The American Empire: a Content and Textual Analysis of the Media Coverage of the 2009 U.S
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Misión Madres Del Barrio: a Bolivarian Social Program Recognizing Housework and Creating a Caring Economy in Venezuela
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by KU ScholarWorks MISIÓN MADRES DEL BARRIO: A BOLIVARIAN SOCIAL PROGRAM RECOGNIZING HOUSEWORK AND CREATING A CARING ECONOMY IN VENEZUELA BY Cory Fischer-Hoffman Submitted to the graduate degree program in Latin American Studies and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master’s of Arts. Committee members Elizabeth Anne Kuznesof, Phd. ____________________ Chairperson Tamara Falicov, Phd. ____________________ Mehrangiz Najafizadeh, Phd. ____________________ Date defended: May 8, 2008 The Thesis Committee for Cory Fischer-Hoffman certifies that this is the approved Version of the following thesis: MISIÓN MADRES DEL BARRIO: A BOLIVARIAN SOCIAL PROGRAM RECOGNIZING HOUSEWORK AND CREATING A CARING ECONOMY IN VENEZUELA Elizabeth Anne Kuznesof, Phd. ________________________________ Chairperson Date approved:_______________________ ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This thesis is a product of years of activism in the welfare rights, Latin American solidarity, and global justice movements. Thank you to all of those who I have worked and struggled with. I would especially like to acknowledge Monica Peabody, community organizer with Parents Organizing for Welfare and Economic Rights (formerly WROC) and all of the welfare mamas who demand that their caring work be truly valued. Gracias to my compas, Greg, Wiley, Simón, Kaya, Tessa and Caro who keep me grounded and connected to movements for justice, and struggle along side me. Thanks to my thesis committee for helping me navigate through the bureaucracy of academia while asking thoughtful questions and providing valuable guidance. I am especially grateful to the feedback and editing support that my dear friends offered just at the moment when I needed it. -
Venezuela: Background and U.S
Venezuela: Background and U.S. Relations (name redacted), Coordinator Specialist in Latin American Affairs (name redacted) Specialist in International Trade and Finance (name redacted) Specialist in Energy Policy (name redacted) Specialist in International Humanitarian Policy Updated June 27, 2018 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov R44841 Venezuela: Background and U.S. Relations Summary Venezuela remains in a deep political crisis under the authoritarian rule of President Nicolás Maduro of the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV). On May 20, 2018, Maduro defeated Henri Falcón, a former governor, in a presidential election boycotted by the Democratic Unity Roundtable (MUD) of opposition parties and dismissed by the United States, the European Union, and 18 Western Hemisphere countries as illegitimate. Maduro, who was narrowly elected in 2013 after the death of President Hugo Chávez (1999-2013), is unpopular. Nevertheless, he has used the courts, security forces, and electoral council to repress the opposition. Maduro’s reelection capped off his efforts since 2017 to consolidate power. From March to July 2017, protesters called for President Maduro to release political prisoners and respect the MUD- led National Assembly. Security forces quashed protests, with more than 130 killed and thousands injured. Maduro then orchestrated the controversial July 2017 election of a National Constituent Assembly to rewrite the constitution; the assembly then assumed legislative functions. The PSUV dominated gubernatorial and municipal elections held in 2017, although fraud likely occurred in those contests. Maduro has arrested dissident military officers and others, but he also has released some political prisoners, including U.S. citizen Joshua Holt, since the May election. -
Venezuela: Background and U.S
Venezuela: Background and U.S. Policy (name redacted) Specialist in Latin American Affairs June 14, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov R44841 Venezuela: Background and U.S. Policy Summary Venezuela is in an acute political, economic, and social crisis. Following the March 2013 death of populist President Hugo Chávez, acting President Nicolás Maduro of the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) narrowly defeated Henrique Capriles of the opposition Democratic Unity Roundtable (MUD) to be elected to a six-year term in April 2013. President Maduro now has less than 20% public approval, and fissures have emerged within the PSUV about the means that he has used to maintain power, including an aborted attempt to have the Supreme Court dissolve the MUD-dominated legislature. Since March 2017, large-scale protests have called for President Maduro to release political prisoners, respect the separation of powers, and establish an electoral calendar. Instead, Maduro has scheduled July 30, 2017, elections to select delegates to a constituent assembly to rewrite the constitution (the opposition is boycotting). Security forces have repressed protesters, with some 70 dead and thousands injured and jailed. Venezuela also faces crippling economic and social challenges. An economic crisis, triggered by mismanagement and low oil prices, is worsening. In 2016, the economy contracted by 18% and inflation averaged 254% according to the International Monetary Fund. Shortages of food and medicine have caused a humanitarian crisis. The Maduro government is struggling to raise the cash needed to make its debt payments and pay for imports. Some economists maintain that Venezuela is at risk of default in 2017. -
