BP), and the firewood The iron arrowheads are generally large was pine, which no longer grows in the area. and tanged. The shape of the edge varies There were no finds connected to the fireplace. from rhombic and transverse to two-branched Inside the fireplace was stone packing, and (Hedman 2003; Hedman & Olsen 2009). Most around the stone circle was a store of stones arrowheads of this type have been discovered waiting to be placed in the fireplace (Halinen in the mountainous area. These arrowheads are 2008d). Another example of different types of widely distributed geographically and chrono- fireplaces was excavated in northern Norway, logically. The arrowheads date to the Viking Devddesvuopmi, árran R25 K4: this fireplace and Crusade Ages (Hiekkanen 1979; Huurre was oval in shape and dated to 720‒1030 CE 1985; Wegraeus 1973), and their geographi- (Sommerseth 2009). These are exceptions to cal distribution is nearly identical to the dis- the range of fireplaces or hearths used approxi- tribution of the rectangular and oval hearths mately a thousand years ago. (Hedman 2003; Huurre 1985; Wegraeus Occurring in approximately the same pe- 1973). The knives have no specific form that riod (850‒1050 CE) as the rectangular hearths could help to date them. The axes are slightly are the so-called Stallo sites, which are distrib- easier to determine and generally can be dated uted in the mountainous region between north- to the Late Iron Age and early medieval period ern Sweden and Norway. Their distribution (Hedman & Olsen 2009). area differs slightly from the distribution of The metal jewellery comprises bronze the rectangular hearths, which are situated pri- and silver pendants, necklaces, and buckles

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or fragments. Many of the pieces date to the showing resistance to a growing inequality as Viking and Crusade Ages – the majority of well (Friesen 2007). In the Late Iron Age and the finds are dated to the 12th‒13th centuries. the early medieval period, the Sámi societies Parallel finds have been discovered in the became more differentiated, likely as a result sieidi sites, and these objects were most likely of emerging reindeer pastoralism, intensifica- imported from the east or south-east (Halinen tion of the fur trade, and increasing trade ac- 2005; Hamari 1996a; Hedman 1989; 2003; tivities (Halinen et al. 2013; Hansen & Olsen Huurre 1983; 1985; Makarov 1991; Serning 2004; Makarov 1991). 1956; Zachrisson 1984). It must be remembered that the finds asso- 4 The sieidi sites ciated with the dwelling sites are not the only finds; these objects belong to the same larger The sieidi sites belong to the cultural environ- context. Several of the finds can be partially ment of the Sámi, and the sieidis were a com- connected to the dwelling sites or other types ponent of their everyday lives. Hundreds of the of sites (Hakamäki & Kuusela 2013; Kuusela sacred sites have been registered in northern 2014a; 2014b; Ojanlatva 2003; Okkonen 2002). Fennoscandia. These sites appear in natu- Some of the finds are hoards, containing sil- ral formations or human-made constructions ver coins and silver jewellery. It is not known such as anthropomorphic-zoomorphic stones, whether the hoards belonged to local people other naturally occurring boulders, portable or to traders from outside. In any case, these stones, stone structures, trees, wooden poles, finds indicate economic activities and contact and shrines at which rituals were performed. networks that suggest contact with Scandinavia Inside the goahti was a sacred area, boassjo, and Finland and perhaps eastern regions, to the which belonged to the indigenous animistic White Sea region and beyond (Halinen et al. and shamanistic Sámi religion with three 2013). The different distribution of stray finds or five vertical realms: the upper realm, the and dwelling sites (Hakamäki & Kuusela 2013; normal realm, and the lower realm. The reli- Halinen et al. 2013; Huurre 1983; 1985; Kuusela gion was not consistent in the vast area from 2014a; 2014b) suggests a wide activity area of southern Norway to the Kola Peninsula; re- the inhabitants, indicating people who moved in gional variations occurred in terminology and a wide territory for hunting, fishing, maintain- forms of manifestation (Äikäs 2011; Halinen ing social relationships, and trading. Weights 2010; Hedman 2003; Manker 1957; Rydving and silver coins discovered at the dwelling sites 1993; Zachrisson 1984). The archaeological (Hedman 2003) suggest economic activities, manifestation also appears differently in each most likely long-distance trading practiced at region, although some of the traces reflect the sites. the same background for the religious mani- The jewellery was not equally distributed festations, such as Guiv, Kuivi, and Kuiv, the socially. The spatial distribution of the sites in- holy mountains in three different regions in dicates minor inequalities amongst the dwell- northern Fennoscandia (Itkonen 1962). ings; the number of artefacts and the composi- Regional differences can be observed in tion of the finds connected to the hearths and the names of sieidis, their appearance, and the dwellings differ slightly from one another. The ways in which people made offerings. The ma- same is true of stray finds, which can comprise jority of the datable observations of the sieidis single finds or silver hoards of several arte- are from the Viking Age onwards (Äikäs 2011; facts, such as the Nanguniemi hoard of four Hedman 2003; Manker 1957; Salmi et al. 2015; silver necklaces (Ojanlatva 2003). It has been Zachrisson 1984). Offerings did not end with assumed that a linear organisation of the dwell- Christianity, but continued until the 20th century. ings indicates an egalitarian society; however, The period of the Late Iron Age and early medi- such an organisation may indicate the opposite, eval period, the period during which rectangular

