DOCSLIB.ORG

West Africa Observer SWAC/OECD, N°2, April - June 2009 >

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
West Africa Observer SWAC/OECD, N°2, April - June 2009 > West Africa Observer SWAC/OECD, N°2, April - June 2009 > www.westafricaclub.org • Impact of the crisis: a mixed picture • The free movement of persons, 30 years later • Challenges for food security and the cotton sector • The army - a key political player, The Constitution under pressure West Africa Observer - SWAC/OECD, N°2 – April - june 2009 The Sahel and West Africa Club The OECD has considerably deepened its relationship with Africa. The Its specificity lies in its approach, which combines direct field-involvement OECD’s policy dialogue is also developing at a regional level, in particular with analyses of West African realities. Together with regional institutions, through the work of the Sahel and West Africa Club (SWAC) which plays governments, business and civil society organisations, the SWAC a bridging role as an interface between West African actors and OECD promotes the regional dimension of development, supports the formulation member countries. Administratively attached to the OECD, the SWAC is and implementation of joint or intergovernmental policies and thereby led by a Secretariat based in Paris, which is supported by a network of contributes to mobilising and strengthening West African capacities. partners and experts from West Africa and OECD countries. 2 West Africa Observer - SWAC/OECD, N°2 – April - june 2009 Contents Summary 4 Impact of the crisis: a mixed picture 5 • Economic outlook 5 • Regional policy reponses 6 • International policy reponses 6 The free movement of persons, 30 years later 8 • The 1979 Protocol and its application 8 • Obstacles and administrative harassment 9 • Regional infrastructure projects 10 Challenges for food security and the cotton sector 11 • High food prices 11 • A Charter for food crises prevention and management 12 • No relief for the West African cotton sector 13 The army - a key political player ; the Constitution under pressure 14 • Speedy election in Mauritania 14 • Political violence and elections in Guinea-Bissau 14 • A difficult transition in Guinea 15 • Niger’s Constitution under pressure 15 3 About the West Africa Observer Summary The West Africa Observer espite the crisis, the economic outlook for West Africa is better his quarterly review analyses West African news on major than expected. Not surprisingly, the oil exporting countries are the political, economic and social trends from a regional point Dhardest hit. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) Tof view. It summarizes and puts into perspective important presents a highly contrasted assessment as to West Africa’s capacity to events and developments. Topics are chosen according co-ordinate its monetary policies and the Central Banks actions while the to the concerns of those with whom the SWAC team works: private West African banking system is rapidly integrating. However, the leaders of West African regional or government organisations, West African Economic and Monetary Union (UEMOA) was able to react development partners, NGOs, local actors and researchers, relatively successfully within its zone. The G20 pledged more resources civil society, etc. Our work draws on many existing information to the main financial institutions such as the African Development Bank sources. We believe: “The more information is available, the (AfDB), the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the World Bank Group. more it needs to be synthesised”. The West Africa Observer is The Gleneagles commitments were also reconfirmed. An interim Economic intended to become a tool that provides easy and quick access Partnership Agreement (EPA) between West Africa and the European to key information on the region. Union will likely be signed in October 2009. Only addressing areas of Please send your comments to: [email protected] consensus, it will focus on trade in goods and equitable development in order to compensate for the imbalances linked to the opening up of the market. As it is the 30th anniversary of the freedom of movement within the ECOWAS zone, the West Africa Observer is focusing on the application of this founding principle. All ECOWAS member states have eliminated visas and entry permits for community citizens, and many of the countries now provide a travel certificate or a community passport. Yet there is still much to be done to reduce administrative harassment, and the number of control posts along cross-border corridors. The food situation is still worrying throughout the region. Despite record production (17% increase compared with 2007/2008 for the entire region; 30% in Sahel countries), food prices remain high. Price pressures are exacerbated by poor rainfall previsions; national public security stocks are not at optimal level. With regard to cotton, the global economic crisis combined with another fall in the dollar versus the euro (thus the CFA F) raises the bar. Some countries are taking short-term measures to save their “white gold” (subsidising inputs, State settlement of debts, sale price guarantees) and plan to undertake structural