Venezuela: Background and U.S
Venezuela: Background and U.S. Relations Updated June 4, 2019 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R44841 Venezuela: Background and U.S. Relations Summary Venezuela remains in a deep political and economic crisis under the authoritarian rule of Nicolás Maduro of the United Socialist Party of Venezuela. Maduro, narrowly elected in 2013 after the death of Hugo Chávez (president, 1999-2013), began a second term on January 10, 2019, that most Venezuelans and much of the international community consider illegitimate. Since January, Juan Guaidó, president of Venezuela’s democratically elected, opposition-controlled National Assembly, has sought to form an interim government to serve until internationally observed elections can be held. Although the United States and 53 other countries recognize Guaidó as interim president, the military high command, supported by Russia and Cuba, has remained loyal to Maduro. Venezuela is in a political stalemate as conditions in the country deteriorate. Venezuela’s economy has collapsed. It is plagued by hyperinflation, severe shortages of food and medicine, and electricity blackouts that have worsened an already dire humanitarian crisis. In April 2019, United Nations officials estimated that some 90% of Venezuelans are living in poverty and 7 million need humanitarian assistance. Maduro has blamed U.S. sanctions for these problems, but most observers cite economic mismanagement and corruption under Chávez and Maduro for the current crisis. U.N. agencies estimate that 3.7 million Venezuelans had fled the country as of March 2019, primarily to other Latin American and Caribbean countries. U.S. Policy The United States historically had close relations with Venezuela, a major U.S. -
Venezuela: Background and U.S
Venezuela: Background and U.S. Relations Updated January 21, 2019 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R44841 {222A0E69-13A2-4985-84AE-73CC3D FF4D02}- R-065134085251065165027250227152136081055238021128081004254222131230149124116165025173059138019212092197094082070147241055138103109125167218148070191159004086199008187015230011144177144130039148251243207037022138160186199154124002209111056023137069245037120015094018080157060102122054208115 Venezuela: Background and U.S. Relations Summary Venezuela remains in a deep political crisis under the authoritarian rule of President Nicolás Maduro of the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV). Maduro, narrowly elected in 2013 after the death of Hugo Chávez (1999-2013), is unpopular. Nevertheless, he has used the courts, security forces, and electoral council to repress the opposition. On January 10, 2019, Maduro began a second term after winning reelection on May 20, 2018, in an unfair contest deemed illegitimate by the opposition-controlled National Assembly and most of the international community. The United States, the European Union, the Group of Seven, and most Western Hemisphere countries do not recognize the legitimacy of his mandate. They view the National Assembly as Venezuela’s only democratic institution. Maduro’s inauguration capped his efforts to consolidate power. In 2017, protesters called for Maduro to release political prisoners and respect the opposition-led National Assembly. Security forces quashed protests, with more than 130 killed and thousands -
Engaging Technologies: a Comparative Study of U.S
International Journal of Communication 7 (2013), 1–25 1932–8036/20130005 Engaging Technologies: A Comparative Study of U.S. and Venezuelan Strategies of Influence and Public Diplomacy CRAIG HAYDEN American University Nation-state efforts to account for the shift in the global communication environment, such as “public diplomacy 2.0,” appear to reflect interrelated transformations—how information and communication technologies (ICTs) change the instruments of statecraft and, importantly, how communication interventions serve as strategically significant foreign policy objectives in their own right. This article examines two cases of foreign policy rhetoric that reveal how the social and political roles of ICTs are articulated as part of international influence objectives: the case of public diplomacy 2.0 programs in the United States and Venezuela’s Telesur international broadcasting effort. These two cases provide evidence of the increasing centrality of ICTs to policy concerns and demonstrate how policy makers translate contextualized ideas of communication effects and mediated politics into practical formulations. Keywords: Public diplomacy, social media, international communication, rhetoric, international politics Social networking websites, virtual worlds, and Web 2.0 technologies present distinct challenges to conceptions of communication and influence that define public diplomacy. Yet the significance of these technologies for international influence is not intrinsic to the technologies themselves but rather in how such technologies -