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hearths were in use, was an active time for offer- the reindeer may have been wild or domesticat- ing to sieidis in Finland (Äikäs 2011). The most ed, forest reindeer (Rangifer tarandus fennicus) common finds were animal bones, of which or mountain reindeer (Rangifer tarandus taran- reindeer are the most common. Other species, dus). Although the preserved fragmented bones such as bear, capercaillie, and pike have been did not indicate the exact species, it is possible discovered primarily at one site (Äikäs 2011; to identify the species by postcranial skeletal Salmi et al. 2015). Silver jewellery has been measurements (Puputti & Niskanen 2009). In discovered at some sites in northern Finland the Finnmark area in the Late Iron Age and as well (Carpelan 2003; Okkonen 2002). In the medieval period and in the Varanger area Sweden, the most common finds at sieidi sites as early as 2000 BCE, reindeer finds are from are silver and bronze jewellery, coins, and ani- forest reindeer (Bjørnstad et al. 2012). Earlier, mal bones (Hedman 2003; Manker 1957; Salmi it was assumed that the post-glacial reindeer et al. 2015; Serning 1956; Zachrisson 1984). were wild mountain reindeer (Hakala 1997; Religious activity increased during the Late Halinen 2005), although the reindeer in the Iron Age, and an increasing number of sieidi Varanger area in 2000 BCE were observed to sites and finds at these sites can be observed. be larger than the mountain reindeer of today The sieidis are located near water – lakes, (Schanche 1994). This evidence implies that seas, and rivers. Thus, many of the sites have the forest reindeer was one of the primary rein- been connected to a means of livelihood: hunt- deer species in the eastern portion of northern ing, reindeer herding, and fishing Äikäs( 2011). Fennoscandia. In western Fennoscandia, moun- Some of the sites can be connected to crossing tain reindeer may have been the primary rein- borders – administrative borders, topographic deer species, as it was in southern and central borders, vegetation borders, and symbolic bor- Scandinavia. Because of the higher peaks and ders (Halinen 2010; Viinanen 2002; 2006; 2007). the steeper profile of the mountain and river ar- The sieidis have all been the site of some type of eas in Sweden and Norway, the change in veg- ritual activity that left archaeological traces. etation was horizontally smaller over the course As mentioned earlier, the sieidis belonged to of history than in northern Norway and north- the cultural environment of the Sámi. Typically, ern Finland, which have lower mountains and the presence of sieidis implies activity areas of a gentler landscape profile. This is one reason people, most likely hunting grounds or dwell- why forest reindeer replaced mountain reindeer ing sites. in northern Norway and northern Finland. A relevant point in the utilisation of rein- 5 Means of livelihood deer is whether the animal was wild or domesticated. It has been shown that the herding of The bone material connected to the rectangu- large reindeer herds began during the medieval lar hearths primarily indicates wild reindeer period in Middle Sweden and Norway and hunting or reindeer herding (Halinen 2009; spread to north-eastern Norway and Finland Halinen et al. 2013; Hedman 2003; Hedman during the 15th to 17th centuries (Bjørnstad et & Olsen 2009). The sites, which were clearly al. 2012; Hultblad 1968). This type of herd- used in the cold season, contain large amounts ing was intensive in nature; people lived and of reindeer bones. These bones imply hunting moved with the reindeer herds. This type of on demand, not large-scale hunting in autumn large-scale domestication of reindeer was ad- and not the consumption of stored meat. Meat- opted en bloc. The domesticated reindeer re- rich and less meat-rich body parts identified at placed small numbers of wild forest reindeer the sites indicate hunting near the site (Halinen and domesticated forest reindeer herds as well; et al. 2013; Hedman & Olsen 2009). no small-scale reindeer herding survived, and It was not possible to identify the exact spe- wild reindeer died out because of hunting. This cies of reindeer bones discovered at the sites: engendered a complete change in the reindeer