reforms over the long-term. Finally, the political and social scene continues to be instable. The political transition processes in Mauritania, Guinea-Bissau and Guinea progressed at a different pace. Political dialogue and mediation accelerated preparations for elections in Mauritania at lightning speed. Guinea-Bissau was finally able to hold elections without incident, after a series of political assassinations. In Guinea, as electoral preparations seem to be off track, tensions are rising between the military junta and the “Forces vives”. The army in these three countries is a key political player. In Niger, despite the Constitutional Court’s decision, President Mamadou Tandja will hold a referendum on 4 August 2009 which could pave the way to a third presidential term. ECOWAS played an important role by dispatching a mission of five Army Chiefs-of-Staff to Guinea-Bissau and a high-level delegation to Niger, led by the former Nigerian President Abusalami Abubakar. Normand Lauzon, SWAC Director 4 Impact of the crisis: a mixed picture Economic outlook he African Development Bank (AfDB) Annual meetings, held in Dakar on 13 and 14 May 2009, released new growth prospects for the TAfrican continent. According to the “African Economic Outlook (2009)”, economic growth in Sub-Saharan Africa is expected to be 2.4% in 2009 and 4.7% in 2010. In West Africa, real GDP growth is expected to slow to 4.2% in 2009, from 5.4% in 2008, before partially rebounding to 4.6% in 2010. However, it is a mixed picture with some countries maintaining, or even increasing their growth rate. Among the hardest hit African economies are oil exporting countries which have felt the effects of the crisis quicker and more acutely. In 2009, Nigeria is set to lose two growth points and its Federal State budget as well as its current account balance will be in deficit. Foreign exchange reserves dropped from US$ 53 to 43 billion between December 2008 and July 2009. The Central Bank of Nigeria declared a relaxing of its monetary policy (again cutting its federal funds rate from 8% to 6%) to provide increased liquidity while securing stability of the exchange rate. Volatile oil prices hinder the planning and implementation of economic policies over the medium-term. Ghana is faring well due to the good performance of the cocoa sector and, more generally, increases in agricultural production. In 2009, private consumption should support growth which will be able to rely on first oil exports as of 2010. After good performances in 2007 and 2008, the economy of Cape Verde is expected to significantly slow in 2009 as a result of a potential decrease in remittances and a drop in tourism. Post- conflict recovery in Liberia and Sierra Leone is likely to continue. The situation also varies in UEMOA countries. Burkina Faso and Mali are benefitting from good harvests, and Mali from the high price of gold in particular, while Niger is profiting from the high price of uranium. Senegal has suffered a poor agricultural campaign and a fall in phosphate and fertilizer production. The suspension of the Falémé mine project (ArcelorMittal of US$ 2.2 billion) is casting a shadow over Senegal’s medium- and long-term growth prospects. The improved political situation in Côte d’Ivoire, the biggest economy in UEMOA, has helped maintain growth prospects of 3.8% in 2009. This contributes also to the economic performance of other UEMOA member countries, tightly linked to the Côte d’Ivoire. Learn more • African Economic Outlook (2009): http://www.africaneconomicoutlook.org • Measuring the Pulse of Africa in Times of Crisis, OECD Policy Brief, May 2009 • Regional Economic Outlook: Sub-Saharan Africa, IMF, April 2009, http://www.imf.org 5 Impact of the crisis: a mixed picture Regional policy responses At the same time, the 9th Summit of the Heads of State of the West African Monetary Zone (WAMZ) announced the postponement of the creation of the common West African Central Bank from January 2010 to June 2014. uring a regional seminar held in Cotonou on 11 and According to Nigerian President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua who chaired the 12 June 2009, the ECOWAS Commission and its Consultative session, “the global economic and financial crisis has put constraints on DCommittee presented a highly contrasted assessment of the regional member states’ ability to meet the convergence criteria individually and responses to the crisis: no co-ordinated response by central banks collectively.” A new Action Plan was adopted in order to assist preparation and a lack of co-ordination regarding monetary policies, while in the countries concerned (the Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Nigeria and the private West African banking system is rapidly integrating. A Sierra Leone) to agree on common convergence criteria and establish regional strategic monitoring committee will be responsible for the legal instruments of the WAMZ. analysing the sectoral implications of the financial crisis and report to the next Conference of ECOWAS Heads of State.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Semáforo 223 Boletín Quincenal De Noticias