Media Laws in Latin America: a Comparison Between Venezuela and Argentina
Law and Business Review of the Americas Volume 17 Number 3 Article 6 2011 Media Laws in Latin America: A Comparison between Venezuela and Argentina Julieta Grinffiel Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.smu.edu/lbra Recommended Citation Julieta Grinffiel, Media Laws in Latin America: A Comparison between Venezuela and Argentina, 17 LAW & BUS. REV. AM. 557 (2011) https://scholar.smu.edu/lbra/vol17/iss3/6 This Comment and Case Note is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Journals at SMU Scholar. It has been accepted for inclusion in Law and Business Review of the Americas by an authorized administrator of SMU Scholar. For more information, please visit http://digitalrepository.smu.edu. MEDIA LAWS IN LATIN AMERICA: A COMPARISON BETWEEN VENEZUELA AND ARGENTINA Julieta Grinffiel* I. INTRODUCTION FREEDOM of expression is an inalienable right and one of the pil- lars of a democratic society.' Since the days of de Tocqueville and Locke, media has been regarded as crucial in the prevention of au- thoritarianism and the loss of individual liberties. 2 As integral as free- dom of the press is to American society,3 many nations around the world still practice forms of prior censorship on media outlets and individual opinions alike.4 In fact, earlier this year, the Egyptian government or- dered the shutdown of the five internet service providers in Egypt while a nation-wide anti-government protest was taking place.5 Reiterating American ideals, President Obama urged Egyptian authorities to refrain from any violence and stated, "[t]he people of Egypt have [a] . -
Ringing in Proliferation Ringing in Proliferation Alexander H
Ringing in Proliferation Ringing in Proliferation Alexander H. Montgomery How to Dismantle an Atomic Bomb Network Ringing in Proliferation The nuclear nonpro- liferation regime has come under attack from a group of academics and policy- makers who argue that traditional tools such as export controls, diplomatic pressure, arms control agreements, and threats of economic sanctions are no longer sufªcient to battle proliferation. They point to North Korea’s reinvigo- ration of its plutonium program, Iran’s apparent progress in developing a nu- clear capability, and the breadth of the Abdul Qadeer (A.Q.) Khan network as evidence that the regime is failing.1 In addition, they claim that proliferation is driven by the inevitable spread of technology from a dense network of suppli- ers and that certain “rogue” states possess an unºagging determination to ac- quire nuclear weapons. Consequently, they argue that only extreme measures such as aggressively enforced containment or regime change can slow the ad- dition of several more countries to the nuclear club. This “proliferation deter- minism,” at least in rhetoric, is shared by many prominent members of President George W. Bush’s administration and has become the main thrust of U.S. counterproliferation policy.2 Yet current proliferators are neither as “dead Alexander H. Montgomery is a postdoctoral fellow at the Center for International Security and Cooperation at Stanford University. Please send comments to [email protected]. The author is grateful for critiques of multiple versions of this article from Paul MacDonald and Todd Sechser; comments from an anonymous reviewer for International Security; suggestions from Chaim Braun, Christopher Chyba, Lynn Eden, Scott Sagan, and Dean Wilkening; and feedback from the partici- pants in the Research Seminar at the Center for International Security and Cooperation, Stanford Institute for International Studies, Stanford University. -
US Nation-Building in Afghanistan
US Nation-Building in Afghanistan CONOR KEANE US Nation-Building in Afghanistan Why has the US so dramatically failed in Afghanistan since 2001? Dominant explanations have ignored the bureaucratic divisions and personality conlicts inside the US state. This book rectiies this weakness in commentary on Afghani- stan by exploring the signiicant role of these divisions in the US’s dificulties in the country that meant the battle was virtually lost before it even began. The main objective of the book is to deepen readers’ understanding of the impact of bureaucratic politics on nation-building in Afghanistan, focusing primarily on the Bush administration. It rejects the ‘rational actor’ model, according to which the US functions as a coherent, monolithic agent. Instead, internal divisions within the foreign policy bureaucracy are explored, to build up a picture of the internal tensions and contradictions that bedevilled US nation-building efforts. The book also contributes to the vexed issue of whether or not the US should engage in nation-building at all, and if so under what conditions. Dr Conor Keane has degrees in law and politics, and a doctorate on nation- building in Afghanistan from Macquarie University. His research interests include counter terrorism, state building, bureaucratic politics and US foreign policy. He has published several articles on these topics in journals such as Armed Forces & Society and International Peacekeeping. US Nation-Building in Afghanistan Conor Keane First published 2016 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2016 Conor Keane The right of Conor Keane to be identiied as author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. -