168 THE INLAND SÁMI SOCIETIES OF NORTHERN FENNOSCANDIA DURING THE LATE IRON AGE AND EARLY MEDIEVAL PERIOD

species that lived in north-eastern Norway and erally approached from the water. In the new Finland. If people domesticated wild forest location, approaching the sites from the water reindeer, the reindeer were used intensively, was no longer possible; perhaps the primary as draught animals, burden animals, decoy method of transportation had been changed animals, and on a small scale for food. In the from boat to pulk or sledge, which would have mountainous areas of Sweden and Norway, the been pulled by reindeer. In summer, pulks or development was different because forest rein- sledges were not used, apparently, although deer did not live in the mountain areas. Because the reindeer as burden animal was appropriate of similarities amongst species, the bone refuse for transportation. of small-scale reindeer herding cannot be sepa- The tanged iron arrowheads indicate big rated from hunting; herding and hunting do not game hunting in the mountain areas: in Fin leave different observable traces. The elevated land, the majority of these arrowheads have nitrogen values in the reindeer bones and sta- been discovered in mountainous areas or at ble isotope analysis from the Unna Saiva sieidi least in the northern portion of Lapland (Weg site in northern Sweden indicate domesticated raeus 1973; Huurre 1985). The distribution reindeer, which have been dated to the end of area in other portions of Fennoscandia is in the the medieval period (Salmi et al. 2015). The mountainous areas as well. In Lake Áilegas in exact date of large-scale reindeer herding can- Utsjoki, Finland, several sunken trunks have not be estimated at this time. However, if we been discovered with axe marks on the surface consider the dates of round or oval fireplaces or marks indicating the trunks were cut with an with stone lining enclosures and the fireplaces axe (Eronen et al. 1994; Zetterberg et al. 1994). with arms discovered in the mountain and for- The trunks date from ca. 700 to 1100 CE, con- est areas, which are not organised linearly and centrating between ca. 1040‒1105 CE. Some which are supposed to indicate reindeer herd- uncertain axe marks are dated to ca. 0, 250, ing, the date would be during the medieval pe- 600, 800, 850, and 1420 CE. These cut marks riod. Several fireplaces have been dated from have been connected to reindeer hunting be- the 14th century and fireplaces become more cause Lake Áilegas is on a plateau between the common in the 16th to 18th centuries (Bergman steep hill of the Áilegas fell and the Tenojoki et al. 2013; Halinen 2009; Hedman 2003; River (Eronen et al. 1994). This plateau was a Mulk 1994; Sommerseth 2009). Also the cool- good place for reindeer hunting; several hunting of the temperature after the medieval warm ing pit systems have been discovered along the period, ca. 1200 CE, supports the date of ex- Tenojoki River, indicating that the river was panding reindeer herding. Oddmund Andersen a wandering route for wild reindeer for thou- proposed that the change from intensive herd- sands of years. The bone material of winter ing to extensive herding occurred in the 19th sites in the Pasvik area indicates hunting on century, when the herd size grew even more demand (Halinen et al. 2013; Hedman & Olsen (Andersen 2014: 24). However, the growth 2009), which does not support the idea of mass in reindeer herd size had occurred previously hunting of reindeer using fences. Perhaps the during the medieval period, when the manner axe marks simply indicate the activity period of herding remained intensive. of land use in the area – the era of rectangular It is not certain whether the inland Sámi hearths. kept domesticated reindeer during the Late Small-scale domestication of sheep was Iron Age and early medieval period; however, practised by the Sámi at least 800 years ago the new location of the dwelling sites, com- in the Pasvik area (Hedman & Olsen 2009). pared with previous times, may indicate the Domestication had most likely been adopted use of draught and burden animals. In previous in the coastal area, in Varanger fjord, which, times, the water connection indicated the ac- at least during the medieval period, belonged tive use of boats; the dwelling sites were gen- to the area where domesticated animals were

