Islamic Religiosity in the West: Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities

Project Investigators: FETHI MANSOURI MICHELE LOBO BRYAN S. TURNER AMELIA JOHNS

With Research Support From: Liudmila Kirpitchenko Virginie Andre Matteo Vergani Discovery Project (DP130102601) Report

Islamic Religiosity and Challenge of Political Engagement and National Belonging in Multicultural Western Cities

Prof Fethi Mansouri, Dr Michele A Lobo, Prof Bryan S Turner

Administering Organisation, Deakin University

Project Summary

This project investigates how participation in Islamic religious practices strengthens attachments to the western cities where have chosen to live. It will contribute to global, national and local policy outcomes that focus on the challenges of accommodating minority religions in diverse western cities.

ISSN: 978-0-646-97150-6

Recommended citation: Mansouri, F., Lobo, M., Johns, A. & Turner, B. (2017), Islamic Religiosity in the West: Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities.

Deakin University Publising, Melbourne.

Unless otherwise indicated, images contained within this report are sourced from unsplash.com and licensed under Creative Commons Zero. Table of Contents

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...... 03 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY...... 04 Self, Identity and Islamic Rituals...... 06 Religious Practices, Public Space and Social Connectedness...... 07 Citizenship, Belonging and Political Engagement in a Changing Geopolitical Context...... 08

INTRODUCTION……………………………………………………………………………...... 10 BACKGROUND……………………………………………………………………………...... 14 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK……………………………………………………………………………...... 15 Self, Identity and Islamic Rituals……………………………………………………………………………...... 16 Religious Practices, Public Space and Social Connectedness……………………………………………………………………………...17 Citizenship, Belonging and Political Engagement in a Changing Geopolitical Context...... 18 The City as an Important Unit of Analysis……………………………………………………………………………...... 19

METHODOLOGY……………………………………………………………………………...... 21 RESEARCH SAMPLE……………………………………………………………………………...... 24 RESEARCH SITES……………………………………………………………………………...... 28 Melbourne, Australia……………………………………………………………………………...... 29 Detroit, U.S.A.……………………………………………………………………………...... 30 Lyon / Grenoble / Paris, ……………………………………………………………………………...... 32

COMPARATIVE INSIGHTS……………………………………………………………………………...... 34 Self, Identity and Islamic Rituals...... 35 The as a Spatial Form of Belonging and Connection...... 36 Interfaith Dialogue...... 40 Prayer...... 44 ...... 48 Fasting during ...... 50 (Pilgrimage)...... 51

FINDINGS SITE-BY-SITE: PLACE-BASED INSIGHTS ON ISLAMIC RELIGIOSITY……………...... 54 Self, Identity and Islamic Rituals……………………………………………………………………………...... 55 Melbourne, Australia……………………………………………………………………………...... 55 Detroit, U.S.A……………………………………………………………………………...... 61 Lyon / Grenoble / Paris, France……………………………………………………………………………...... 63 Religious Practices, Public Space and Social Connectedness……………………………………………………………………………...65. Melbourne, Australia……………………………………………………………………………...... 67 Detroit, U.S.A.……………………………………………………………………………...... 81 Lyon / Grenoble / Paris, France……………………………………………………………………………...... 88 Citizenship, Belonging and Political Engagement……………………………………………………………………………...... 95 Melbourne, Australia……………………………………………………………………………...... 98 Detroit, U.S.A.……………………………………………………………………………...... 113 Lyon / Grenoble / Paris, France……………………………………………………………………………...... 119

CONCLUSION……………………………………………………………………………...... 129 REFERENCES……………………………………………………………………………...... 132 APPENDICES……………………………………………………………………………...... 138

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 1 2 Islamic Religiosity in the West ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

We are grateful to researchers Human Rights (MWCHR) from three research sites, Wayne State University (Detroit, USA) including overseas, who assisted Islamic Society of with recruitment, data , (ISNA) transcription of interviews, focus groups, and preliminary compilation Council on American-Islamic of the quantitative and qualitative Relations (CAIR) research data. Many thanks to Liudmila Institute for Social Policy and Kirpitchenko for her research support, Understanding (ISPU) to Matteo Vergani for performing The Muslim Centre of quantitative descriptive analysis, and Detroit (Detroit, USA) Virginie Andre for using her socio- Al-Islah Islamic Centre linguistic skills to analyse interview (Hamtramck, USA) This research was funded by data from France. Masjid Mu’ath Bin Jabal an Australia Research Council Special thanks to Reem Faiq for (Hamtramck, USA) Discovery grant (ARC providing translation of the Islamic Centre of Hamtramck DP130102601), and we would interview transcriptions, Anne Faithfull (Hamtramck, USA) like to thank the Australian for compiling data on the project final Islamic House of Wisdom Research Council for their report; and Martine Hawkes and Paula (Dearborn, USA) Muraca for expert editorial assistance. Islamic Center of America support. We are grateful to Lisa Tribuzio and (Dearborn, USA) Helen Heath (Dandenong Interfaith Network) for their assistance with Islamic Centre (France) the Melbourne fieldwork and Saeed Union of oung Muslims(France) Khan and Roohi Rahman for their kind Islamic Association Al Islah (France) assistance with the Detroit fieldwork. Organisation Against Many thanks to the , (France) community organisations, and networks for their invaluable help CRIDAF-Pléiade, Université in organising interviews and focus Paris 13 (France) groups in the three locations.

These organisations include: Finally, our thanks to all of those who have supported directly or indirectly Victorian Arabic Social Services the successful completion of this (Broadmeadows, Melbourne) project in particular those Muslim Hume Islamic Youth Centre participants across the various sites (Broadmeadows, Melbourne) individuals who opened up about their Albanian Saki Mosque personal experiences and trusted (Dandenong, Melbourne) the research team with capturing Emir Sultan mosque the complex dynamics of their inter- connected religious and, social and (Dandenong, Melbourne) political practices. Hazara Women’s Network (Dandenong, Melbourne) Greater Dandenong City Council (Dandenong, Melbourne) Australian International Academy (Coburg, Melbourne) Prof Fethi Mansouri Project Leader Deakin University Islamic (on behalf of the research team) Society (ISDU) Melbourne, April 2017 Islamic Council of Victoria (ICV) Muslim Women’s Centre for

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 3 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

This report presents findings from a three-year Australian Research Council (ARC) Discovery Project. The project uses a comparative approach to explore the everyday experiences of a broad cross-section of practising Muslims in the West.

The study provides insights into Research Data for the project were In Melbourne, Australia, 49 individual the role of Islamic beliefs, rituals, collected using a mixed methods interviews, including with and and faith-based community approach across the three sites: semi- Sheikhs (N=3), were conducted to elicit practices in shaping experiences structured interviews, focus groups, rich qualitative data. Four focus groups of active citizenship, belonging, participant observation, and online and were held with 26 representatives from and political engagement in three face-to-face survey questionnaires. Muslim organisations in Melbourne, countries: Australia, France, and Research participants across the three including: Islamic Society of Deakin the USA. Fieldwork was conducted sites included 384 persons (sampled, University (ISDU), Hazara Women’s in selected Western cities in three for example, by gender, age, ethnicity, Network, Victorian Arabic Social countries: 1) Australia (Melbourne); and sect). All participants were aged 18 Services (VASS), and Muslim Women’s 2) France (Lyon and Grenoble with and over. The full list of mosques and Centre for Human Rights (MWCHR). complementary interview data from community organisations who assisted Paris); and 3) USA (Detroit). the study in all research sites can be In Detroit, USA, 33 participants were found in the Acknowledgments. interviewed. Participants included

Figure 1 Research data sources and number of participants

Empirical Site/ In-Depth Interviews/ Questionnaires Focus Groups Data Sources Photo-Elicitation Melbourne 96 participants 26 participants 49 participants (4 sessions) Lyon/Grenoble/Paris 93 participants 6 participants 33 participants (1 session) Grenoble Detroit 48 participants 0 33 participants

Total per Task 237 participants 32 participants 115 participants (5 sessions) TOTAL PARTICIPANTS 384

4 Islamic Religiosity in the West Imams (N=4), Muslim community of Islamic community organisations 93 in France, and 48 in the USA leaders (such as coordinators of various including: Tawhid Islamic Centre, (see Figure 2). community projects within the Detroit’s Union of Young Muslims, Islamic Muslim community), mosque attendees Association Al Islah, Organisation Three key themes emerged from the and participants at the Islamic Society against Islamophobia, and several research: 1) Self, Identity, and Islamic of North America (ISNA) Annual mosques throughout France. Interviews Ritual; 2) Religious Practices, Public conference, held in Downtown Detroit were also conducted with sheikhs and Space, and Social Connectedness; and in 2014. Imams from a broad cross-section of 3) Citizenship, Belonging, and Political the French population (N=5). For a full Engagement in a Changing Geopolitical In France, individual interviews were participant list see Figure 1. Context. conducted with 33 participants. 1 focus group was conducted with 6 Overall, 237 respondents completed A detailed discussion of each follows. participants from Grenoble. Participants questionnaires in the three sites, of were recruited from a diverse range these: 96 respondents in Australia,

Figure 2 Survey sample at a glance

Country Gender Age Country of Birth Self-Identity Ethnicity Total

F M 18 - 24 25+ Local Other Practising Non Cultural Arabic African South Other Muslim Practising Muslim East Muslim Asians US 36 9 28 20 30 15 39 1 2 13 5 5 15 48

France 31 55 24 69 63 21 71 8 2 62 2 3 15 93

Australia 47 49 43 53 47 49 80 8 1 30 10 9 38 96

TOTAL 114 113 95 142 140 85 190 17 5 105 17 17 68 237

NB: Some participants chose not to disclose information for all demographic questions and therefore, some responses are missing. Data in the table reflect only disclosed information.

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 5 SELF, IDENTITY, AND ISLAMIC RITUALS

In establishing the role played by subjective feelings: of inner peace, and self-knowledge. Among Detroit- in shaping the subjective dimensions of spiritual centred-ness, connection with based participants, African American religiosity across the research sample, God, and self-knowledge. While this converts to Islam – many of whom have the overarching theme of self, identity, understanding of faith – as a source parents and grandparents raised in and Islamic rituals emerged. Data of subjective nourishment, inner NOI – strongly convey the importance comprising this theme suggest that strength, and resilience – is present in of discipline and structure. NOI is often the relationship between God and the the samples from all research sites, discounted as an unfaithful practice of individual is developed and nurtured participants’ experiences are also Islam, and most adherents, including through daily rituals and practices. This shaped by the contrasting political almost all participants in this study, relationship emerged as a significant, if structures and social policies for have since reverted to mainstream not central, aspect of the participants’ accommodating religious differences in ; though NOI mosques self-identity, worldviews, ways of each location. still exist and continue to be attended dealing with hardship, and ethical in Detroit. While African American orientation towards others. As Riaz In Australia (Melbourne), for example, participants in this study were largely Hassan (2013, p. 49) explains, the ritual is shaped by the comprised of converts to Islam, it practices of Islam, while introducing a liberal and secular political landscape is important to note that among the social dimension, also entail a ‘complex in such a way that participants original African slave population in interaction between individual meaning experienced a sense of freedom to the USA, 16 per cent were already and experience and social values and practise their faith as a core aspect of Muslims – suggestive of a much earlier expectations’. Thus Hassan (2013, p. 49) their identity. For young people, their an important linkage between Islam concludes, ‘rituals are interrelated at Muslim identity – even if evolving in and African American identities. All both the individual and collective levels’, Western contexts – is a significant African American participants in this meaning that embodied practices act influence on the way they live their lives study understood Islam to be a key upon understandings of self-identity and encounter other communities. source of resistance, historically and and subjective experience, as well as Nonetheless, the ways in which religion contemporarily, challenging systematic underpinning the agentic capacities of is expressed, or mixed with other histories of racial injustice and helping participants in the study. cultural identifiers and practices, is to rebuild experiences of self-worth, complex and dependent on several confidence, and agency. Prayer is considered the most important variables, including: place of residence, religious practice, and the foundation of gender, class, race, country of birth, In France (Grenoble/Lyon/Paris), obligatory practices – known as the five and what religious sect or school they the secular politics and laws of the pillars of Islam. Except for pilgrimage belong to. French Republic shape the subjective (hajj), the obligatory practices are widely experiences of religiosity. Some and regularly observed. For example, In USA (Detroit), religious identity and participants experienced these secular prayers and fasting during Ramadan spirituality are more pronounced among laws as a barrier, not only to public are important observations in the African American Muslim groups, expressions of religiosity, but also to . Participants spoke of whose historical conversion to Islam subjective feelings of freedom, agency, the personal significance and value of dates to the Black civil rights movement and hope. In the French context, prayer, describing it as ‘spiritual food’ that there. Conversion to Islam commonly especially among the 18–24-year- contributes to discipline and good moral took place through the old cohort, non-obligatory practices, character. The personal and emotional (NOI), a branch of Islam associated such as wearing the hijab, a beard, benefits include a feeling of peace with the African American civil rights or specific types of clothing, took on that inspires humility, patience, self- movements and militant Black activism extra significance as visible signs of confidence, and increased self-esteem. of the 1960s. The conversion to NOI resistance to secular state policies These outcomes are practices of respect, is credited with awakening subjective and the Islamophobic gaze. care, and responsibility towards others. experiences and feelings of dignity among the Black community, for whom The individual benefits of prayer and histories of racial inequality and slavery other ritual practices contribute to had degraded experiences of self-worth

6 Islamic Religiosity in the West RELIGIOUS PRACTICES, PUBLIC SPACE, AND SOCIAL CONNECTEDNESS

When speaking about the communal In Melbourne, Australia, Muslim communities in this city have meanings and importance of many neighbourliness is an a long history, given that Islam has religious practices (such as hajj, important civic virtue that been associated with the Black Power fasting, and prayer during Ramadan), Movement since the Great Depression. participants expressed that these instil points to the importance of Significantly, Detroit is home to the special feelings and produce particular social connections; this value is NOI Temple Number One established moralities, many of which relate to also integral to Muslim beliefs, in 1930, and NOI continues to have an issues of social justice. For example, and faith-based practices. The important presence there. hajj is described as an embodiment civic value of neighbourliness of the moral teachings of the Prophet In Lyon/Grenoble/Paris, France, some Mohammed, communicating the – described as taking care of participants reported that observing equality of all races, and of rich and one’s neighbours – suggests the five daily prayers at work or place poor. The giving of alms () and that Muslim religious beliefs of study was challenging because of the other charitable work during Ramadan and practices are tied with secular laws that limit the observance also reflect feelings of communal conceptions of virtuous of religious practice in public support and social connectedness. citizenship in Melbourne. institutions. Nonetheless, participants value this ritual practice as conducive Generally, religious practices in Islam to increased sense of peace, comfort, are oriented towards nourishing a and self-esteem. The feelings of inner connection to God and the self. Among In Detroit, USA, the experiences of strength arising from participation in participants the practices of Ramadan, Muslim communities reflect historical religious ritual practices led Muslim for example, generated an inclination upheavals associated with migration, participants to adopt attitudes of to reach out to others, including industrialisation, de-industrialisation, openness and tolerance towards through actions driven by social justice. and racial tensions. These historical non-Muslims. Participants attached more significance circumstances have increased the to private religious rituals such as importance of place and community prayer, than they did to significant as spaces of resistance and resilience religious sites, or the community. for Muslims. The Muslim communities Fasting during Ramadan was found of Detroit are, for instance, spatially to be conducive to this same (private) and spiritually centred on the experience, if a little more connected to mosque, which acts as a space of a sense of belonging to a community. community, hope, and renewal.