    Semáforo 223 Boletín quincenal de noticias 12.06.09 al 22.06.09 01. África Semáforo 223 África ÁFRICA En el día internacional del Menor Africano, UNICEF recuerda los grandes logros alcanzados en la protección de la infancia en el continente pero señala que todavía queda mucho por hacer. Entre los logros se destaca una reducción del 89% en el número de muertes ocasionadas por el sarampión en sólo siete años, gracias a las intensivas campañas de inmunización; y la reducción en un 40% de la mortalidad en menores de cinco años en Eritrea, Etiopía, Malawi y Níger desde 1990. (CH) UN, 16/06/09 África Austral MADAGASCAR Las Fuerzas Armadas se encuentran en situación de alerta después de que la organización regional económica COMESA señalara que no descarta la intervención militar como medio para poner fin a la crisis política que vive el país. La postura de COMESA ha sido criticada por Francia y Naciones Unidas que ven en el diálogo la única forma para solucionar el impasse político. El diálogo establecido por la UA y Naciones Unidas con los partidos de la isla para la creación de un gobierno de consenso se ha visto frenado por la negativa del partido del actual presidente, Andy Rajoelina (que no goza de reconocimiento internacional), a conceder una amnistía al presidente electo, Marc Ravalomanana, para que pueda regresar al país. La presencia del Ejército de nuevo en las calles ha elevado la tensión de nuevo tras disparar con gases lacrimógenos a las personas congregadas para pedir el regreso de Ravalomanana. Un convoy de vehículos blindados de las Fuerzas Armadas se ha apostado en el sur de la isla después de que aumentaran los rumores sobre una posible llegada de Ravalomanana.
    [Show full text]
  • Guinea-Bissau: in Need of a State
    GUINEA-BISSAU: IN NEED OF A STATE Africa Report N°142 – 2 July 2008 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...................................................................................................... i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 II. PORTUGUESE GUINEA................................................................................................. 2 A. COLONIALISM ON THE CHEAP .......................................................................................................2 1. Forced labour and evasion......................................................................................................2 2. The doctrine of indigénat .......................................................................................................3 B. THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE: FOUNDATION OF POST-COLONIAL POWER ........................................5 1. The PAIGC’s binational and political/military strategy.........................................................5 2. Party-state in the liberated areas.............................................................................................6 III. ESTABLISHMENT OF POLITICAL PATRONAGE, 1974-1980 .............................. 7 A. PERSONALISED POWER SHARING ..................................................................................................7 B. CAPE VERDEAN DOMINATION: THE REASONS BEHIND THE FIRST COUP D’ETAT ..........................8 IV. THE FIRST REIGN OF NINO VIEIRA .....................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Guinea-Bissau 2012 Human Rights Report
    GUINEA-BISSAU 2012 HUMAN RIGHTS REPORT EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Guinea-Bissau is a multiparty republic. It is ruled by a transition government led by interim President Manuel Serifo Nhamadjo until elections expected in 2013. On March 18, presidential elections were held to replace former president Malam Bacai Sanha of the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC), who died on January 9. A military coup on April 12 interrupted the electoral process before the second round. There were frequent instances in which elements of the security forces acted independently of civilian control. Elements of the armed forces attacked the home of presidential candidate and former prime minister Carlos Gomes Junior on the evening of April 12. They took control of radio and television stations, seized PAIGC party headquarters, and detained then interim president Raimundo Pereira and Carlos Gomes Junior. Coup leaders claimed to be reacting to heightened Angolan military mission intervention in Guinea-Bissau but to have “no ambition for power.” The Economic Community of West African States brokered a transition pact signed on May 18 by most political parties but not the majority PAIGC. On October 21, an attempted countercoup resulted in several deaths but no shift of power. Serious human rights abuses included arbitrary killings and detentions; official corruption, exacerbated by government officials’ impunity and suspected involvement in drug trafficking; and a lack of respect for the rights of citizens to elect their government. Other human rights abuses included torture, poor conditions of detention, lack of judicial independence and due process, interference with privacy, restrictions on the freedoms of the press and assembly, violence and discrimination against women, trafficking of children, and child labor, including some forced labor.