After Saddam: Prewar Planning and the Occupation of Iraq, MG-642-A, Nora Bensahel, Olga Oliker, Keith Crane, Richard R
THE ARTS This PDF document was made available from www.rand.org as CHILD POLICY a public service of the RAND Corporation. CIVIL JUSTICE EDUCATION Jump down to document ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT 6 HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit research NATIONAL SECURITY POPULATION AND AGING organization providing objective analysis and PUBLIC SAFETY effective solutions that address the challenges facing SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY the public and private sectors around the world. SUBSTANCE ABUSE TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY Support RAND TRANSPORTATION AND INFRASTRUCTURE Purchase this document WORKFORCE AND WORKPLACE Browse Books & Publications Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore the RAND Arroyo Center View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non-commercial use only. Unauthorized posting of RAND PDFs to a non-RAND Web site is prohibited. RAND PDFs are protected under copyright law. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents for commercial use. For information on reprint and linking permissions, please see RAND Permissions. This product is part of the RAND Corporation monograph series. RAND monographs present major research findings that address the challenges facing the public and private sectors. All RAND monographs undergo rigorous peer review to ensure high standards for research quality and objectivity. After Saddam Prewar Planning and the Occupation of Iraq Nora Bensahel, Olga Oliker, Keith Crane, Richard R. -
Warning of Terror: Explaining the Failure of Intelligence Against
WARNING OF TERROR: E X P L A I N I N G T H E F A I L U R E O F I N T E L L I G E N C E A G A I N S T T E R R O R I S M Master of Arts in Law and Diplomacy Thesis Submitted by Erik J. Dahl January 2004 Under the advisement of Professor Richard H. Shultz © 2004 Erik J. Dahl http://fletcher.tufts.edu ABSTRACT Many scholars have studied intelligence failure and developed theories to explain disasters such as the attack on Pearl Harbor. Others have examined the rising threat of terrorism, and see it as posing a particularly difficult challenge for the intelligence community. But little work has been done to integrate the earlier literature on intelligence failure with the newer threat of terrorist attack. This thesis attempts to answer the question: How well do traditional theories of intelligence failure and strategic surprise account for the inability of the intelligence community to warn of terrorist attacks? Three schools of thought can be found in the literatures on intelligence and on terrorism, and for each school several hypotheses will be developed and tested against a particular case study: the bombing of the U.S. Marine Barracks in Lebanon in 1983. While the Beirut bombing does appear to confirm several of these hypotheses, none of these schools of thought will be shown to satisfactorily explain the limitations of the intelligence community in the fight against terrorism. While the factors that produce surprise in terrorist attacks are familiar, the nature of that surprise, and the effects created, can be very different. -
Pulitzer Prize Winners and Finalists
WINNERS AND FINALISTS 1917 TO PRESENT TABLE OF CONTENTS Excerpts from the Plan of Award ..............................................................2 PULITZER PRIZES IN JOURNALISM Public Service ...........................................................................................6 Reporting ...............................................................................................24 Local Reporting .....................................................................................27 Local Reporting, Edition Time ..............................................................32 Local General or Spot News Reporting ..................................................33 General News Reporting ........................................................................36 Spot News Reporting ............................................................................38 Breaking News Reporting .....................................................................39 Local Reporting, No Edition Time .......................................................45 Local Investigative or Specialized Reporting .........................................47 Investigative Reporting ..........................................................................50 Explanatory Journalism .........................................................................61 Explanatory Reporting ...........................................................................64 Specialized Reporting .............................................................................70