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 7 CITIZENSHIP, BELONGING, AND POLITICAL ENGAGEMENT IN A CHANGING GEOPOLITICAL CONTEXT

Significantly, this research project served to integrate and regulate and becoming politically engaged in has found that the core beliefs and migrant communities by establishing forms of public activism and protest. practices of Islam correspond with representative bodies to mediate Some community members and both liberal and republican traditions between government and communities entrepreneurs also set up their own of citizenship in Western liberal in ways that preserved cultural crowdfunding social media platforms democracies. There is a strong focus traditions while promoting allegiance to raise funds for community projects. on values of equality, diversity, and to a national political will. Over time rights, corresponding to the liberal these organisations have also become Yet, there were several participants tradition. At the same time, many of the important advocacy bodies, particularly who claimed that, because of core practices of the faith encourage since September 11. contested and often fractious practices of active citizenship through sectarian community politics, many interventions committed to social A range of organisations have Muslims preferred to ‘keep to the justice and a ‘common good’; these engaged more actively with shadows’ and perform their citizenship align closely with the republican media and training, becoming in less visible ways. This may be tradition and were particularly noted related to intra-community tensions interested in promoting and in the Detroit and French samples. as well as the effects of being a There was some ambiguity, however, publicising the more activist community under the microscope, among the participant responses to types of citizenship, and thus given the common association in the questions regarding the connections enhancing the public voice of West of Muslim communities with between citizenship and religiosity: Muslim Australians. . Representatives of Mosque some viewed citizenship as a legal set organisations spoke of the importance of norms and status separate from for Muslim religious leaders to become forms of community engagement and In Detroit, USA, given the significance deeply engaged in rebuilding Detroit. civic participation. of the city’s economic and social Particularly important was the role of disadvantage, and the deeper historical these leaders in conducting interfaith Interview participants’ forms of connections between Islam and dialogue through bridging activities political participation varied, from the city, Muslim communities were with other faith organisations. normative to less conventional forms identified as key actors in Detroit’s Participants also praised Muslim of engagement. Normative forms of renewal. Connections between acts leaders for becoming involved in intra- engagement included joining political of religiosity and citizenship were faith initiatives addressing shared campaigns, voting in elections, and therefore most often conveyed through community problems. running in state and local council active community practices. elections. While less conventional In France, participants linked the forms of engagement included These practices included grassroots expression of their faith to positive participating in political discussions volunteering and forming public action. Faith was conveyed on social media, and everyday civic associations to clean up through religious practices and protest actions. neighbourhoods, address poverty rituals leading to good behaviours and racism within and between and social and ethical actions. They In Melbourne, Australia, with the communities, and bring greater encompassed positive deeds directed increase of Muslim migration in ‘lived’ justice to Detroit’s citizens, at the Muslim community, as well as the 1970s and 1980s came the Muslim and non-Muslim. This was those targeted at non-Muslim society. need to establish organisations done through a range of ‘citizenship Participants strongly expressed capable of negotiating a space for interventions’ including: cultivating Muslims’ responsibility to contribute to Muslim representation within the community gardens in vacant lots; the advancement of the whole society Australian political structure. This buying and rehabilitating abandoned economically and socially, irrespective was particularly the case with the homes, neighbourhoods, and schools; of religious, ethnic, or cultural introduction of multiculturalism as forming ‘block clubs’ to keep areas belonging. While under constant policy at the federal and state levels safe and clean; working through scrutiny by their politicians and non- during this period, which formally mosque outreach activities; voting Muslim French society, participants felt

8 Islamic Religiosity in the West Figure 3 Keysborough Turkish Islamic Centre, Melbourne, Australia. Source: Authors,

that Muslims should be role models. In traditions and Western concepts of Negative portrayal of Muslim their view, citizenship is anchored in, democracy, liberty, and individual communities in the media and public and facilitated by, religious teachings rights. Despite this acrimonious discourse tend to enhance experiences found in the Qur’an, which in many political climate, our empirical of racism and social exclusion, ways – through the values of tolerance, findings suggest that Islamic religious fostering psychological dispositions respect, humanity, and responsibility and spiritual traditions are often that may lead to youth disengagement for public welfare – are not dissimilar employed as a source of resilience and radicalisation. to the French constitutional values of towards deeply embedded problems fraternity and equality. of social inequality and systemic These findings have significant policy injustice. Islamic practices also act implications related to the need to These international comparative as a conduit for civic engagement in reshape the public discourse on Islamic findings reveal that the construction local communities. Faith-based beliefs religiosity and redesign policy attitudes of Islam as ‘problematic’, prominent in everyday practice serve to embody in relation to Islam and its practice. in public discourse is in the West, is and reinforce democratic citizenship These findings call for a re-balancing at odds with the everyday subjective ideals (liberal and republican), and to of public debates and policy approaches, understandings of faith among strengthen individual’s commitments which currently tend to securitise participants. The political climate to pluralism. and problematise Islamic religiosity. and negative framing of Islam and By examining the diverse articulations Muslim civic and political engagement The findings also show that the of Islamic religiosity in Western have worsened over the last decade distorted frame through which public spaces, we discern meaning, for a range of reasons: such as the Muslim communities are viewed hope, and a source of renewal for conflicts of the War on Terror after in the West when combined with democratic and liberal conceptions September 11, and the emergence of failings of religious leadership, of justice. These notions serve to the so-called , which is tend to limit individual experiences promote intercultural understanding particularly understood as a symbol of justice that are often enabled and belonging, and must be more of disconnect between Islamic faith through mechanisms of citizenship. prominent in public discourse.

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 9 INTRODUCTION

10 Islamic Religiosity in the West There is increasing debate and contestation regarding the role of religiosity in the public sphere, particularly related to Muslims living in the West.

Lobo & Mansouri 2012; Mansouri & Marotta 2012; Ramadan 2004; Roy 2007; Turner, 2008

Central to this debate is the question where religious activity is relegated In Australia for example, Section 116 of of whether Western Muslims have the to the private sphere. The changing the Constitution explicitly provides that individual capacity and the societal narratives of modernity however, the Commonwealth shall not legislate support to be fully active citizens while have seen the vibrancy of migrant to establish any religion, impose any upholding their religious values and communities and cultural and religious religious observance, or prohibit the practices. Addressing this important diversity in Western cities emerge as free exercise of any religion. Despite but empirically under-investigated significant factors enriching urban extensive funding for religious question, this report provides insight . In line with this, Richard schools and the increasing visibility of into the role of Islamic beliefs, rituals, Florida (2002, 2005a, 2005b) links the mosques, Islamic rituals and cultural and faith-based community practices flourishing of global cities of the West practices in Australian cities, the in shaping experiences of active with ‘talent migration’ and the settling Muslim presence continues to incite citizenship, belonging, and political of the creative class. Nevertheless, a range of negative feelings (Dunn, engagement in three culturally diverse some aspects of religious ritual Klocker & Salabay 2007); these have urban sites: Melbourne, Australia; and innovation in urban contexts intensified with the revival of right- Lyon/Grenoble/Paris, France; and have become the increased focus wing nationalist parties demonising Detroit, USA. This report is the of social and cultural inquiry and Islam and racialising Muslims. outcome of a three-year Australian problematisation (Becci, Burchardt Research Council (ARC) Discovery & Casanova 2013). In the USA the First Amendment of grant, comparing the experiences of a the Constitution guarantees religious and civilian freedoms of all citizens, broad cross-section of Muslims living Melbourne, Detroit, and Lyon/Grenoble yet in everyday life Muslims are in three Western multicultural cities. (augmented with data from Paris) viewed with suspicion, particularly were purposively selected as optimal since the events of September 11 urban locations in which to conduct The Project aimed to: (Bhargava 2009). Furthermore, since this multi-sited analysis for several 1. Identify, describe, and analyse forms the completion of data collection for reasons. First, each city has a Muslim of participation in Islamic rituals and this project, President-elect Donald population that is ethnically, culturally, faithbased cultural activities among Trump has attempted to legislate a Muslims in selected Western cities. and religiously diverse. As cities ban on Muslim immigration to USA – with growing Muslim demographic though not without significant legal 2. Investigate the extent to which profiles, these populations have been challenges from States’ rights excising Islamic beliefs, values, and faith- the subjects of media reports and constitutionally sanctioned freedom based participation contribute to empirical research conveying tensions of religion. Nonetheless these recent local and national belonging. surrounding the visibility of Muslim attempts by the White House point to religious identity and practice in public increasing levels of acceptance for 3. Analyse how spiritual and cultural spaces. Second, cities in Australia, religious discrimination and exclusion religiosity among practising Muslims France and USA were selected because in the public discourse. impedes or provides possibilities for of their divergent policy approaches political engagement. to religiosity, with different levels In France, there are policies prohibiting of recognition and accommodation religious symbols, including the afforded to ethno-religious minorities ‘Ban on face covering’ law (2011). Islam in the West in the public sphere at the level of As Cigainero (2016) explains, this Western cities have long been policy and discourse (Haddad 2002; ban applies to ‘the complete covering regarded as sites where secular Turner 2008; Mansouri, Lobo & of one’s face in public’, it relates visions of modernity are enacted, and Johns 2015). ‘to scarves, masks and motorcycle

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 11 Figure 4 Immigration Museum Exhibition in Melbourne, Australia. Source: Authors

helmets, but it particularly affects will continue to have ramifications international levels. At an empirical Muslim women who wear the full for formulating migration and asylum level, the project provides informed Islamic , or niqab’. The law follows seeker policies, as well as policies and comparative data on Islamic an earlier ban of religious symbols addressing in France, religiosity that contribute to innovative in French schools and government EU region, and internationally. policy recommendations and programs offices that applied to the hijab. These to understand and accommodate interventions are thought to uphold difference in Australia. Significance values of freedom and equality. In practice, however, the French model This project aims to advance our In the current international of with its emphasis on understanding of belonging and environment, where political agendas excluding visible religiosity from the political engagement through a at all levels (national, state, and public sphere can have the effect of comparative study of Islamic religiosity community) are increasingly polarised alienating the five million Muslim in Western cities. Islamic religiosity is along ethnic and cultural lines, this citizens (8.5 per cent of the total defined as having two key dimensions: project represents a unique and timely population), many of whom are response by reassessing Islamic concentrated in banlieues, known 1 Faith is the belief in the basic religiosity in Western societies. as the ‘problem suburbs’ of French tenets of Islam and the performance cities (Benhabib 2006; Open Society of religious rituals By investigating religious practices Institute 2007). among Muslims, this project 2 Practice is an observance of directly addresses issues of cultural The researchers hypothesised that overall religious norms as they citizenship, , different approaches to the governance pertain to social behaviour and human rights. Indeed, the of religious and ethnic diversity at significant contribution that this national, state and local government While existing research has project provides to the knowledge levels, coupled with different ethnic, focussed specifically on exploring base on citizenship and integration social, and economic demographics, and and privileging normative values is complementary to several national variations in subjective, intersubjective, in understanding minority ethnic initiatives and programs that promote performative, and affective experiences integration, this project focuses on social cohesion/inclusion and of living in the city may shape the positive implications of various counteract discriminatory views and different experiences of political and manifestations of religiosity among intolerance towards Muslims living in social participation and belonging. Muslim minorities. In light of Western Western societies. It enables a better Furthermore, since the completion of anxieties over the increased presence understanding between the West and data collection for this project, Paris and visibility of Muslims in the West, Islam that could alleviate tensions has been the site of two terrorist- and the potential promulgation of anti- and prevent outbreaks of violence by related attacks, resulting in significant Western sentiment, this is a critical Muslim youth who feel disenfranchised loss of life. These events have had and area of study at both national and by a dominant majority culture.

12 Islamic Religiosity in the West Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 13 BACKGROUND

The visibility of Islamic religiosity in Western secular societies remains a highly contentious and divisive issue. The everyday lives of Muslim minorities in the West are affected by how their expressions of Islam are perceived and portrayed in public discourses.

The visibility of Islamic religiosity in In this context, the recent popular This combination allows for a holistic Western secular societies remains a and academic backlash against assessment of the integration of highly contentious and divisive issue. state-sponsored multiculturalism Muslims into Western societies. The everyday lives of Muslim minorities in liberal nation-states means that in the West are affected by how their issues of ethno-religious diversity, Moreover, it enables us to assess expressions of Islam are perceived and the ability to foster intercultural whether Islamic religiosity can be and portrayed in public discourses. engagement, have become significant viewed as a source of empowerment, If the perceptions are negative, this can challenges for cities in the twenty- belonging, and engagement, rather have significant effects on individuals first century (Allen 2007; Amin 2002a; than a source of a deep political and and communities. Recent discursive Hage 2003; Keith 2005; Mitchell 2007; ideological rift in multicultural Western practices in the public sphere that vilify Poynting & Mason 2008; Turner 2003; societies (Nesbitt-Larking 2008). Muslims, construct them as potential Vertovec & Peach 1997). Given contemporary discussions on threats to national security, and place cosmopolitan ethics that emphasise In Australia, the demise of them ‘outside the circle of trustworthy respect for difference, this project multicultural policy, beginning in citizenship’, are particularly damaging assesses whether theoretical the late 1990s, temporarily created to the social fabric (Jakubowicz 2007, insights into affective intercultural an ‘enormous vacuum’ (Turner p. 270; Smith 2002). encounters can shed further light on 2003, p. 416) in public debates on understanding, solidarity, and care inclusive citizenship and belonging. Muslims in the West are living in With recently renewed political among citizens. countries with non-Islamic majority support for multicultural policy and . Current debates on the scholarship, however, Australia In particular, this project French, US and Australian models of can perhaps assume leadership in contributes to scholarship on religious accommodation have drawn demonstrating that political resistance attention to how majority ‘culturally active citizenship and social to allows for inclusion by investigating how established religions’ (Bader 2009, the transnational dimensions of p. 568; Bhargava 2009) are privileged Islam to be viewed in a positive light Islamic spiritual and cultural even when religion is relegated to the in Western societies. The treachery, practices can affect our under- private sphere. This privileging ‘masks criminality, insecurity, and irreverence standings of national loyalty majority religious bias’ (Bhargava 2009, to human rights often tied to visible and political engagement. p. 556) and can lead to expressions of Islamic religiosity will then slowly fade public hostility and anxiety towards (Benhabib 2006; Dunn et al. 2007; Hage Islamic religiosity. In this way, existing 2008; Turner 2003). privileges of the majority cultures and religions entrenched in the social have Conceptually this project combines implications for understanding the theories of active citizenship and belonging and political engagement social inclusion with the more affective of Muslims in the West. notion of performativity (Butler 2001).