    [Show full text]
  • Is Guinea- Bissau a Narco-State?
    s1918575 Cocaine trafficking in West Africa: Is Guinea- Bissau a narco-state? MA Thesis International Studies University of Leiden Rafael Gonzalez Koss [email protected] s1918575 Word Count: 13607 1 s1918575 Abstract Drug trafficking in West Africa poses a threat to the stability of developing countries. This thesis will answer the question whether Guinea-Bissau is a narco-state. It will show that parts of the highest military and political elites were engaged in and protected the cocaine trade. However, it will argue that drug trafficking did not alter the structure of the Bissau-Guinean state but rather exacerbated pre-existing conditions. An historical examination will show that the overly influential role of the military and the patrimonial system of externally focused economic accumulation inherent to the political system make it more accurate to consider Guinea-Bissau a weak state rather than a narco-state. This is of paramount importance when considering possible measures to combat drug trafficking in Guinea-Bissau effectively, as only a truly developmental approach can long lasting change. 2 s1918575 Table of Contents 1. Introduction 2. Methodology 3. Literature Review 3.1. The State in Africa 3.2. Organized Crime and the State 3.3. The Narco-State 4. Historical Context 4.1. Colonial History 4.2. War for Independence 4.3. Post-Independence 4.3.1. One-party state and patrimonial patterns of power 4.3.2. Military influences the political process 4.3.3. Economic downturn and move towards democracy 4.3.4. Post-Civil-War period 5. Analysis 5.1.
    [Show full text]
  • Programa De Pós-Graduação Em Ciência Política Ricardo
    PROGRAMA DE PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO EM CIÊNCIA POLÍTICA RICARDO OSSAGÔ DE CARVALHO POLÍTICA EXTERNA E ESTADO FRAGIL NA GUINÉ-BISSAU: CRISES MULTIDIMENSIONAIS E O PAPEL DOS ORGANISMOS INTERNACIONAIS “CPLP & CEDEAO” (1973-2014) Porto Alegre 2016 UNIVERSIDADE FEDERAL DO RIO GRANDE DO SUL PROGRAMA DE PÓS-GRADUAÇÃO EM CIÊNCIA POLÍTICA RICARDO OSSAGÔ DE CARVALHO POLÍTICA EXTERNA E ESTADO FRAGIL NA GUINÉ-BISSAU: CRISES MULTIDIMENSIONAIS E O PAPEL DOS ORGANISMOS INTERNACIONAIS “CPLP & CEDEAO” (1973-2014) Tese apresentada ao Programa de Pós- -Graduação em Ciência Política da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul, como requisito parcial à obtenção do título de Doutor em Ciência Política. Linha de pesquisa: Política Internacional Orientador: Prof. Dr. Paulo G. Fagundes Visentini Porto Alegre 2016 RICARDO OSSAGÔ DE CARVALHO POLÍTICA EXTERNA E ESTADO FRAGIL NA GUINÉ-BISSAU: CRISES MULTIDIMENSIONAIS E O PAPEL DOS ORGANISMOS INTERNACIONAIS “CPLP & CEDEAO” (1973-2014) Tese apresentada ao Programa de Pós- -Graduação em Ciência Política da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul, como requisito parcial à obtenção do título de Doutor em Ciência Política. Linha de pesquisa: Política Internacional BANCA EXAMINADORA _________________________________________________________________________ Orientador e presidente: Prof. Dr. Paulo G. Fagundes Visentini Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul (PPGCP) _______________________________________________________________________ Examinador interno: Prof. Dr. Luiz Dario Teixeira Ribeiro Universidade Federal do Rio Grande
    [Show full text]
  • Early Warning Issues for August LIVINGSTONE FORMULA PEACE and SECURITY COUNCIL PROTOCOL