169 Petri Halinen

kept (Odner 1992). Inland sheep-keeping sug- 2011; Halinen 2005). The cemetery is most li- gests close contact with the coastal area. kely younger and the hunting pits older than the The Sámi fished pikeEsox ( Lucius), the sieidi and the rectangular hearths. The hunting salmoniforms (Salmonid), and black clams pits belong to ca. 2000 BCE, when the northern (Cyprinidae). Pike was fished in large amounts in limit of pine forest was situated 5‒10 km to the early summer and was dried for future consump- north and the area was good for hunting wild tion, although pike is known to have been fished reindeer (Halinen 2005; 2006). Apparently the during the winter as well (Itkonen 1921; Nickul area remained a good hunting ground, although 1948; Tanner 1929). The Kiellajoenkangas site the reindeer species were no longer the same (see is situated between two small lakes, which are previous section) and the environment and ve- so shallow that they have frozen completely to getation had changed significantly. In Lapland, the bottom. Such freezing does not support the the same type of collection of archaeological winter use of the site. At Brodtkorbneset, the remains can be found in several areas, which fa- cut marks on pike jaw bones and pike vertebrae cilitates the study of Sámi societies in Lapland. from near the tail portion of the spine indicate The Näkkälä sieidi site belonged to a society procurement of freshly caught fish for drying that used different types of hearths: high rec- (Halinen et al. 2013: 171). The fish species at tangular hearths (Sammaljärvi S 4010179 [9+1], Brodtkorbneset and at sites in Sweden were di- Paalojärvi SW 47010118 [7], Paskamajärvi verse: cod, whitefish, perch, and grayling were NW2 1000009527 [8]), which apparently be- fished along with pike (Hedman 2003; Hedman longed to cold-season settlements; and 1‒3 rec- & Olsen 2009). Fishing was practised during tangular hearths (Paskamajärvi 3 1000009536 every season of the year. [3‒4], Näkkäläjoki Luusua 1 1000009493 [2], Bird bones are quite rare in the bone as- Näkkäläjärvi W 2 47010263 [3], Näkkälävaara semblage of rectangular hearths. Only grouse W 47010197 [3+3], Sammaljärvi N 47010262 and wild duck have been identified. Bones [1]), which are lower and were most likely used of fur animals are rare as well. Squirrel, dog, during warmer seasons. These hearths suggest Arctic fox, and wolf bones have been identi- the presence of the society’s core area, including fied in refuse fauna. These species were impor- winter villages, dwellings for warmer seasons, tant for the raw materials of fur products and the sacred site, and the hunting grounds. Their are at their best in the winter (Hedman 2003; social and resource territory may have covered Hedman & Olsen 2009). a larger region, although at least in Hetta, in the Ounasjärvi lake region (ca. 25 km to the south), 6 Societies there were several rectangular hearth villages (Halinen 2005). It can be assumed that these The archaeological record reflects various - as hearth villages represent the territory of another pects of the society. An inland Sámi society ca. society, which was used during winter and other 1000 years ago has left traces of dwelling sites, seasons. dwellings, burial grounds, sacred sites, cultural The population fluctuation in the north landscape, means of livelihood, contact net- has been rapid and strong (Tallavaara et al. work, etc. A good example of a coherent collec- 2010). From a peak ca. 50 CE, the decline of tion of archaeological remains exists at Näkkälä population lasted to ca. 500 CE and then be- in Enontekiö, which is today situated between gan to grow to a peak ca. 950 CE, followed two ecological zones, in the intermediate zone by another slow decline. This development between birch and pine forests. A thousand years also describes the emergence and use of the ago, Näkkälä was situated in the pine forest zone rectangular hearths. Clearly, there was a total (Kultti et al. 2006). At this site are several rec- change in the social relationships in the societ- tangular hearth groups, a sieidi site, a cemetery ies before and after 700 CE: waterbound so- island, and several hunting pit systems (Äikäs cieties became inland societies; small mobile