14 Islamic Religiosity in the West THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK

This report is organised around three The First section, Self, Identity, and The Third section, Citizenship, research areas that align with the aims Islamic Rituals, responds to the first Belonging, and Political Engagement of the project, and that are discussed aim of identifying, describing, and in a Changing Geopolitical Context, in the theoretical framework as well analysing forms of participation in analyses how spiritual and cultural Islamic rituals and faith-based cultural religiosity among practising Muslims as in the empirical findings. They are: activities among Muslims in selected impedes or provides possibilities for Western cities. political engagement. 1) Self, Identity, and Islamic Rituals; The Second section, Religious 2) Religious Practices, Public Space, Practices, Public Space, and Social and Social Connectedness; and Connectedness, relates to the aim of investigating the extent to which 3) Citizenship, Belonging, and Islamic beliefs, values, and faith-based Political Engagement in a participation contribute to local and Changing Geopolitical Context. national belonging.

Figure 5 Bookstore in France. Source: Authors

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 15 SELF, IDENTITY, AND ISLAMIC RITUALS

This project, with its focus on embodied insights into understanding Islamic agency among Muslim migrants, has religiosity in multicultural cities. produced two important empirical The focus is less on the racialisation findings. First, it generates benchmark of Muslim bodies, and more on how empirical evidence of expressions of Islamic beliefs and practices can Islamic religiosity – currently contested strengthen an openness to difference, practices that some scholars have an emerging trend in scholarship on argued should be relegated to the Western Muslims and Islam (Mansouri, private sphere (Poynting & Mason 2008). Kenny & Strong 2007; Mansouri, Lobo Second, it allows us to examine the & Latrache 2011; Ramadan 2004; extent to which sustained participation Saeed 2006). in such religious practices can affect subjective notions of belonging and The project’s focus on religiosity political engagement. from a performative perspective, rather than the more conventional In exploring these interconnected normative approach, therefore, makes objectives, the study draws on theories a significant contribution to studies of performativity and recent literature of religious minorities in Western on social encounters to provide new multicultural cities.

Figure 6 Eid prayers in Flagstaff Gardens, Melbourne. Source: Islamic Council of Victoria (ICV)

16 Islamic Religiosity in the West RELIGIOUS PRACTICES, PUBLIC SPACE, AND SOCIAL CONNECTEDNESS

This research project draws on the to analyse forms of participation whether Islamic beliefs and values theoretical concept of performativity to in Islamic rituals and practices as embodied in rituals and faith-based examine the role of religious practices conduits to political engagement. community participation can enable of Muslims in the public space, and Muslims to negotiate the experiences their potential for engendering social The focus on performativity is of marginalisation in ways that connectedness. Judith Butler (2001) supplemented by new and emerging demonstrate at once an attachment uses the concept of performativity to theories of affect and emotion that to authentic religious identity and an explore how the dominance and power offer insights into embodied aspects openness to others. This openness of heteronormativity regulates the of living with difference in white and embracing of difference has ways that gendered subjects become Western societies (Ahmed 2004; Dwyer been documented in research among recognisable in the public sphere. She 2010). The affective dimensions of community leaders by Mansouri et argues that statements (‘speech acts’) belonging and political engagement al. (2011) in suburban Melbourne and and religious practices that make recognises the importance of Paris, but further study is required subjects recognisable, often reproduce micro-scale practices and everyday to understand whether these open dominant cultural norms. This can spaces in the city (Amin 2002; Fox & attitudes exist among the broader be oppressive for those who deviate Miller-Idriss 2008; Thrift 2004; Wise Islamic community in these cities. from the normative prescriptions 2010; Lobo 2010a). There is little about acceptable social behaviour in research, however, that focuses on the public sphere. While Butler does whether Islamic spiritual practices Recent sociological research on not often apply these concepts to and cultural acts increase or religion and citizenship argues religious bodily acts and performances, decrease the affective capacity for that embodied practice is crucial these ideas relate well to the study intercultural or interfaith encounters. for understanding agency and Muslims in the Western public sphere. the negotiation of ethno-religious Butler (2001) also underlines that Therefore, rather than concede to difference in Western societies norms formative of vulnerability and the populist views that see Islamic (Turner 2017; Kong 2001, 2010), at anxiety are never fixed, but rather are religiosity and political engagement the same time answering the call for socially and temporally contingent. as an expression of fundamentalism greater focus on the affective nature This theoretical insight enables us or disloyalty, this project investigates of agency (Davies & Dwyer 2007).

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 17 CITIZENSHIP, BELONGING, AND POLITICAL ENGAGEMENT IN A CHANGING GEOPOLITICAL CONTEXT

Many studies about diversity in liberal city, provides fresh insights into from its focus on performativity for Western societies assume an existing the negotiation of ethno-religious understanding the embodied agency or potential conflict in multifaith public difference in everyday intercultural of Muslims who engage in spiritual spheres. These studies, therefore, encounters. This is a necessary focus and cultural rituals. While the value focus on the role of the state and its at a time when the commitment to the of applying performativity to the study institutions in guiding consensus for accommodation of religious diversity, of agency and political engagement understanding or alleviating conflict and in particular Islamic religiosity, by is on the rise in social sciences (Benhabib 1996; Brouard & Tiberj Western nation-states is at the centre research, its application to the policy 2007, 2011; Bukhari et al. 2004; of policy debates on national identity, arena remains limited (Kong 2010; Cesari 2010; Deltombe 2005; Geisser political stability, and global security. Lobo 2010b, 2010c; Popke 2009). 2003; Habermas 1998; Modood et. al. 2006; Mouffe 1999; Roy 2007). This research provides both theoretical and empirical insights into belonging This focus on existing or potential and political engagement that conflict and its resolution, while are necessary for the democratic valuable in the case of acute conflict governance of diversity at various situations, prevents us from fully interdependent geographical scales, appreciating the role of routinized including the local neighbourhood, performances of religiosity in city the city, the nation, and the global spaces. Our project of embodied community. The theoretical engagements with places in the significance of this project stems

Figure 7 holding child, Eid prayers in Flagstaff Garden. Source: Islamic Council of Victoria (ICV)

18 Islamic Religiosity in the West THE CITY AS AN IMPORTANT UNIT OF ANALYSIS

Processes of globalisation A range of new and complex spatial citizenship and belonging are shaped have changed the dynamic of scales have displaced the nation as the (Peake & Rieker 2013, p. 36). A city is to the extent primary site of social analysis, with the not just a place to live in, it is closely city becoming the primary site in which implicated in daily decisions and that urbanisation needs to people are increasingly governed, actions that inform one’s ethics and be considered as a process; and come to perform their citizenship worldview: this relates to how one attending to the more dynamic (Amin & Thrift 1997; Brenner 2004; develops a sense of justice, how one transnational social and Peake & Rieker 2013; Smith 2002). learns to talk with and learn from cultural flows than hitherto people who are unlike oneself, or how a While the nation remains important human being becomes human (Sennett imagined. ‘in framing mobilities and desires of 1993, p. 83). Therefore, theories of […] subjects’ it is at the local and city the lived experiences in the city, and scales, and the everyday practices and of encounters in the public spaces intersubjective encounters therein, of the city, are also central to the where ‘humanness is delineated and theoretical framework for this study. engaged’ and where experiences of

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 19 20 Islamic Religiosity in the West METHODOLOGY

Approach is that, first, it values contingency and interview questions went beyond Recent studies of ethno-religious rather than causal mechanisms for the discursive and representational diversity in countries such as , understanding social life in the city. aspects of Muslim religiosity in the Britain, and Australia (Mansouri et Second, it conceptualises the past, national public sphere, offering more al. 2011) recognise that the future of present, and future of Western cities as nuanced understandings of religion multiculturalism as an ideology and interconnected, enabling the findings as a ‘lived’ ‘everyday’ experiences everyday practice is deeply intertwined from one city to pose questions in moulded through subjective with global geopolitics. Contemporary another (Ward 2010). In this project, negotiations and daily interactions such an approach has proved research highlights the impact of with others in public space. crucial for gaining nuanced in-depth geopolitics on public attitudes to Islam, understandings of agency, belonging, and on the experiences of Muslim Survey questions were divided into and political engagement that can migrants in the West (Abbas 2005; three sections, each corresponding to inform policy recommendations Jakubowicz 2007; Meer & Modood the main research themes. The first on the accommodation of Islamic 2008; Nesbitt-Larking 2008; Ramadan section asked questions about levels religiosity in Western cities. 2004; Turner 2006). This link to of religious practice and adherence, geopolitics is the reason traditional and the feelings that this produces comparative studies, that focus on Survey Questions towards Muslim and non-Muslim patterns, similarities, and differences The survey was designed to gain an communities. The second section in expressions of Islamic religiosity, understanding into how Muslims focussed on national and local spatial may not be adequate to understanding experience their religiosity in scales of belonging, comfort, and civic Muslim conceptions of selfhood, the context of Western secular engagement. This section also asked belonging, and political engagement. societies, where their allegiances whether Muslim religiosity shapes and commitment to national political or informs the types of citizens that To supplement existing comparative institutions are frequently in question. people are, or aspire to. The surveys scholarship, this project adopts a The questions sought to understand were completed using either an online relational comparative approach to how Muslim beliefs and practices or a hardcopy survey instrument. This identify, describe, and analyse religious shape experiences of belonging, civic method allowed respondents to either rituals and faith-based community participation, and political engagement complete the survey in the presence of participation among individual Western at multiple social scales of the city. By the researchers at a certain time and Muslims. The strength of this approach focusing on local spaces, the survey location, or in their own private time.

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 21 Interviews and Focus Groups we employed mixed methods to triangulate survey responses The interviews and focus groups were (survey, in-depth interviews, and and engage more deeply with designed to gain in-depth insights focus groups) and ethnographic hypothesised connections between into the experiences mapped in the techniques (participant observation, deep religious practice, community survey, therefore questions reflected visual methodologies). First, random, engagement, and active citizenship. the survey sections. The interviews (face-to-face and online), structured and focus groups were conducted by surveys were conducted with Muslims Secondary data were collected to one or more members of the research (aged 18 and above) in the three provide a contextual understanding of team and were undertaken mainly sites. The aim of this approach was community attitudes to ethno-religious in the local areas where participants to visualise, describe and analyse diversity in the selected locations. lived, for example in cafes, universities, the extent to which Islamic beliefs, The inclusion of Lyon/Grenoble/ and people’s homes. All interview values and faith-based participation Paris and Detroit, in addition to and focus group participants were contribute to conceptions of self, local/ Melbourne, is predicated on the diverse assigned pseudonyms to protect national belonging, and to explore approaches to social integration of their anonymity (see Appendices how spiritual/cultural religiosity religious minorities in France and for a full list of interview and among practising Muslims impedes USA in comparison to Australia. focus groups participants). or provides possibilities for political engagement in each site of study. Therefore insights from secondary The survey instrument was designed to data into state policies and societal Mixed Methods and Multi-Sited elicit socio-demographic information; attitudes to the accommodation of Ethnography to measure political participation, Islamic practices, particularly since This project draws on the diversity local/national belonging; self-identified the events of September 11, are of Muslim voices from three sites to levels of religiosity, depth and feelings necessary for understanding the urban explore the possibilities for viewing associated with religious practice; and contexts. Examples of secondary Islamic rituals and faith-based whether these subjective, experiential data collected include: demographic community participation, as more dimensions contributed to civic data (for example, census data), than just fixed ‘habitual acts of engagement and conceptualisations media reports, published documents reverence and obedience’ (Turner of the moral obligations of citizenship. (including policy documents and 2008, p. 124), but also as affective Survey participants were recruited with papers), organisational/administrative religious performance that make the assistance of partner organisations documentation, pamphlets, and belonging and political engagement in each of the three cities. The survey other promotional material. possible. Although there is an received 96 responses in Melbourne, 93 emerging theoretical literature on the responses in France and a much lesser significance of the affective dimension number of 48 responses in Detroit. of living with diversity, it is difficult to find a vocabulary that taps into these These findings were supplemented embodied and emotional experiences. with a qualitative research phase, utilising insights from participant Because the project aimed to elicit observation, photo-elicitation data capable of capturing the nuances techniques, focus groups, and semi- of participants’ lived experiences, structured in-depth interviews

Figure 8 Paris, France. Source Above: Participant

22 Islamic Religiosity in the West Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 23 RESEARCH SAMPLE

Research Data for this project were participants included Imams, Muslim in three sites: 96 respondents in collected using mixed methods community leaders (including the Australia, 93 in France and 48 in the approach. Several data collection coordinators of diverse community USA. While close to one-hundred techniques were employed across projects within Detroit), academics, participants were surveyed in Australia the three sites: individual interviews, mosque attendees and participants and France, only half this number focus groups, participant observation, at the Islamic Society of North participated in the survey in the USA. photo-elicitation techniques, and a America (ISNA) Annual conference, This discrepancy presented some survey questionnaire. A grand total held in Downtown Detroit in 2014. challenges for quantitative data of 378 people participated in all analysis in terms of comparability types of data collection activities. In France, individual interviews were and advanced regression analysis. conducted in three cities – Lyon, In Melbourne, Australia, 49 individual Grenoble, and Paris – with thirty-three Therefore, only descriptive statistics interviews were conducted to elicit representatives of diverse Islamic are presented in this report for rich qualitative data. Additionally, community organisations and their illustrative purposes. In many four focus groups were held with leaders. Community organisations cases, especially when describing 26 representatives of the Muslim included the Union of Young Muslims, the separate sites, actual numbers organisations. These included the the Islamic Association Al Islah, and (i.e. frequencies) of participants are Islamic Society of Deakin University the Collective Against Islamophobia presented instead of percentages. (ISDU), the Hazara Women’s Network, in France (Collectif Contre This is because the low number the Muslim Women’s Center for L’Islamophobie en France CCIF). of participants would render Human Rights (MWCHR), and Victorian the percentages incomplete and Arabic Social Services (VASS). Prior to the qualitative research misleading (see Figure 9). phase, individuals in each of the three In Detroit, USA, qualitative data were sites were approached to complete gathered via thirty-three individual survey questionnaires. Overall, 237 face-to-face interviews. Interview respondents completed the survey