    CONTENTS OF THIS ISSUE Early Warning Issues for August 1 Pending PSC Issues 2 Country Analysis: Guinea-Bissau 13 Country Analysis: Madagascar 3 PSC Retrospective – PSC and PSC Retrospective – PSC and ICC 5 Sanctions Committee 15 Country Analysis: Mauritania 6 Country Analysis: Niger 16 PSC Retrospective – PSC and Spotlight on the PSC 17 Unconstitutional Change 7 Peace and Security Issues in the AU Country Analysis: South Sudan 8 Strategic Plan 18 Volume 1, 31 July 2009 Country Analysis: Somalia 11 Important Forthcoming Dates 19 This report is available on the ISS website and can be viewed together with Thematic Reports on the work of the PSC at www.issafrica.org PEACE AND SECURITY COUNCIL PROTOCOL “The PSC shall encourage non-governmental organizations to participate actively in the efforts aimed at promoting peace, security and stability in Africa. When required such organizations may be invited to address the Peace and Security Council” – Article 20 of the Protocol Relating to the Establishment of the PSC of the African Union. Early Warning Issues 29 June 2009 in Sirte, Libya, at Somalia: the ministerial level, and called for for August efforts to be deployed to ensure The PSC considered a report on transparent elections. The elections Somalia and issued communiqué The scheduled Rotating Chair of were held on 18 July 2009 and the PSC/PR/COMM.2(CLXXIX) of 15 the African Union (AU) Peace AU together with other international June 2009 considered the Report of and Security Council (PSC) for partners have declared it free and the Chairperson of the Commission the month of August is Gabon.
    [Show full text]
  • Democratisation Via Elections in an African ’Narco State’? the Case of Guinea-Bissau
    Munich Personal RePEc Archive Democratisation via elections in an African ’narco state’? The case of Guinea-Bissau Kohnert, Dirk GIGA - German Institute of Global and Area Studies / Institute of African Affairs 1 December 2009 Online at https://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/19109/ MPRA Paper No. 19109, posted 11 Dec 2009 07:53 UTC Democratisation via elections in an African 'narco state'? The case of Guinea-Bissau Dirk Kohnert 1 Abstract: Recent development cooperation with Guinea-Bissau, focussing on good governance, state-building and conflict prevention, did not contribute to democratization nor to the stabilization of volatile political, military and economic structures. Both the portrayal of Guinea-Bissau as failed ‘narco state' as well as Western aid meant to stabilize this state are based on doubtful concepts. Certainly, the impact of drug trafficking could endanger democratization and state-building if continued unchecked. However, the most pressing need is not state-building, facilitated by external aid, yet poorly rooted in the social and political fabric of the country, but nation-building by national reconciliation, as a pre-condition for the creation of viable state institutions. Keywords: elections, election observation, democratization, informal institutions, aid, institution building, drug trafficking, Guinea-Bissau JEL codes: D72, N47, Z1 1. Introduction: Early elections - A step towards stabilisation? The political history of independent Guinea-Bissau (RGB) is characterized by an intimate merger of its military and political elite. The military has had a strong historical legitimacy in the view of the people over decades because of its decisive role in the liberation war. The army had in actual fact fought a people's war which greatly contributed to its success.