170 THE INLAND SÁMI SOCIETIES OF NORTHERN FENNOSCANDIA DURING THE LATE IRON AGE AND EARLY MEDIEVAL PERIOD

societies became larger and more communal. able differences in wealth amongst the dwell- The increase in the number and size of dwellings, the accumulation of wealth in hoards, and ings, in the diversity of monument categories, economic activities occurred at these dwelling and in the number of artefacts clearly suggests sites. There was no controlling ‘power’ outside an increase in population as well. the society. Instead, people had active contact Jari-Matti Kuusela noted that traces of hu- networks in Scandinavia and elsewhere. Water man activities cover the same inland regions routes were useful transportation routes; how- from the Early to the Late Iron Age. The in- ever, with the use of reindeer for transportation habitants’ livelihood was based on hunting and in winter and summer, the contact networks fishing throughout this period. The Iron Age could include routes between rivers and lakes finds are connected to water, particularly to as well. Good contact networks and long-dis- the river mouth and island areas, where people tance travel could maintain the similarities of gathered together to conduct trading activities. the societies in different sections of the area Social and political control was concentrated in addition to language unity; scientists have at these sites (Kuusela 2014a; 2014b). proposed that the divergence of the eastern However, if we consider the entire archae- and western Sámi languages occurred in ap- ological situation, we observe that the picture proximately 1200±500 CE, namely when the presented above is in fact quite different. The rectangular-hearth culture dispersed (Honkola dwelling sites, which can be connected to the et al. 2013). In this context, this wide variety rectangular hearths, are situated far away from of the components of life renders the inland so- large lakes and rivers: they were constructed cieties active agents in their own territory and near bogs, small lakes, and small rivers. Before between territories, not passive members who 700 CE, the environment was more interior were controlled by gateway societies. than near the water. Although hunting and fishing were important components of subsistence 7 Concluding remarks strategies, these activities were supplemented by small-scale animal husbandry: sheep and The inland Sámi societies of northern Fenno reindeer were domesticated and utilised for scandia are archaeologically visible in nume- meat consumption, and reindeer also for trans- rous manners. The most significant feature is portation and as decoy animals. the rectangular hearth sites, which can be in- The trading activities were not concentrat- terpreted as dwelling sites in smaller or larger ed near the water-connected sites, as Kuusela villages and date from the Late Iron Age to the (2014a; 2014b) posited. Instead, these activi- medieval period. The hearth sites form a uni- ties were concentrated in the dwelling sites that form phenomenon in a large area from southern had no water connection. The model, based on Norway to north-eastern Fennoscandia. Why water-connected locations such as large lakes this type of feature emerged is not an easy ques- and rivers, is based on the assumption that the tion to answer. inland areas were controlled by a society that To remain uniform, an archaeological was situated in a gateway position and that the feature requires the maintenance of a good mobile population could not have commercial contact network that disseminates influences, contacts without these gateway societies. The expressions of material culture, social codes, reality is in fact different: the dwelling sites etc. People have moved often and over long belonged to societies that had a larger winter distances. Because the distribution area of the village and smaller sites for warmer seasons. rectangular hearths has an oblong shape and People lived inland in areas with all types of the natural water routes are crosswise to this constructions (sieidi sites, hunting sites, sea- shape, travelling must have been based on sonal sites, etc.) within certain boundaries. something other than water routes. An alter- The societies were not socially equal; observ- native means of transportation was a pulk or