Figure 9 Survey participants in three sites

Country Gender Age Country of Birth Self-Identity Ethnicity Total

F M 18 - 24 25+ Local Other Practising Non Cultural Arabic African South Other Muslim Practising Muslim East Muslim Asians US 36 9 28 20 30 15 39 1 2 13 5 5 15 48

France 31 55 24 69 63 21 71 8 2 62 2 3 15 93

Australia 47 49 43 53 47 49 80 8 1 30 10 9 38 96

TOTAL 114 113 95 142 140 85 190 17 5 105 17 17 68 237

24 Islamic Religiosity in the West In relation to the completed survey Figure 11 Close to a half of all respondents – 113 people (47.7 per cent) – were university questionnaires, gender representation Age distribution by site (frequencies) is equal for the overall sample of educated, while 25 respondents (10.5 114 females and 113 males. per cent) had professional education, 120 such as diplomas or certificates, and 43 respondents (18.3 per cent) had There were, however, differences in 100 --- 2 2--- high school education. Thirty-six how gender was represented among --- 1 80 6 16 respondents (15.2 per cent) had less the three sites. While in Australia, than high school education. University a gender balance was achieved 13 60 graduates were overrepresented in with 47 females and 49 males, in 33 Melbourne (59 people or 61.4 per cent) --- 2 42 France the number of males was 40 --- 3 compared to France (35 people or higher (F=31, M=55), and in the USA, 12 37.6 per cent) and the USA (19 people females significantly outnumbered 20 43 or 39.6 per cent) (see Figure 13). males (F=36, M=9) (see Figure 10). 28 24

USA FRA AUS Figure 13 Figure 10 Education by site (frequencies) 18 to 24 25 to 34 35 to 49 Gender Distribution by Site 50 to 59 60+ 100 (frequencies) 5

Regarding to countries of birth, 10 120 140 respondents (62.2 per cent) overall were born in their countries 22 100 80 of residence – Australia, USA, and 18 9 80 France – and 85 (37.8 per cent) were

49 born abroad. Locally-born participants 60 dominated in USA (30 versus 15 people) 55 60 3 and France (63 versus 21). In Australia, 17 40 9 an equal number of local- and foreign- 37 20 47 born respondents were represented 5 36 31 (47 versus 49 people) (see Figure 12). 9 40 6 4 USA FRA AUS Figure 12 13 Country of birth by site (frequencies) 4 Women Men No answer 17 11 8 120 20

100 The survey attracted mainly young 9 17 18 15 people and of those who participated 80 21 --- 1 in this survey, 95 (40.1 per cent) were 49 AUS FRA USA 18–24 years old and 142 (59.9 per 60 cent) were aged 25 years and above. 3 40 15 Did not attend school 63 Less than high school diploma The younger age group (18–24) 20 47 30 High School Diploma was well represented at all three Trade certificate sites: 28 18–24-year-olds (58.3 USA FRA AUS Assoc Diploma, Diploma, Certificate per cent) in the USA, 24 (25.8 per Bachelors Degree cent) in France and 43 (44.8 per Series 4 Series 5 Series 6 Masters Professional or Doctoral Degree cent) in Australia (see Figure 11). Country Other No answer No answer

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 25 Over half of respondents reported ‘Practising Muslims’, only 17 people Survey questions on ethnicity were being in full-time or part-time (8.0 per cent) as ‘Non-practising open-ended and generated a wide employment in all three sites. While Muslims’, and five people (2.4 per range of responses. Nonetheless, a considerable number of students cent) as ‘Cultural Muslims’. most respondents identified (36) responded to the survey in themselves as Arabic-speaking (105 Australia, fewer students were Similarly, a large number of people or 44.3 per cent). The next involved in the samples in France respondents in each country self- most represented ethno-cultural (13) and the USA (8) (see Figure 14). identified as ‘Practising Muslims’: background was equally split between 39 people (92.9 per cent) in the USA, African or African American and Figure 14 71 people (87.7 per cent) in France, South-East Asian (17 people or 7.1 Employment by Site and 80 respondents (89.9 per cent) per cent each) (see Figure 16). (frequencies) in Australia (see Figure 15).

120

100 Figure 16 16 80 36 Ethnicity by site Figure 15 13 (frequencies) 60 12 7 Religious Identity

8 by site (frequencies) 40 8 5 100 52 53 20 27 100 9 2 11 USA FRA AUS 5 --- 1 11 3 12 80 --- 1 --- 1 8 3 Employed Not employed Student 3 2 No answer 80 4 6 1 8 --- 4 9 2 60 4 A survey question on religious identity 3 60 included the following four options: 7

4 10 --- 1 1  ‘Practising Muslim’ 40 6 4 10 (I regularly engage in prayer, 2 80 --- 1 4 attend mosque etc.) 40 62 71 5 2  ‘Non-practising Muslim’ (I believe 4 3 in God but do not regularly engage 20 5 in religious rituals and practices) 30 20 39 3. ‘Cultural Muslim’ (I am a 13 Muslim by only) AUS FRA USA 4. Other AUS FRA USA Arabic African/African American Persian An overwhelming majority of European Afghani Indian respondents (190 people or 87 Practising Muslim Non-Practising Muslim Pakistan Sri Lankan South East Asian per cent) identified themselves as Cultural Muslim No answer Other White/Caucasian Other No answer

26 Islamic Religiosity in the West In all three sites, Arabic was the The surveys, triangulated with in-depth interviews, predominant language spoken focus groups, and experimental visual (and aural) at home by respondents. research data, provide empirical insights that highlight connections and tensions between everyday A clear majority of the French Islamic faith traditions, normative understandings respondents (56 people), a of citizenship, and political engagement in specific considerable number of the Australian urban settings. Yet the discrepancy in survey sample respondents (34 people), and a large sizes across the three sites presents methodological number of respondents from the limitations; with collected data not always USA (14 people) reported that they comparable or generalisable. For this reason, in this spoke Arabic at home. In contrast, report qualitative analysis will be presented with only 14 people in Australia, 11 people supporting quantitative analysis from survey data. in France, and 6 in the USA spoke only the language of their country of residence (see Figure 17).

Figure 17 Language spoken at home by site

100 3 --- 1 6 6 --- 1

12 Figure 18 80 Emir Sultan mosque, Cleeland Street, Dandenong (Melbourne). Source: Authors

60 34 56

9 40

14 14

11 6 20

26 19 19

AUS FRA USA

No answer Country language only Arabic Urdu Turkish Afghan Dari Other

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 27 RESEARCH SITES

28 Islamic Religiosity in the West MELBOURNE, AUSTRALIA

The first stage of data collection A range of new and complex spatial (25.7 per cent), Fawkner (24.4 per was conducted in Australia. Islam is the third largest religion in cent), and Dandenong (24.1 per cent). Australia after Christianity (61.1 per According to the 2011 Census, Socioeconomic indicators for these cent) and Buddhism (2.5 per cent). suburbs show that the vast proportion over 476,300 Muslims live in Although Christianity is still the of Muslims living in Melbourne Australia, making up 2.2 per major religion, it has experienced a are socially and economically cent of the total population steady decline in numbers since the disadvantaged in comparison to (ABS 2012). 1970s (ABS 2012). Commensurate the national average (ABS 2013). with this decline is the increase Yet, despite experiencing social in Australia’s religious diversity, marginalisation and disadvantage,

with the number of Australians rates of Australian citizenship among identifying with non-Christian religions Muslim Australians remain higher continuing to grow (Bouma 2006). than the national average (HREOC 2003). In the 2011 Census, when asked Most Muslims living in Australia to nominate their national identity, are concentrated in urban centres, 74.1 per cent of Australian Muslims predominantly Melbourne and Sydney. chose ‘Australian’ compared with A report published by the Australian 84.9 per cent of all Australians. Bureau of Statistics (ABS 2014) shows that the majority of migrants from It should be noted that some of Middle Eastern nations reside in these Muslims would have arrived the northern suburbs of Melbourne. in Australia only recently. It is likely These are predominantly Iraqi-born that, after completing the residency migrants, who are concentrated in and related requirements for Campbellfield (14 per cent), Roxburgh becoming Australian citizens, more Park (13 per cent) and Coolaroo of these migrants would identify as (11 per cent). A large proportion Australian (Hassan & Lester 2015). of Lebanese migrants also reside in Campbellfield (8 per cent), In this project, the City of Greater Figure 19 while Dallas and Meadow Heights Delivery of interfaith class Dandenong was selected as the to schoolchildren. Emir are home to a large proportion of primary Australian site for the Sultan mosque, Cleeland Turkish-born migrants. The area St., Dandenong (Melbourne), of Greater Dandenong in the city’s empirical data collection. This interior. Source: Authors south has a large number of Afghan- Melbourne municipality is of interest born residents (12 per cent), many because it is the most culturally of whom arrived as humanitarian diverse municipality in greater migrants. Melbourne, and the second most culturally diverse municipality in Though country of birth is not always Australia overall. This high level of an accurate predictor of religious diversity is also found among the affiliation, the ABS data also reflect Muslim community residing there. the geographic distribution of It was anticipated that the data Melbourne’s Muslim population, collected at this site would generate a with Dallas in Melbourne’s north- benchmark understanding of Islamic western suburbs having the highest faith-based and community practices. number of Muslim residents (45.3 Data were also collected in the City per cent of total population), followed of Hume, Darebin, Frankston, inner by Meadow Heights (42.1 per cent Melbourne (primarily via university of total population), Broadmeadows Islamic societies), and online.

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 29 DETROIT, USA

The city of Detroit, in Michigan, economy reached its lowest point in of Detroit represent the mobility and USA, was selected for the 2013 when the city declared bankruptcy. regeneration of communities in the second stage of ethnographic These historical circumstances however city. Participants in this study reported research because Detroit is led participants there to nominate this as generating a strong level of home to one of the largest place and community as significant social acceptance of Detroit’s Muslim sources of resistance and resilience. communities as well as fostering a metropolitan Muslim sense of belonging, which participants populations in the USA Muslim communities in Detroit are felt would not be found in other US cities. according to the census (2014). largely based around mosques that serve particular ethnic and denominational Detroit’s history as a city, marked communities. The Building Islam in by continual waves of migration and In addition, Dearborn, Michigan – a Detroit project (2016) reports that there settlement, shows evidence of ethnic city located in the Detroit metropolitan are more than 50 mosques in Detroit. and racial separation: it’s diverse Muslim area – is estimated to have the largest These mosques have long histories, communities are often geographically number of residents of Arab background/ and participants spoke of them as concentrated according to ethnicity Muslim faith in any city outside of the spaces of hope and renewal. Islam and race. Separation is also visible in . These figures however has special significance for the African religious congregations, mosques tend are difficult to confirm, as there is no American community in Detroit, given to be more ethnically homogenous than category for Arab ethnicity in the census its deep historical association with Black they are mixed. This is also reflected data, rather Arab background residents empowerment movements born from in the language used for delivering are classified as ‘white’. Despite the Great Depression; Detroit is home sermons; Imams provide sermons in the this, there is significant civil society to Nation of Islam Temple Number One, language of the community, rather than representation of the Arab community, established in 1930 (Baker et al. 2004; in Arabic (the language of the Qur’an) or particularly in Dearborn, with many Bagby 2004; PFFRPL 2007). In addition, English. For example, Aisha (25–30-year- research participants speaking of their Islam in Detroit has been sustained by old female, Latina revert) spoke about involvement in the local Arab community waves of migration from Lebanon, Iraq, a large Latino Muslim community and welfare organisations such as the Syria, and Yemen dating back to the in Detroit and their ability to hear Arab Community Center for Economic industrialisation of the northern cities sermons and receive written religious and Social Services (ACCESS). of the USA when the car manufacturing materials in the Spanish language. industry was dependent on both Detroit is a city that has gone Black and migrant labour from Middle More recently, tensions in Detroit through several historical upheavals Eastern countries and elsewhere. have developed along sectarian lines, associated with industrialisation, de- these have arisen from international industrialisation, fluctuating waves In recent years, new arrivals from conflicts, and particularly those taking of migration, and racial tensions; in Lebanon, Iraq, Syria, and Bosnia place in Iraq and Syria. This sometimes particular the race riots of the 1940s and have settled in Detroit following results in hostile relations between 1960s. In recent times, Detroit has been displacements caused by war and the predominantly Shia populations of heavily associated with the urban decline conflict. Further, recent migrations from Detroit, and the predominantly Sunni of the USA’s manufacturing cities, which Pakistan, India, , and Latin populations of Hamtramck, Detroit, has seen its population shrink to an American countries have contributed and the outer suburbs. One research estimated 700,000 people in 2014 (when to a multiethnic, multifaith renewal in participant identified these tensions as data for this project was collected). some areas of Detroit. For example, ‘faultlines’, which, together with race and Industrial decline has contributed to while Dearborn’s communities are class, form a barrier to intercultural/ what has become known as ‘white flight’, long established, migration in Detroit interfaith harmony and the strengthening as an increasing number of affluent, and Hamtramck has resulted in the of community ties in Detroit. predominantly white residents move repurposing of abandoned buildings, to neighbouring cities. This means with newly arrived communities that 82 per cent of the city’s residents setting up their own places of are now African American. The Detroit worship. In this sense, the mosques

30 Islamic Religiosity in the West Figure 20 The Muslim Center in Detroit, USA. Source: Authors

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 31 LYON GRENOBLE PARIS, FRANCE

France was selected for the recruitment from these three countries It is estimated that the largest second stage of ethnographic in the 1960s and 1970s. Algerian practicing Muslim communities in research due to its long history migration to France began in 1968, France are French citizens of North followed by waves of migrants from African heritage. Many of them live of immigration from the former Morocco and Tunisia that intensified in the cities of Paris, Marseille, Lyon, French colonies in North Africa. in the early 1970s. Sub-Saharan Grenoble, and Lille (Andre, Mansouri Africans, mostly from the former & Lobo 2015). Most migrants to French colonies of Mali and Senegal, France settled in places where One of the main characteristics of also became a major source of accommodation was cheap – such as French Muslims is their relative immigration from 1979 onwards. These the Northern suburbs (banlieues) of sectarian homogeneity; the large initial and large migration flows were Paris comprising the département majority are Sunni Muslims, despite predominantly made up of single adult of Seine-Saint-Denis together their diverse ethnic and national males under 30 years of age, brought with the 18ème, 19ème and 20ème backgrounds. The majority of French to France (and other parts of Europe) to arrondissements. The word banlieue Muslims migrated from the Maghreb bolster its unskilled labour force. The has increasingly become synonymous following national independence in late 1970s and 1980s saw an increase with concentrated areas of migrants Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia during in female migration following the and associated with poverty and the 1950s and 1960s, and in response institution of family reunion migration disadvantage to a proactive French policy of labour policies (see Figure 21).