    [Show full text]
  • Wade's Senegal and Its Relations with Guinea-Bissau
    OCCASIONAL PAPER NO 1 3 2 South African Foreign Policy and African Drivers Programme January 2013 Wade’s Senegal and its Relations with Guinea-Bissau: Brother, Patron or Regional Hegemon? V i n c e n t F o u c h e r s ir a f f A l a n o ti a rn e nt f I o te tu sti n In rica . th Af hts Sou sig al in Glob African perspectives. About SAIIA The South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) has a long and proud record as South Africa’s premier research institute on international issues. It is an independent, non-government think-tank whose key strategic objectives are to make effective input into public policy, and to encourage wider and more informed debate on international affairs with particular emphasis on African issues and concerns. It is both a centre for research excellence and a home for stimulating public engagement. SAIIA’s occasional papers present topical, incisive analyses, offering a variety of perspectives on key policy issues in Africa and beyond. Core public policy research themes covered by SAIIA include good governance and democracy; economic policymaking; international security and peace; and new global challenges such as food security, global governance reform and the environment. Please consult our website www.saiia.org.za for further information about SAIIA’s work. A b o u t t h e S o u t h A f r I c A n f o r e I g n p o l I c y A n d A f r I c A n d r I v e r S p r o g r A m m e Since the fall of Apartheid in 1994, South Africa’s foreign policy has prioritised the development of Africa.
    [Show full text]
  • Elections and Democratic Consolidation in West Africa: Comparative Study of Nigeria and Senegal, 1999-2012
    Elections and Democratic Consolidation in West Africa: Comparative Study of Nigeria and Senegal, 1999-2012 By Abiodun Surajudeen Fatai Supervisor Prof. Suzanne Francis A dissertation Submitted in fulfillment of the requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science, University of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. 2017 i Plagiarism Declaration I………………………………………………..declared as follows that: I. The research reported in this thesis, except where otherwise stated is my original work. II. This thesis has not been submitted for any degree or examination at any other Universities or academic institutions of learning. III. This thesis does not contain other persons’ data, pictures, graph or other information unless precisely acknowledged as being from them. IV. This thesis also, does not contain other person’s writings, unless specifically acknowledged as being sourced from other person’s research work. Where other written sources have been used in this work, their words have been re-worded and the general information attributed to them has been referenced. In addition, where exactly their words have been used, they have been placed inside quotations marks, and referenced as well. V. Finally, this thesis does not comprise text, graphics or tables copied and pasted from the Internet without specifically acknowledging them, and detailing the sources in the thesis and in the reference section. Signed ………………………………. Abiodun Fatai ii Abstract The study examines elections and democratic consolidation in West Africa using Nigeria and Senegal as a comparative lens from 1999-2012. It is predicated on the contradictory trajectories of electoral politics in West Africa under the so-called third wave of democratization and their implication for the consolidation of democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • Avertissement Liens
    AVERTISSEMENT Ce document est le fruit d’un long travail approuvé par le jury de soutenance et mis à disposition de l’ensemble de la communauté universitaire élargie. Il est soumis à la propriété intellectuelle de l’auteur : ceci implique une obligation de citation et de référencement lors de l’utilisation de ce document. D’autre part, toute contrefaçon, plagiat, reproduction illicite de ce travail expose à des poursuites pénales. Contact : [email protected] LIENS Code la Propriété Intellectuelle – Articles L. 122-4 et L. 335-1 à L. 335-10 Loi n°92-597 du 1 er juillet 1992, publiée au Journal Officiel du 2 juillet 1992 http://www.cfcopies.com/V2/leg/leg-droi.php http://www.culture.gouv.fr/culture/infos-pratiques/droits/protection.htm ,• £¶¨ £°≥° °À° ≥ ≤ •≥ ® ≥ ≤ ±•≥ • ≤¨• • ≥ °£ •¨≥ 0°• THÈSE En vue de l’obtention du DOCTORAT DE L’UNIVERSITE DE TOULOUSE Délivré par l’Université Toulouse Capitole École doctorale : Sciences Juridiques et Politiques Présentée et soutenue par Kandé Mamoudou Alioune le: 17 décembre 2016 Titre: Le conflit casamançais, origines historiques et prolongements actuels Discipline : Sciences politiques Spécialité : Géopolitique et Relations Internationales Unité de recherche : Centre toulousain d’histoire du droit et des idées politiques (CTHDIP) Directeur(s) de Thèse: M. Olivier Devaux Professeur à l’Université Toulouse 1 Capitole JURY Rapporteurs M. Mamadou Lamine Badji, Professeur à l’université Cheikh Anta Diop de Dakar Mme. Carine Jallamion, Professeur à l’Université Montpellier 1 Suffragants M.