171 Petri Halinen

sledge pulled by reindeer, which may explain Acknowledgements the oblong shape better than the use of boats. If we accept the date of the divergence of the The research and writing of this article were eastern and western Sámi languages as approx- funded by the Academy of Finland, the imately 1200‒1400 CE, we must accept the University of Helsinki, and the National Board existence of an earlier active contact network of Antiquities. The revision of language was that maintained the uniformity of the language financed by the University of Helsinki. I thank in the wide area as well. The uniformity of the my colleagues from Norway and Sweden, find assemblage supports the same theory: the Sven-Donald Hedman and Bjørnar Olsen, bronze artefacts and jewellery resemble one for their support in following through on the another over the entire area because the trade Home, Hearth and Household project. I thank routes conveyed them along the network. The two anonymous referees for their useful com- contact and trade networks could also maintain ments. the social differentiation inside the societies, which can be observed in the concentration of References economic activities and large numbers of ar- Unpublished sources tefacts in certain households in the societies. Bergstøl, J. 2008. Samer i Østerdalen? En studie av etni- sitet i jernalderen i det nordøstre Hedmark. PhD dis- The network has also conveyed new ideas of sertation, University of Oslo. subsistence strategies. Small-scale domestica- Halinen, P. 2007. Inari 798 Kiellajoenkangas (148010798) kaivaus 14.‒28.8.2007. Research report, National tion of reindeer and sheep occurred in different Board of Antiquities, Helsinki. sections of the area. Reindeer were most likely Halinen, P. 2008a. Inari 103 Ampumaradan tausta (148010103) kaivaus 18.‒21.8.2008. Research re- domesticated from the local wild reindeer, which port, National Board of Antiquities, Helsinki. in the eastern portion of northern Fennoscandia Halinen, P. 2008b. Inari 798 Kiellajoenkangas (148010798) kaivaus 1.‒8.7.2008. Research report, were forest reindeer and in the western portion National Board of Antiquities, Helsinki. were mountain reindeer. The domestication of Halinen, P. 2008c. Inari 104 Siuttavaara W (148010104) kaivaus 9.‒18.7.2008. Research report, National reindeer on a wider scale occurred at the end of Board of Antiquities, Helsinki. the medieval period, however. Good environ- Halinen, P. 2008d. Utsjoki 212 Pulmankijärvi Kalddasjohka 4 (1000001231) kaivaus 27.‒29.8.2008. Research re- mental conditions presented opportunities for port, National Board of Antiquities, Helsinki. population growth, which can be observed in the Hamari, P. 1996a. Kolme kiveä ristissä ja vähän jäkä- lää päällä: Suorakaiteen muotoiset kivilatomukset expanding number of dwelling sites. pohjoisena muinaisjäännöstyyppinä. M. A. thesis, Every society in the north faced pressure Archaeology, University of Helsinki. Schanche, K. 1994. Gressbakkentuftene i Varanger: from the outside world in the form of mer- Boliger og sosial struktur rundt 2000 f.Kr. PhD dis- chants (traders) who wanted to benefit from sertation, University of Tromsø. the northern resources by trading and most Published sources and literature likely by collecting taxes. Although the rela- Äikäs, T. 2011. Rantakiviltä tuntureille: Pyhät paikat saamelaisten rituaalisessa maisemassa. Studia archaeo- tionship between the Sámi and Scandinavians logica septentrionalia 5. has been assumed to have been peaceful and Äikäs, T., Puputti, A.-K., Núñez, M., Aspi, J. & Okkonen, J. 2009. Sacred and Profane Livelihood: Animal equal (Urbańczyk 1992), the pressure on the Bones from Sieidi Sites in Northern Finland. Sámi societies was clear. To respond to outside Norwegian Archaeological Review 42 (2): 109–122. Andersen, O. 2014. Stone Walls as a Means of pressure, the Sámi societies enlarged their vil- Understanding the Different Types of Reindeer lages to resist trader groups that might threaten Herding: A Study from the Lule Sámi Area on the Norwegian Side of the Border. Arctic Anthropology them with violence – ‘make them an offer they 51 (2): 23–34. can’t refuse’. One result of this pressure was Bergman, I., Zackrisson, O. & Liedgren, L. 2013. From Hunting to Herding: Land Use, Ecosystem Processes, the linear organisation of the dwellings, which and Social Transformation among Sami AD 800- was supported by good environmental condi- 1500. Arctic Anthropology 50 (2): 25–39. Bjørnstad, G., Flagstad, Ø., Hufthammer, A. K. & Røed, tions and population growth and which was K. H. 2012. Ancient DNA Reveals a Major Genetic expanded and maintained by long-distance Change during the Transition from Hunting Economy to Reindeer Husbandry in Northern Scandinavia. contact networks. Journal of Archaeological Science 39 (1): 102–108.

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174 Suomen Muinaismuistoyhdistys ry – Finska Fornminnesföreningen rf The Finnish Antiquarian Society

New Sites, New Methods

Proceedings of the Finnish-Russian Archaeological Symposium

Helsinki, 19–21 November, 2014

Editors: Pirjo Uino & Kerkko Nordqvist

ISKOS 21

Helsinki 2016