Figure 21 French muslim population by country of origin

Website of INSEE (French National Institue for Economic Studies and Statistics), last 2012 census confirmed data unless otherise stated.www.insee.fr.

POPULATION SIZE

2,000,000 1,750,000

1,500,000

950,000 1,000,000

425,000 500,000 407,000 375,000 10,000 10,000

ALGERIA MOROCCO TUNISIA TURKEY AFRICAN/INDIAN ASIA OTHERS OCEAN

32 Islamic Religiosity in the West In terms of employment outcomes and and more specifically a sharp spike in social mobility, one-third of Muslim Islamophobic incidents, evident, for citizens in France are in full-time example, in the weeks following the employment mainly in low-skilled Charlie Hebdo attacks. factory work (32.9 per cent) and other blue-collar jobs. Compared to the In the context of secular France, overall French population, Muslims it is important to note that while are also on average younger, with over most Muslims identify as being of 60 per cent aged 18–34. ‘Muslim culture’ or of ‘Muslim origin’ they do not necessarily self-identify In France places of worship have as ‘practising Muslims’. In fact, an been built gradually over time. In important empirical distinction must Figure 22 recent years, an increased number of Mosque in France. be made between those who maintain Source: Authors mosques and places of worship have Islamic belief at a cultural level and been constructed, often changing those who routinely practise religious the centre of gravity for the whole rituals such as prayers, observance communities. The earlier mosques of Ramadan, and adherence to strict were smaller and not always dietary requirements, such as the considered by their communities to consumption of food and non- be centres for practising faith. Until alcoholic drinks. recently, the official authorisations needed to build places of worship have According to a French study conducted been difficult to obtain, and financial in 2011, 75 per cent of the respondents obstacles to their construction remain. who identified as of ‘Muslim origin’ It was only after a long struggle for also identified as believers, but only recognition, that a mosque was built 41 per cent indicated that they perform in the Muslim-majority area of Saint religious rituals; of these, 25 per Denis, a subprefecture of Seine-Saint- cent reported attending mosque, and Denis, in Paris. 34 per cent declared that they did not The recent demands imposed on follow religious rituals at all (Andre, French Muslims to publicly express Mansouri & Lobo 2015). The remaining their solidarity with the French individuals of ‘Muslim origin’ in the Republic and dissociate themselves 2011 French study declared that they from radicalised groups and had no religious affiliation and were organisations in the aftermath of the simply of ‘Muslim culture’. In many Charlie Hebdo terrorist attacks on ways then, Islamic religiosity in 7 January 2015, reflect the lingering France has become an individualistic tensions between the state, Muslims rather than communitarian pursuit. and Islam in secular France (Andre, While children of migrants have not Mansouri & Lobo 2015). France has themselves experienced migration, been struggling to come to terms with they have a direct relation with the a changing religious landscape in migratory experience of their parents. which Islam, now the second religion This experience finds some of its there and a salient feature of the social expression in the transmission of their and cultural milieu, is nonetheless, due parents’ cultural and religious heritage to secular politics, never acknowledged in relation to Islamic religiosity. as such. Tied to this is an increasing rate of ethnically-motivated crime,

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 33 COMPARATIVE INSIGHTS

34 Islamic Religiosity in the West SELF, IDENTITY, AND ISLAMIC RITUALS

Contemporary debates about Muslim Diasporas frequently focus on the question of whether Muslims living in the West have the capacity to be fully active citizens while maintaining their religious obligations.

These representations characterise Participants in all three research sites "My faith is no different to those Islamic religiosity as having a shared the perception that Islam and human values that society transcendent orientation that Islamic practices nourish a grounded kind of enforces. It’s all a part presents obstacles to more secular sense of social justice, responsibility, approaches to citizenship; questioning and respect for the rights of others of my faith anyway. So I don’t Muslims’ capacity to extend forms of including non-Muslim neighbours, feel as though my faith, deters solidarity, social connectedness, and co-citizens, and the environment. me or excludes me, in any belonging beyond their ethno-religious sense. Islam also encourages community and to the public spaces This is the universal dimension of [… to] love thy neighbour and where they live and work in the West. Islamic belief and values that Tariq Ramadan (2004) has spoken of, which, respect your elderly and to These characterisations of Muslim through embodied and communal ritual love animals and trees. And Diasporas in the West are challenged practices, connect worshipper to the all that is encouraged. So it in this study, with its focus on the places and communities where they live. is part of my faith anyway, embodied and subjective dimensions so I don’t feel as though I’m of Islam. In fact, this study has found While neighbourliness is integral to disadvantaged, excluded, or […] that Islamic practices contribute to the Muslim faith, some participants strong intra-community bonds, and felt that it was not a value specific yeah, apart from anything else. to an ethical orientation of care and to Islam, but rather was found in Different yes, but that’s ok, I like respect for non-Muslim neighbours most faith cultures as well as the differences. And that’s what and others who share the social space. values of people without faith: multiculturalism is all about, it’s those differences." Jemimah, 33, Turkish background female, born in Australia, Melbourne

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 35 A wide range of participants reported On the other hand, participants contributed to a sense of precarious justice is a central precept, grounded identified negative media images life and belonging. Meanwhile in not only in examples from the Qur’an of Islam and Muslim communities Detroit, despite the well-established and the , but also in everyday as important barriers to feelings of status of Islam there, tied as it is to encounters. Islamic scholars and social connection and belonging in the the social fabric and history of Detroit, reformers such as Ramadan (2005) places where they live. They regarded the separation of the main ethnic speak about the importance of equality the negative images that circulate in Muslim populations into discrete and social justice. They believe that the media as fuelling misconceptions geographic communities – except as a universal principle it creates about their faith, and in more extreme for some culturally diverse pockets connections and solidarity between cases as leading to racist encounters – likewise contributed to anxieties Muslims and non-Muslims alike. reflective of intolerance and social around intercultural encounters As Ramadan (2005, p.149) explains, exclusion: in certain spaces and contexts. Islam is not a religion that encourages solitary prayer or devotion to God "There is a Muslim identity and Conversely, in Melbourne, and in without also fulfilling responsibilities then an American identity rests some geographic areas of Detroit to the broader society: ‘at the heart on a false social construction and France, ethnically and religiously diverse suburbs and neighbourhoods of the message of Islam, there is no of identity labels. … You have part of Muslim ritual, from prayer to were found to increase the sense of probably heard of the book social connection, comfort, and civic the pilgrimage to , that does ‘Clash of Civilisations’ … a not emphasise—even prioritise— belonging for participants, and to nourish expressions of Islamic faith. the collective dimension’. Thus, the lot of that represents the old development of social ethics and Orientalist ideas about viewing Engagement in specific obligatory the protection of social rights is a ‘Others’ that aren’t white. […] In and non-obligatory communal significant endeavour for practising the book ‘Clash of Civilisations’ religious practices (for example, Muslims. Samuel Huntington does a very attending Friday prayers at the sloppy job of methodologically mosque) that heightened the visibility breaking down these groups. of Muslim community members in And a lot of that language still the public space are particularly sticks with us today." important to experiences of social Figure 23 connection and belonging. Muslim Cultural Centre Sadiq, Detroit in Grenoble, France. Source: Participant Therefore, the analysis here will begin by examining communal, spatial, and As anticipated, variations across relational dimensions of Islamic rituals the three sites in terms of the and practices. This will be followed by a accommodation of religious ritual more geographically sensitive analysis and practice, as well as the levels of the places and neighbourhoods of cultural diversity in the places in in which participants live, engaging which people lived, led to different with participants’ perceived experiences and outcomes. For connection to or disengagement example, in France, secular laws from their neighbourhoods. prohibiting the wearing of religious symbols in some government buildings that seek to render religious The Mosque as a Spatial Form expression private and maintain of Belonging and Connection the geographic separation of many In the Melbourne research site, Muslim communities in the banlieues data collection commenced during from the mainstream population, Ramadan and consequently a large

36 Islamic Religiosity in the West focus of the discussions about Islamic "Living individually selfish life providing the use of a room or space communal ritual practices centred on is in fact not human life. As a for prayer or by allowing Muslim Ramadan. human being we have to be employees the time to engage in worship, encouraged strong feelings Yet, Ramadan was also discussed as a active socially—we have to of social inclusion, acceptance, and significant period by members in the know each other and we have belonging. Detroit research sample, who reported to work together. So we have that it fostered social connections to to educate people […] We live Participants in the Melbourne sample the mosque, neighbours, and place. for others." especially noted that policies around the provision of spaces and time Ramadan as a practice is associated Abdul Latif, 50+ year old male, were often implemented in public Bengali background, Detroit with the attainment of individual institutions and private workplaces spiritual states of humility and in Australia, where respect and compassion for the needy; indeed, accommodation of the right to Interpersonal neighbourliness and the practice of fasting is thought to practice faith is institutionalised. community organisations: Participants activate feelings of social responsibility described several social spaces where and care, as well as compassion and Participants, reflecting on their rituals and practices such as daily experiences as Muslim employees shared vulnerability with those living prayers, ritual cleansing or , there, reported that these affordances in poverty and disadvantage. attending Friday sermon, or wearing made them feel included and the hijab are performed, marking accepted, and enhanced their feelings The stimulation of these spiritual participants as visibly Muslim to non- of equal belonging and respect. states through embodied acts is Muslim citizens and eliciting either complemented by an increased positive or negative responses. obligation to serve the community "There is a room for me and I through volunteering, giving charity, Significant among these spaces, where might add – I'm the only one and looking after the needs of public responses were experienced –and there is room for me. neighbours. The following quotes most acutely, were the workplace, That’s the wellbeing room. And school, and everyday public spaces from participants across the research I'm the one that uses it mostly sites emphasise an active civic, (parks, public transport, and libraries). Variations between the three sites – for my prayers. And they know spatial, and relational dimension to each of which responded to unique the core, obligatory, Islamic practices when I pray and they don’t civic and national cultures shaped and values: schedule meetings when it's by differences in social and political accommodation of rights and freedom my prayer time, stuff like that, "Loving one’s neighbour […] all to religious practice – resulted in very so it's very accommodating." this is linked to our religiosity different outcomes for participants. Bashar, 50, central African background and that we can achieve in male, born in Ghana, Melbourne our everyday life. As is the Work: The first social space in which possibility to provide food, which engaging in private or communal would often be the case in Lyon. religious practices provoked feelings One participant however spoke of a of either inclusion or exclusion was situation where he was responsible There are many organisations the workplace. In the first instance, for making recommendations for a who provide food for homeless and common across all three sites, the multifaith prayer space in a public people …. We, as Muslims, we workplace was a crucial public venue institution. Even though this was the do it because we are guided by for the practice of prayer. reason for his employment, he was our religious values." not able to take the time to engage in Accommodation by management obligatory prayer himself, because it Dunia, Lyon and staff in the workplace, either by clashed with the busy work schedule:

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 37 "In my workplace it can be Any refusal must be justified with "There are different activities. quite busy and it depends factual motives. In this study, They always strive to follow several participants indicated that on who you work with, your in reality they face some measure of the triangulation of Islam, colleagues and some of the misunderstanding from their co- that is to say, rectify human workload, you know… there's workers and managers who do not see relationships … First of the importance of these rituals for their always meetings and meetings expression of faith. all, towards God. … Faith and it's difficult." translates outward by real , 33, African background male, Since Trade Unions are not vocal on acts, such as religious matters of faith, Muslims employees in born in Ghana, Melbourne practices, rituals and France hide when they pray or wait to go home to do so: applications and also by good behaviour. Therefore, the Ali’s need to pray in the workplace Mosque: Participants cited the mosque second component which we was not respected and this affects as a central place for connection, his confidence and self-esteem work on is to rectify human reflection, and belonging; particularly in ways that result in feelings of relationships towards other during Ramadan and Eid: marginalisation. This feeling registers people, towards the creatures particularly in the French sample. "Eid is something special. … You of God, towards others who Participants in France who wished to have a different culture." pray five times a day often had to find meet with people, you engage the venue and time to do so without with people you have not seen Amam, Lyon the support of the state, employers, in the community. It brings or trade unions. people together to engage with "At the Muslim centre I mean the Muslim community as well, it – their door is always "France has relegated religious other sheiks and other Imams, open. … The Imam does a practice strictly to the private other cultural organisations. lot of outreach—he does a sphere. As one participant In Dandenong it’s open to lot of dealing with the other noted: ‘I’m fasting in Ramadan neighbours and open to locals." communities. Everybody of course; I’m praying five Masjid, 28, Albanian/Greek knows him and so that is times a day but when I work, background male, born in helping to break down a few I usually wait to go to home to Australia, Melbourne of those barriers I think." pray because I don’t have time Atif, Detroit to do that at work." The iftar dinners (an evening meal Awf, Moroccan background, born in when Muslims end their daily France, Paris. French public servants, Ramadan fast at sunset) that are held who are obliged to adopt a neutral by mosques during Ramadan – as position regarding religion, cannot well as on mosque open days and claim adjustments to their work interfaith events – also demonstrate conditions. the civic function of the mosque in communicating the central values of Islam and encouraging civic activity, Nonetheless in the private sector, labour laws demand that companies broader intercultural engagement, and respect freedom of religion, except in harmony. For the Imams, this is more cases involving proselytism, health or than good community relations, it is one safety concerns, or the correct planning of the foundations of the faith to be a and execution of a work project. good neighbour:

38 Islamic Religiosity in the West In France over the last decade, the Participants who lived in areas with construction of mosques and other limited places of worship – ranging places of worship has emerged as from cellars in an apartment block, a contentious issue. With the 1905 a simple room in a building, or a French law on the Separation of the dedicated room opened in a Muslim Churches and State, France was shop – indicated a preference for formally established as a secular praying at home. In Paris, however, state, and as such, it does not fund the Muslim community confronted the construction of religious buildings with inadequate facilities often have no options but to pray in the streets France’s religious buildings predating especially during the Friday sermons. the Separation, mostly Catholic Churches, have heritage listings and are thus maintained on public funds. "Here in France, we do not have enough places of worship There are other such occasions … For example, last Friday, when the construction of religious I was in Paris and I went to buildings is authorised and paid for pray in one of the places Figure 24 with government funds, but authorities This is the new mosque of Saint- have generally been unwilling to direct dedicated to prayer but it was Denis in Paris. The building is under these funds to the building of mosques. full. It was not sufficient for construction but the mayor let Muslims pray there for Eid prayers Religious venues are very dependent on the number of people who and . It will be the first time a city’s mayoral support and good will. came to pray, so people had Saint-Denis will have a proper no choice but to pray in the mosque and not only a basement or "Twenty years ago, there were something like that for Muslims to street and afterwards, they [the pray’ (interviewee, St Denis, Paris). not many mosques, especially politicians] say that Muslims Source: Participant in Lyon, there were not many are not disciplined." prayer rooms but thanks to God, it has progressed." Akif, born in Mali, Lyon Laurent, Lyon

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 39 Interfaith Dialogue that faith communities share, and involved in interfaith groups after As noted by Bilici (2012) prior to providing a language through which September 11. Before this event she September 11, Muslim religious Islamophobia might be addressed was not involved in any community leaders and community members in and challenged. organisations, either Muslim or the USA were not great participants in non-Muslim. the interfaith scene. Since September The Imams and community leaders 11, there has been an awakened interviewed in Melbourne also Her exposure to racism and hatred recognition that interfaith dialogue and expressed a significant commitment immediately following September 11, outreach provides a key avenue for to interfaith dialogue. They regarded along with a letter of support that she increasing the capacity of Muslims to interfaith dialogue as more than simply received at this time, encouraged her become actively engaged citizens. It an activity that sends a good message, to become involved in groups working it is, also, a requirement of living in a enables Muslims to build political and towards harmony between the Muslim multifaith/multicultural society: social capital with other religious and and non-Muslim communities. She civil society organisations, to gain the ultimately joined and became a board attention of political parties as subjects "The first thing … we teach member of the Islamic Council of with rights, and to increase harmony is family, respect parents, Victoria: within the broader political community. In particular, Interfaith activism is respect who come to mosque, used as a platform for grounding also friends, and non-Muslim Basheema: I wrote a letter to the Islam in the religious landscape, friends cause they study in newspaper basically condemning what had happened at September addressing misconceptions about the schools… We are teaching Islam found the West, and increasing 11th but also stating that I was the legitimacy of Islam as a Western respect. Our slogan is respect. absolutely devastated that I was religion. Bilici (2012) regards interfaith We do the interfaith mosque no longer treated as a fellow dialogue and action as powerful means tour… Also non-Muslim Australian. I love this country, I of addressing Islamophobia in the students come here when they was born here, I have always tried USA, while providing a vocabulary for are studying religion in year my utmost to be an upright citizen strengthening inclusion and equal and it’s unfair and tragic I was citizenship, all of which responds to the nine and ten so they go to some being punished for the acts of a emphasis placed on religion in US civil Greek Orthodox Church, the few evil individuals. So, writing that society and formal politics. Catholic Church, also coming letter was extremely therapeutic, here. So we try our best to but what was life changing was a In Melbourne, interfaith networks letter that I received from a couple have also become a popular means for explain what we are doing here and we accept all their who live in Eden Hills in South increasing public and civic engagement Australia. … And they basically and addressing misconceptions that questions, sometimes funny, wrote to show their support for lead to Islamophobia. For example, but youth you know?" the Muslim community. They the participants in Melbourne viewed completely changed my whole interfaith dialogue as an important Imam Salih Dogan, Melbourne mindset […] And then I went to vehicle for community engagement, outreach and (preaching of the Muslim Women’s Association, Islam) as well as to build leadership This link between interfaith dialogue I’d never been there, and I said: skills and enhanced confidence in and the development of leadership ‘What can I do? I want to help’. one’s faith. skills was also emphasised by And the lady there gave me a pile several other interviewees, for of beautiful letters just like the Participants understood individual whom interfaith activities acted as one I had received. And when I involvement in interfaith activities a stepping-stone to more active had finished responding to those to provide many benefits, primarily forms of political participation and letters, I had to respond to a whole enhancing respect for people from community leadership. Basheema, an bunch of emails, and it was, it was different faiths and cultures, while also Arabic-speaking background female so, so good, because every time I’d deepening recognition of the values participant from Melbourne, became go out and encounter some kind

40 Islamic Religiosity in the West of nastiness, I’d come home and the whole ‘love thy neighbour’ "Well for me Islam is immerse myself in those beautiful concept." everything. Being a Muslim letters and it would just make all the hurt go away. […] So that really Alia, 30, Turkish background female, is a way of life, it permeates reaffirmed to me the need to get born in Turkey, Melbourne all aspects of our life, family, involved in the community and to do work, friendships, everything is something at the grassroots levels. determined by our religion, as Participants spoke of the meanings well as the rituals part of it." Interfaith dialogue is for many a form and significance common to many of civic participation that gained religious practices, such as fasting, Bashar, 50, central African currency in the post-September 11 prayer and pilgrimage. background male, born in Ghana, landscape. It provided an avenue for Melbourne the Muslim community to become These expressions of faith are, in more connected and actively involved different ways, tied to issues of social "It offers a feeling a connection as citizens, as well as the platforms justice. In Islam, for example, the through which coalitions of support pilgrimage to Mecca (hajj) is described […], a belonging, a meaning, might be built. Whilst this was initially as an embodiment of the moral a focus in my life that is in response to a negative and wounding teachings of the Prophet Mohammed, connected to God. It influences event, Alia, a 30-year-old woman in the giving of alms (zakat) and other Melbourne with a Turkish background, I guess how I behave and charitable work during Ramadan described it as an opportunity for the interact with everything is central to creating equality and Muslim community to ‘open it’s doors’ else after that […] it's like and allow people to see the values cultural justice. shared across faith communities: a gravitational pull towards The significant role that Islam plays something." "Interfaith is something that in shaping the subjective and agentic dimensions of self-identity emerged Abbas, 35–49, Arabic-speaking we forgot to do as Muslims and as an overarching theme across background male, unfortunately it took a tragic the research sample. Participants Melbourne event like 9-11 to realise people indicated that daily rituals and are afraid of us and that’s practices contributed to developing and "I pray five times a day; I fast in because they don’t know us nurturing the relationship between God Ramadan, I try to go as much as and the individual. This relationship I can to the mosque, especially and that’s because we probably was reported as being a substantial, if haven't really opened our doors not central, aspect of the participants’ on Friday for the Friday to each other. So I was involved self-identity, worldview, way of dealing prayer…. I’m also living Islam with just maybe one or two with hardship, and what Johns, in my everyday life because programs before that but after Mansouri & Lobo (2015) term the Islam is a part of myself." September 11th I just kind of ‘ethical orientation towards others’. The centrality of this relationship Awf, Moroccan background, exploded in really trying to do between God and the individual is born in France, Paris as many programs as possible. frequently ‘a whole way of life’ (Ali, And you know this goes for all 33, African background male, born different faith communities… in Ghana, Melbourne). In describing In France, youth, especially long-term the core of Interfaith, and I the subjective dimension of Islamic resident youth, are very involved in the guess maybe the core of so religiosity, participants in all three life of their local mosque, reporting sites referred to Islam as a ‘way of that mosque attendance quells any many religions is – it sounds life’, and a ‘part of myself’ that affects anger and outrage they experience; very rosy but it really is just all relationships and activities, both providing solace and contributing to love. And Interfaith is I guess worldly and spiritual: inner peace. In contrast, new arrivals

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 41 of nastiness, I’d come home and love. And Interfaith is I guess "Well for me Islam is immerse myself in those beautiful the whole ‘love thy neighbour’ everything. Being a Muslim letters and it would just make all concept." is a way of life, it permeates the hurt go away. […] So that really reaffirmed to me the need to get Alia, 30, Turkish background female, all aspects of our life, family, involved in the community and to born in Turkey, Melbourne work, friendships, everything do something at the grassroots is determined by our religion, levels. as well as the rituals part of it." Participants spoke of the meanings Interfaith dialogue is for many a form and significance common to many Bashar, 50, central African of civic participation that gained religious practices, such as fasting, background male, born in Ghana, currency in the post-September 11 prayer and pilgrimage. Melbourne landscape. It provided an avenue for the Muslim community to become These expressions of faith are, in "It offers a feeling a connection more connected and actively involved different ways, tied to issues of social […], a belonging, a meaning, as citizens, as well as the platforms justice. In Islam, for example, the a focus in my life that is through which coalitions of support pilgrimage to Mecca (hajj) is described might be built. Whilst this was initially as an embodiment of the moral connected to God. It influences in response to a negative and wounding teachings of the Prophet Mohammed, I guess how I behave and event, Alia, a 30-year-old woman in the giving of alms (zakat) and other interact with everything Melbourne with a Turkish background, charitable work during Ramadan else after that […] it's like described it as an opportunity for the is central to creating equality and Muslim community to ‘open it’s doors’ cultural justice. a gravitational pull towards and allow people to see the values something." shared across faith communities: The significant role that Islam plays Abbas, 35–49, Arabic-speaking in shaping the subjective and agentic background male, "Interfaith is something that dimensions of self-identity emerged Melbourne we forgot to do as Muslims and as an overarching theme across unfortunately it took a tragic the research sample. Participants indicated that daily rituals and "I pray five times a day; I fast event like 9-11 to realise people practices contributed to developing and in Ramadan, I try to go as are afraid of us and that’s nurturing the relationship between God much as I can to the mosque, because they don’t know us and the individual. This relationship especially on Friday for the was reported as being a substantial, if and that’s because we probably Friday prayer…. I’m also haven't really opened our doors not central, aspect of the participants’ self-identity, worldview, way of dealing living Islam in my everyday to each other. So I was involved with hardship, and what Johns, life because Islam is a part with just maybe one or two Mansouri & Lobo (2015) term the of myself." programs before that but after ‘ethical orientation towards others’. September 11th I just kind of The centrality of this relationship Awf, Moroccan background, born in France, Paris exploded in really trying to do between God and the individual is frequently ‘a whole way of life’ (Ali, as many programs as possible. 33, African background male, born And you know this goes for all in Ghana, Melbourne). In describing In France, youth, especially long-term different faith communities… the subjective dimension of Islamic resident youth, are very involved in the the core of Interfaith, and I religiosity, participants in all three life of their local mosque, reporting sites referred to Islam as a ‘way of that mosque attendance quells any guess maybe the core of so life’, and a ‘part of myself’ that affects anger and outrage they experience; many religions is – it sounds all relationships and activities, both providing solace and contributing to very rosy but it really is just worldly and spiritual: inner peace. In contrast, new arrivals

42 Islamic Religiosity in the West to the research sites from Bangladesh, Although it is not possible to generalise where Muslims ‘take on hate’ and Pakistan, Somalia, and Mali are less about the atmosphere across the use a ‘mipsterz’ (Muslim hipsters) likely to pray regularly in the mosque selected sites, in Detroit, Muslims to challenge racialised for reasons related to work and overall came across as resilient and stereotypes. Indeed, young Muslims livelihoods. hopeful, even though many of them in all research sites asserted their struggle to survive. In Lyon, Grenoble, right to belong through creative They visit the mosque during Ramadan and Paris, Muslims felt racialised, interventions. In Detroit, or festivals. Meanwhile in Detroit, even though Islam is rendered is an intervention that rails against the mosque was reported as being invisible by the state. In France anger the demonetisation of Islam and the more welcoming of mature-aged men and outrage found their expression racialisation of Muslims – ‘boom it and women. Nonetheless most new through different forms of resistance wasn’t me!’. In France, rap music mosques in Detroit are multifunctional that express dissent and calls for enables Muslims to cry out ‘don’t social spaces with basketball courts, recognition. Meanwhile in Melbourne, panic I’m Muslim’. Stand-up comedy is gyms, and meeting rooms for interfaith expressions of migrant gratitude another way for Muslims to speak out, gatherings as well as weddings. These are more common than expressions with humour creating connections, newer spaces are more likely to be of dissent. Yet dissent was also understanding, and dialogue frequented by youth. In Melbourne, seen as central to collective action across faiths. mosques are particularly busy during and creative citizenship in public Ramadan and Eid. spaces and on social media forums,

Figure 25 Grande Mosquee de Lyon, France. Source: Authors

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 43 Prayer soul. It promotes individual self- These subjective experiences of As noted by Bilici (2012) prior to development, spiritual development, religiosity contrast with the French Participants reported the benefits of the development of inner strength, context, where the secular politics prayer and other ritual practices for moral character, and the capacity and laws of the French Republic nourishing feelings of inner peace, to overcome hardships in life. When produce less positive experiences of spiritual centred-ness, connection speaking of the personal significance everyday religiosity. Some participants with God, and self-knowledge. and value of prayer, participants in France perceived these secular Prayers were also seen to increase agreed that it is ‘spiritual food’ that laws as a barrier, not only to public health and wellbeing. The place develops discipline and good moral expressions of religiosity, but also set aside for religious practice was character. The personal and emotional to their feelings of freedom, agency, experienced as an emotional space, benefits were experienced as a feeling and hope. Nonetheless, even under with one participant reporting that of peace, inspiring humility, patience, circumstances where participants’ it helped in ‘recharging the spiritual self-confidence, and increased self- freedom to practise was pressured, batteries’. These practices shape the esteem. Participants found that these Islam was experienced as a source of foundation of Muslim identity, values, feelings encouraged respect, care, and inner strength, as were practices of and worldview from which other responsibility towards others. resistance to structures that impact on relationships and social ties follow: the dignity and liberty of the individual: While this understanding of faith as "It’s (prayers) very important – a source of subjective nourishment, "Islam brings values on my it refreshes you. All of this mad, inner strength, and resilience was daily life that’s for sure, but found in all sample sites, participants’ it’s more like in my behaviour mad world out here and you experiences were unevenly shaped every day, in my work ethics, – you stop and do your prayers by the contrasting political structures in the way I behave with other and it’s – like a new beginning." and social policies for accommodating people […] also it plays a role religious difference at each in my resistance because Atif, 69, African American revert, location. For example, policies of Detroit multiculturalism shape the liberal and we have a very hard work, I secular political landscape in Australia work a lot and sometimes it’s in such a way that – notwithstanding exhausting and sometimes "I think that the praying is a intersubjective and structural you feel hopeless. So it is very form of timeout and it is just experiences of racism and Islamophobia important to have Islam to give the chance to recharge. … If I’m that are associated with a changing you strength to continue your geopolitical climate since September 11 praying … the physical action work and to behave correctly, – participants experienced the freedom to be respectful, to be a better means I’ve got to imagine I'm to practise their faith as a core aspect of talking to my Lord now and it their identity: person every day." sort of pushes everything else Madiha, 27, out of your mind – so for me "I am proud to live in … a host Paris it’s a timeout and it’s a way to society that is accommodating, sort of really be disciplined and just and fair to my needs to really focussed on myself." practise my faith. Secularism Wasila, Indonesian background female, in certain countries around the born in Australia, Melbourne world is very prevalent; I think in Australia it is just taken for granted, it is not imposed by Participants reported that the ritual the state." practices of Islam combined with the Sunnah (Prophetic traditions) Dawud, 35–49, Turkish to shape the self and discipline the background male, Melbourne

44 Islamic Religiosity in the West Among participants in Detroit, Many participants in the study had This is significant for a community in differences in the subjective parents or grandparents who reverted which histories of racial inequality and dimensions of Islam (religious identity to Islam through their involvement with slavery have degraded experiences of and spirituality) were found between the Nation of Islam (NOI) at the height self-worth and self-knowledge: the different social groups that of the Black civil rights movement in participated in the research. the USA. Notwithstanding the shift "Accepting Islam […] it helped by many African American Muslim dignify me; it showed me the reverts from NOI to orthodox Sunni Among the three major ethnic groups importance of myself and my that make up Detroit’s Muslim Islam, for others, including young communities (Arabic-speaking, South participants in the study, NOI was still community." Asian, and African American) the regarded as a pillar within the Detroit Michael X, 30, African American subjective and spiritual dimensions of community. Participants associated revert, NOI, Detroit faith were most clearly articulated by Islam with the awakening of subjective African American Muslim reverts. experiences and feelings of dignity.