    [Show full text]
  • DESAFIOS À PAZ NA GUINÉ BISSAU: O Papel Da Etnicidade Na Reforma Do Setor De Segurança
    Imagem Tiago Luís Rodrigues de Castro Soares DESAFIOS À PAZ NA GUINÉ BISSAU: O papel da etnicidade na Reforma do Setor de Segurança Tiago Luís Rodrigues de Castro Soares Desafios à paz na Guiné Bissau: O papel da etnicidade na Reforma do Setor de segurança Dissertação de Mestrado em Relações Internacionais, na especialidade de Estudos da Paz e dos Conflitos apresentada à Faculdade de Economia da Universidade de Coimbra para obtenção do grau de Mestre Orientador: Prof. Doutora Licinia Simão Coimbra, 2013 Ao povo da Guiné Bissau, a reserva e a força consciente da sua realização. i AGRADECIMENTOS Este trabalho foi elaborado em nome dos sonhos do meu pai, que partiu para oriente eterno e deixou a meio a sua viagem de transformação da pátria que o viu nascer. À minha mãe pelo apoio incondicional que sempre me deu, e pela força inexcedível com que enfrentou sempre as adversidades. Ao meu avô que partiu. À minha esposa e filha, pelo amor, paciência e estímulo que sempre me deram nesta empreitada. À minha orientadora Professora Doutora Licínia Simão, que esteve sempre presente, com dedicação, exigência e amizade. À Vanda e à Amália, pela amizade, pelo carinho, pela ajuda e pela motivação que me deram nesta caminhada. ii Ninguém nasce a odiar outra pessoa pela cor da sua pele, origem ou religião. Para odiar as pessoas precisam de aprender e se podem aprender a odiar, podem ser ensinadas a amar. Nelson Mandela Os que estão mortos nunca se foram, Eles estão na sombra que se aclara, e na sombra que se espessa.
    [Show full text]
  • Le Sénégal De Wade Face a La Guinée-Bissau: Paysfrère, Tuteur
    OCCASIONAL PAPER NO 1 3 9 South African Foreign Policy and African Drivers Programme A p r i l 2 0 1 3 Le Sénégal de Wade Face a la Guinée-Bissau : Pays- frère, Tuteur ou Hégémon ? V i n c e n t F o u c h e r s ir a f f A l a n o ti a rn e nt f I o te tu sti n In rica . th Af hts Sou sig al in Glob African perspectives. About SAIIA The South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) has a long and proud record as South Africa’s premier research institute on international issues. It is an independent, non-government think-tank whose key strategic objectives are to make effective input into public policy, and to encourage wider and more informed debate on international affairs with particular emphasis on African issues and concerns. It is both a centre for research excellence and a home for stimulating public engagement. SAIIA’s occasional papers present topical, incisive analyses, offering a variety of perspectives on key policy issues in Africa and beyond. Core public policy research themes covered by SAIIA include good governance and democracy; economic policymaking; international security and peace; and new global challenges such as food security, global governance reform and the environment. Please consult our website www.saiia.org.za for further information about SAIIA’s work. A b o u t t h e S o u t h A f r I c A n f o r e I g n p o l I c y A n d A f r I c A n d r I v e r S p r o g r A m m e Since the fall of Apartheid in 1994, South Africa’s foreign policy has prioritised the development of Africa.
    [Show full text]