Figure 26 Friday prayers at the Keysborough Turkish Islamic Cultural Centre (Melbourne). Source: Authors

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 45 "The Nation of Islam… pulled and personhood) and the social body. have a sense of sacrifice for together those individuals who Several participants identified this the good, the public good, and triangulation between practice, belief, thought they were nothing, and selfhood as the foundation of a sense of having conviction." from jails, prostitution, cleaned Muslim faith, identity, and agency. Azad, Tunisian background, Paris them up. When I say cleaned up, took them off the drugs, A dominant belief reported in all three alcohol, told them they needed sites was that faith-based rituals While embodied rituals and practices provide a disciplinary structure and are integral to the development to be upright in everything […]. method that enables the believer to My people needed structure, of Muslim self-identity, faith and overcome difficulties and develop ethics, Ramadan (2004) also stresses now which means that when ethical attitudes toward others; that critical thinking, reason, and you have structure you get specifically, through embodied self-reflection are core features of a uniformed mind, but we discipline, self-knowledge, and Muslim faith identity; making piety spiritual development. also understand coming to … and religiosity rational and agentic. As Ramadan (2004) claims, a central Islam, you have a right to be Participants reported that ritual tenet of Islamic faith is ijtihad, or the autonomous, to think, and so practices (prayers, fasting during critical and reasoning faculty of the Ramadan, zakat, and hajj) influenced that transition needed to mind that allows followers to become their behaviour, their sense of happen for me." aware of both themselves and their who they are, and shaped their Zafeerah, 50–59, African American understanding of their life’s purpose responsibilities as humans. revert, Detroit beyond short-term goals, desires, and emotions: This concept of responsibility rests on a form of agency in which the believer Unlike secular, liberal understandings "The constant struggle [of is ‘responsible’ for interpreting the of religious subjectivity and agency, Islamic texts (Sunnah and ) that reduce notions of spirituality fasting] is something that according to the context in which and faith to an interiorised and will help us overcome the they live. According to Ramadan individualised set of beliefs, these struggles that we may face (2004, p. 15): ‘It is the human ability expressions of self-worth and dignity in the coming year. So when to control, to combine and to guide by way of faith highlight the outward I look at Ramadan it's like a that determines the ethical quality of expression and embodied dimension individuals, their nafs, their hearts, of Islamic belief and practice. It is little intensive university … their bodies, feelings, each of their a point highlighted by sociologists for one month the intensive emotions, as well as each of their such as Riaz Hassan and Bryan S. university allows me to actions’. Turner (drawing on Pierre Bourdieu), discipline myself so that later and anthropologists such as Saba While there are universal dimensions Mahmood (drawing on Michel Foucault on next month and the month to Islamic religious beliefs, rituals, and Judith Butler). after that I can overcome these and practices, as this study evidences challenges that are in front of the social context or environment Muslim self-identity does not separate me and that’s one of the many, is also important. Ramadan (2004) outward religious acts (including rituals, liturgies, and worship) and many benefits." emphasizes that critical thinking is required to develop a grounded and inward belief (state of the soul). Tariq, 25–34, Lebanese background relevant understanding of Islam. Rather, for Muslim subjects, belief male, born in Australia, Melbourne is the product of outward practices, Indeed, this has been the role of rituals, and acts of worship (Mahmood "I am not disappointed by 2012, p. xv), that cultivate and nourish (religious scholars) throughout the subjective self (one’s ethical failure or so on, it teaches you centuries. For Ramadan (2005, p. orientations and conceptions of self discipline and patience, and 80): ‘it follows that Muslim identity is

46 Islamic Religiosity in the West not closed and confined within rigid, Many participants argued that self- inflexible principles. On the contrary education of other religions, cultures, it is based on a constant dialectical and forms of knowledge fostered a and dynamic movement between better understanding of their own faith. the sources and the environment, They learned how to follow their faith whose aim is to find a way of living but within a multifaith, multicultural harmoniously’. context. Participants underlined that the opposite of this critical, reflective Participants who understood Islam as tradition is the Salafi framework, where a lifelong commitment to education critical thinking and interpretation and learning, also highlighted these is discouraged. Salafism is an ultra- critical dimensions. conservative movement within Islam that advocates a return to the In so doing, some participants referred traditions of the ‘devout ancestors’ (the to examples provided in the Qu’ran salaf) and rejects religious innovations. where those of faith are required In all three sites, participants regarded to educate themselves about many Salafi influences as a barrier to different faiths and cultural forms compassion, productive of intolerant of knowledge, rather than engage in and uncritical attitudes: blind worship: "When I first became Muslim, "In our religion, education is I was sort of hanging around very much emphasised on and the mosque, I didn’t feel you know, no matter what age comfortable. I felt like they you are and no matter what were indoctrinating me, country you live in, education and there was no critical is very, very important for thinking. We cannot close the you. There is also a verse in doors to others. The literal the Qur’an that says ‘educate understanding is taken yourself from the time you are Figure 27 by a few people, who are Praying at the Beach in Melbourne. just born to the time you are Source: Participant called the Salafists. They about to die’, so education is have an appearance-based very much emphasised." understanding." Saba, 22, Hazara background Akmal, born in Morocco, female, born in , Grenoble Melbourne

"When you look at Islam, as I understand it, disagreement is encouraged in order for you to understand what you believe in and not just believe it for just a fact." Saffiya, 22, Iraqi background female, born in Iraq, Melbourne

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 47 Hijab "It’s covering, modesty. With Practising Muslims participants in Despite emphasising the importance this I find respect. With this this study who did not wear the hijab and connection of Muslim identity and I find that I can do a lot more emphasised evolving ideas of what personhood to embodied rituals and things that I won’t be able to constitutes modesty in a Western practices, some participants drew cultural context: attention to contested dimensions of do if I didn't have this on. And faith-based rituals and spirituality. that’s because I care for myself "I don’t wear the hijab. I guess Many young female participants and I know who I am and I know expressed their fatigue with religious I try to dress modestly but I leaders who placed too much focus where I’m going." guess everyone has their own on ritualistic practices of the faith, Zaynab, 50–60, Bengali speaking, definition of what modesty closing space for spiritual reflection. Detroit One finding that emerged from is. So perhaps it’ll come one the interview and the focus group day but to me, when I think of discussions was that spiritual Yet most female participants in this my religion, it’s much more reflection is a truer and more study also felt that embodied acts of inclusive expression of Islam than piety and modesty such as wearing about how I behave and my ritualistic practices. the hijab had been hijacked and re- relationship with God more signified in Western media landscapes so than what I look like." For women, the hijab and the as a symbol of patriarchal control perceived social pressures around and oppression of Muslim women. Saffiya, 22, Iraqi background female, wearing the hijab or dressing modestly Some participants argued that this born in Iraq, Melbourne provides an insight into this tension. had led to a situation where Muslim Despite this, participants who chose women’s bodies had become subject to both Western media stereotypes as to wear the hijab also expressed Despite participants generally accepting the connection between discipline well as Muslim patriarchal concepts that it is a woman’s right to choose and piety. of appropriate behaviour. In these discourses, the tendency to treat the whether she wears a hijab or niqab, body as a contested site of religiosity Across all research sites, participants one participant regarded the niqab to robs Muslim women of their agency: identified the practice of covering as be an inappropriate form of religious being more than symbolic. expression in a Western political and "You are embodiment of what social context, particularly on the Most participants who discussed the your faith is, and people have basis that it closes off the potential for practice of covering regarded it as perceptions of what that means dialogue and understanding: a disciplinary practice orienting the […] women are an object wearer against vanity and excess, "An example of that I guess is and instead towards moderation and that everyone talks about. humility in all forms of expression: So everyone has an opinion my views on niqab, or the full about Muslim women, except, face cover, many Muslims would "We try not to engage in apparently, Muslim women see that my personal view of it materialism and … getting themselves. So you do have that is that it’s unnecessary and is blinded by society, all the glam […] from the government and not theologically based. But it and glitz and all the things that the media to the general people also stems from the fact that you can buy […] you want to in the public, and I guess even if you’re living in a country be like your friends and have Muslim men. So everyone almost where so much communication expensive things and nice treats the Muslim woman as an is focussed on face then you things but we always try to entity, which can also be very should make allowances moderate that." problematic." for that." Alhena, 18–24, Arab Sunni, Amira, 32, Pakistani background, born Wasila, Indonesian background, Detroit in Australia, Melbourne born in Australia, Melbourne

48 Islamic Religiosity in the West Participants however offered many This description was particularly "I would say it is very specific reasons for choosing to wear the hijab. apparent among young women who to each woman. First of all, It was variously described as a way of had experienced the post-September wearing the hijab is an obligation expressing individual piety, religious 11 backlash against Islam while still values, , together with at school. Among French participants, as a Muslim person, of course secular values, such as feminism: the hijab was described as a strong you always have the choice to signifier of resistance to laws banning wear it or not, but it is one of the "My reason is that I would want its use in public institutions, such as obligation as a believer. It is also people to like me for who I am, schools and government buildings: a way to show your identity as a for my personality and intellect, Muslim and to be proud of it." "I do not think guys have as rather than how my hair looks, Madiha, 27, Paris or […] how much skin I am much problems, because showing. So for me it is sort of anyone can have a beard. I think like a feminism within, whereas a lot of people speak about As these responses demonstrate, for other sisters it might be for women’s rights in Islam and I wearing the hijab is invested with say women are the flag-bearer a wide range of personal, social, different reasons." political, and religious meanings, of Islam. I mean, you look at Samira, 18–24, irreducible to one homogenous Pakistan born, Paris my dad and you are not sure if expression of faith or identity. he’s a Muslim or not, but you look at me and I am definitely The hijab was also described by a Muslim. So […] it’s all about participants as a signifier of identity identity, and how we appear." and resistance to Islamophobic attitudes that circulate in the Samira, 18–24, Western public sphere. Pakistan born, Paris

Figure 28 Muslim clothing store in Lyon, France. Source: Authors

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 49 Despite varying levels of practice among interview and focus group participants, Ramadan was the most frequently adhered to practice among all respondents.

Fasting during Ramadan For others, the mosque played an Though some prayers are non- Significantly, while prayer and important role in the social and obligatory, when performed modesty were reported to be communal aspects of Ramadan, by collectively they increase the benefits negotiable according to individual providing a communal place for the and blessings of Ramadan. Women lifestyle needs and levels of faith evening meal and Taraweeh prayers. describe an increase in mosque – despite conceding that they are attendance during Ramadan: required practices – Ramadan was spoken of as an event that centred "Ramadan somehow attracts on the community and family. Indeed, you a lot, it somehow pulls participants considered Ramadan so you closer to the mosque. It integral that one commented that it pulls you closer to the mosque would ‘shameful’ for a Muslim to not fast during Ramadan. because, once again, of that humble and peaceful state that Several participants described an you’re in." average day during Ramadan as Maryam, 40, Greek background, comprising of getting up before dawn born in Australia, Melbourne to eat breakfast before offering the Fajr prayer (dawn prayer), which also marks the commencement of the This study found that Ramadan time of fasting (sawm). Following this, contributes to embodied feelings, Muslims perform the other obligatory emotions and meanings considered prayers throughout the day. After the vital to the development of Muslim final prayer of the day (maghrib), they spirituality and ethics. Fasting enables are encouraged to break their fast Figure 29 community members to focus on what with family. Muslim educational books for children in France. is important in life and helps them Source: Authors to develop self-discipline, patience, "Ramadan for us as a family and humility. […] is the only time of the year where we actually all sit "During Ramadan a lot of people Participants described the feelings down on the table and have a come together in the mosque of social responsibility, care, meal together. So, I guess it’s and they're all there fasting and compassion, and shared vulnerability more about bringing everyone with others as being the dominant I guess it's a belonging. That’s feelings that fasting activated. These together, especially for families, what I love about it, it's the in turn were described as deepening it’s more of a family sort of belonging, it's the camaraderie experiences of spiritual connection time." that comes along with it. and gratitude towards God: Raima, 21, Lebanese background, Because sometimes there's "It is that sense of vulnerability, born in Australia, Melbourne so much negative in humanity it is that sense that makes you a right now, death and war and lot more caring towards others, Participants described the importance all that stuff and when it comes and a lot more compassionate. of Ramadan as a ritual that increases to that 30 days it's completely feelings of individual spirituality and [...] You become a lot more social bonding among families and different it's like blissful, I guess appreciative that you do have communities. For some participants, in some ways." food, and other people do these ritual activities were more focussed on the immediate family and Sharif, 21, Iraqi background, not. And then you think of the home: born in Iraq, Melbourne those people that are in other

50 Islamic Religiosity in the West countries that are breaking encompasses belief in one God limits of the liberation for women their fast and haven’t got food (shahadah), ritual prayers (salat), in Muslim societies; a view that to break their fast with." fasting during Ramadan (sawm), she acknowledges is enculturated and payment of zakat, this section by Western media and political Maryam, 40, Greek background, considers the last pillar – pilgrimage discourses that stereotype Muslim born in Australia, Melbourne to Mecca, or hajj. As most of the women as oppressed. Basheema’s participants were aged 34 years and experience opened her mind to younger, few had completed the haji; seeing the equal desire and potential "The whole aspect of Ramadan it is expected that one perform it only of women across all societies and is not so much the not eating; once in a lifetime. cultures, to demand their rights the not eating is a small part as Muslims: For participants who had performed of the whole experience. It's hajj however, or were in the process "I think Islam is a very about beginning to feel how of planning their trip, they reported liberating religion, but others would feel when they feelings and understandings of sadly the lived reality, don’t eat, starving people the practice to be like those of you know, Muslims do in other countries, and how fasting; that is, that it contributes to not always implement people just take life and food self-discipline and is a test, and a necessary struggle, to please God. the proper teachings of for granted." Basheema conveys this understanding Islam. So sometimes Bashar, 50, central African of hajj as a test that brings you closer culture and patriarchal to your creator and allows you to live background, born in Ghana, perverse misinterpretation Melbourne the values of your faith in an intensive period of time: compromises the situation. So that Muslims are not given There is clear relationship between "It was just really humbling. the rights that have been these descriptions of embodied Because, you know, God afforded to them through compassion and the development knows what every challenge Islam […]. But to go to Hajj and of social responsibility directed to see Muslim women from toward others; be they in the is for. You know, some people immediate community or further don’t like crowds […] I get every corner of the globe and afield. In terms of broadening really frustrated when things to see how incredibly feisty these teachings beyond the Muslim aren’t clean. … But you sort of and strong these women are, community, the iftar dinners that get tested on whatever your I thought: Yes!" mosques and other community and weakness is. And so I found it business organisations run highlight Basheema, 35–49, Arabic-speaking how the social and communal to be incredibly, uh, incredibly background, Melbourne aspects of Islam during Ramadan humbling. And it was really a are integral. Some participants spiritually uplifting situation (for example Wasila listed below) for me." Basheema’s experience points to underscore this in relation to the one of the central meanings of hajj: cross-cultural forms of exchange that Basheema, 35–49, Arabic-speaking to come together and experience are increasingly a part of Ramadan background, Melbourne unity with Muslims from all racial festivities for Australian Muslims. and cultural backgrounds, and from all walks of life – rich and poor. Basheema makes sense of her This aspect of the hajj pilgrimage Hajj (Pilgrimage) experience through a gendered reinforces a central value of Islam, Beyond the ritualistic dimensions lens, claiming that it challenged that is, to see all Muslims as equal of Muslim religiosity, which her own views on the perceived before God. Amira elaborates:

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 51 "I also think it [hajj] brings a Shia Muslims engage in several India, all over the world. […] So really positive light for people, pilgrimages and forms of some would walk 40 kilometres remembrance in which the experience or 3 days just to go to the shrine because they see the world in of being with people from all walks one place, they see the diversity of life is as an important spiritual and for the remembrance, it of Muslims. And they see lesson, encouraging humility: is a huge spectacle in Iraq and people side by side. […] You’re so I always participate in that there and going through this "In Iraq when I went last year because I find that it is very whole cleansing experience […] it was during that time of important, close to me." and reminding yourself what mourning called Muharram Sharif, 21, Iraqi background, you believe in and why you and what people do, because born in Iraq, Melbourne believe in it and, again that the shrine of the prophet’s idea of connection. But you grandson is in Iraq, and what see the world as equals in this people do is they all congregate one place." to that shrine so it's like Hajj in Mecca but it's on a whole new Amira, 32, Pakistani background, born in Australia, Melbourne level. Last year there was 60 million people from Pakistan,

52 Islamic Religiosity in the West Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 53 FINDINGS SITE-BY-SITE: PLACE-BASED INSIGHTS ON ISLAMIC RELIGIOSITY

54 Islamic Religiosity in the West SELF, IDENTITY, AND ISLAMIC RITUALS

MELBOURNE, AUSTRALIA A smaller number of participants from tribal conflict between Hazara and The participants’ ages ranged from other ethno-cultural backgrounds Pashtun groups in Afghanistan, and were also interviewed: Turkish (12 between Hazara and Sunni-majority 22–60 years. Of this group, 20 took per cent), Albanian (9 per cent), Muslims in the local Dandenong part in in-depth interviews, with six Burmese (6 per cent), Ghanaian area. Socioeconomic circumstances taking photos of places in Dandenong (6 per cent), Lebanese (3 per compounded these tensions, since a and around Melbourne that they cent), Pakistani (3 per cent) and large portion of Afghan background considered significant to religious/ Uzbek (3 per cent). Of the Turkish, participants had arrived in Dandenong and community Albanian and Lebanese participants, on bridging visas, limiting their rights life. The researchers also conducted many had arrived in Dandenong in the to employment and welfare support. a focus group with 13 members 1970s and 1980s as part of a labour This was a source of frustration and of the Hazara Women’s Network. migration program. Among this group, anxiety for many participants, some The Network is a community-run Imams in Dandenong from the Emir had waited months or years for their settlement claims to be completed. initiative, including family-sponsored Sultan mosque and the Albanian migrants and refugee claimants Saki mosque were interviewed. Of the other participants, most had The Melbourne survey attracted from Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Iran. 96 respondents. Gender distribution Members meet weekly at the Migrant lived and worked in Dandenong for eight years or more, and were was almost equal with 49 males Resource Centre on Thomas Street in running successful local businesses. (51 per cent) and 47 females (49 per Dandenong. Overall, and in keeping The majority were members of long- cent) participating in the survey with the diversity of the Muslim established mosque communities. (see Figure 30). community in Dandenong, both survey, interview, and focus group It is important to note that even Figure 20 participants represented a range among the Afghan Muslim Australians of ethnic backgrounds, a diverse there was significant diversity: most Gender. Melbourne range of migration and settlement Afghan participants interviewed (frequencies) experiences, and belonged to several were from the Hazara minority Islamic sects and schools. Consistent ethnic community (73 per cent) and with recent settlement patterns, most belonged to the Shia sect. A much survey, interview, and focus group smaller number of Afghan residents participants living in Dandenong who belonged to the Sunni sect (26 were born in Afghanistan (roughly per cent) were also interviewed, 57 per cent). They had arrived in two of which identified as Pashtun. Australia either as refugee claimants A range of factors complicated the or through the sponsorship of family settlement experiences of both members already living in Dandenong. groups, such as interreligious and 49% Male 47% Female

Among Melbourne-based participants in the study, 33 (or roughly 30 per cent of survey respondents and interview/focus group participants) lived or worked in the City of Greater Dandenong and its surrounding areas.

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 55 Many of the respondents to the – is formative of the way they live (hybridity, mix), or extremism. Melbourne survey represented a their lives and encounter other Significantly then, the experiences relatively young demographic. The communities. Nonetheless, the ways of settlement processes for young age of most respondents was between in which they expressed their religion, Muslim migrants to Australia is of 18–34 years old (76 per cent). Close along with other cultural identifiers great importance; particularly in to a half of the sample (43 per cent) and practices, was complex and relation to their ease of ability and belonged to an even younger cohort, dependent on several variables not opportunity to negotiate a space for between 18–24 years old (see Figure 31). limited to place of residence, gender, their faith in the new environment: race, country of birth, religious Figure 31 sect, or school education. Indeed, "I don’t think there is a set sort Age. Melbourne rather than positioning religion as of being [a Muslim] in Australia a core identity from which all other relationships flowed, this cohort or overseas. I think that you expressed different experiences of notice when people, migrants or social connection and place, as well refugees settle in a new country, as different trajectories of the nexus some of them would integrate self-religion-community: shaped by by assimilating to the new different expressions, intensities, and culture. Other ones might try understandings of the role of faith and religious practice, all of which to incorporate the culture they impacted on their self-identity. were brought up in, the culture 43% 18-24 33% 25-34 16% 35-49 where they lived in another 2% 50-59 2% 60+ 4% No answer Of particular interest to this study country, and perhaps the new was the ways in which differential place and coming together with experiences of social connection and belonging between Australian- sort of a mix of their own. Then The responses of young people born Muslims (second- and third- there’s the others who bring (aged 18–24) to questions on their generation) and migrant Muslim their own sort of village to the faith, the integration of religion in youth (first-generation) might shape place that they are in, and they Western contexts, and to the barriers different typologies of faith identity sort of become more extreme and opportunities for engaging and and practice. Some young Muslims of what they actually are, or belonging to the city, highlighted the developed forms of religiosity that are diverse experiences and religiosities more open, individualised, spiritual, what might have been an idea of young Muslims, at the same time as and easily integrated within secular becomes more extreme here." it suggested clear intergenerational and multicultural frameworks than Balquees, 24, Iraqi background, differences with older respondents. the religiosity of their parents. born in Iraq, lives in Melbourne As sociologists of religion have Others meanwhile developed more claimed, young people living in conservative, traditional modes Western societies who identify with of religiosity, shaped by having In the literature, the religiosity a traditional religious affiliation experienced belonging more fully of migrant Muslim youth is often are turning away from traditional within Islamic conceptions of self and contrasted with Western-born sermons in favour of more informal Ummah (community), especially after Muslims, for whom attitudes toward or ‘new age’ and individualised forms September 11. faith and expressions of religiosity of spirituality and religiosity (Turner are thought to be more flexible and 2010). This research found that the open to the West – a product of their experiences of coming to Australia immersion in and For the young people interviewed in as a migrant from a Muslim majority society as a place of ‘dwelling’. Bilici Melbourne, their Muslim identity – country often produced one of three (2012, pp. 117–118) regards this as an even if evolving in Western contexts responses: assimilation, incorporation evolution from having what he terms

56 Islamic Religiosity in the West an ‘Eastern Muslim’ habitus which you know with the mixing and you bring it here. More so encounters the Western habitus, to of identities depending on you take the understanding that having a Western Muslim habitus which experiences the Western the issue or the place or the you’ve built here [of cultural country a ‘homeland’. Certainly, this context. But when it comes to diversity and multiculturalism distinction was evidenced, to certain opinion, I take into consideration […] I’m living here, and by doing extent, in the responses of Australian- my religious views, my cultural that I’m accepting to live by the born Muslims in this study: views and my westernised laws which is what my religion views. I take that all into tells me to do." "In our society, because we consideration and that’s when live in Australia, breaking our Mustafa, 18–24, born in Palestine, I place my view. But when it fast is generally when people Melbourne comes to patriotism and all that come home from work. So it’s stuff I'm Iraqi and Australian, really about balancing time and In relation to country of birth, just either so it's good." over half of the respondents were understanding your place in born in Australia (49 people or 51 per Sharif, 21, born in Iraq, lived in society and that remembering cent) with the remaining respondents Saudi Arabia and Melbourne […] how much your faith born overseas (47 people or 49 per impacts on or how it can cent). Among those born overseas, the majority (35.5 per cent) had integrate with a lot of the other Another participant, Mustafa, things we usually normally do, arrived more than 15 years ago. lived in many countries during his Of these, significantly, most had like everybody else." early childhood. After migrating become Australian citizens (93.7 per to Melbourne, he had to adjust to Raima, 21, Lebanese background cent), confirming the importance a society where religion was not a female, born in Australia, Melbourne of citizenship to Muslims living in prominent feature, and where he was Melbourne (see Figure 32). a minority. He felt an in-betweenness that enabled him to, in his words, mix Yet there were also several instances and match the best of both cultures. that challenged this rule. More clearly, Figure 32 individual experiences of migration His connection to Melbourne Country of Birth. and settlement in Australia produced arose from his experiences of the Melbourne (frequencies) a complex array of feelings of multicultural population there, belonging, which shaped expressions and from the cultural hybridity and of faith and religious practice. In mix encountered. His religion, as a Sharif’s case, reflecting on his universal set of ethical principles, was experiences of migration, settlement, the one constant, an anchor for his and his cultural and religious heritage identity that transcended place, and enabled him to move from a position gave him a sense of confidence and of denying his heritage/assimilation to belonging to the world: the , to one in which central aspects of his ethnic identity are incorporated into an Australian or "I think always, in terms of Western lifestyle and culture: being Muslim, it has been the one thing that I have "It just depends on the context consistently. […] I suppose, at the end, you take the best of but there is Australian in me, 49% Australia 22% Other 6% Pakistan there's no doubt … I mean both worlds, so you take the 6% Iraq 3% Afghanistan 3% Bangladesh some people think I'm bipolar religious upbringing from there 3% Somalia 2% Sri Lanka 2% Egypt

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 57 Education levels show that most Reflecting the ethno-cultural backgrounds When discussing religious identification, participants were university educated of participants, the most frequently the use of a scale enabled participants (61.4 per cent). Among them, 38.5 per reported language spoken at home was to identify as ‘practising’ (they regularly cent of the sample have achieved a Arabic (34 respondents or 35.4 per cent), engage in prayer, attend mosque, and bachelor degree, and 22.9 per cent followed by English (14 respondents or so on), ‘non-practising’ (believe in God had a postgraduate qualification. 14.6 per cent) and Urdu (12 people or but do not regularly engage in religious 12.5 per cent) (see Figure 34). rituals or practices), or ‘cultural’ (Muslim by cultural heritage only).

Education. Melbourne Figure 33 30 A clear majority of participants 37 Ethnicity. Melbourne identified as ‘practising Muslims’ (89.77 (frequencies) per cent), indicating the significance that performing their faith has on their 22 sense of identity (see Figure 35). 17 11 9 Figure 35 4 12 Self-identity. Melbourne (frequencies) 11 10 9 7

4 4

No answer 3 3 3 2 1 1 Diploma, Certificate Diploma, Postgraduate University Postgraduate Other White Indian Undergraduate University Undergraduate Arabic African Turkish Persian Junior high school (year 10) Junior high school (year Senior high school (year 12) Senior high school (year Pakistan Sri Lanka European No answer Afghanistan 80% Practising Muslim 1% Cultural Muslim

In regards to employment, most Asian South East 8% Non-practising Muslim

respondents were either studying full- answer not to Prefer 2% No answer 5% Other time (25%) or in full-time employment (26%). There was a wide range of Figure 34 household incomes, ranging from less People who responded ‘other’ provided than $10,000 per annum to $150,000 Languages spoken at home. the following comments: ‘Although I or more. Melbourne (frequencies) 34 do not engage in prayer, I engage in other religious rituals such as fasting Melbourne respondents came from a 26 during Ramadan, celebrating Eid, range of ethno-cultural backgrounds, etc.’; ‘I regularly pray but don’t attend but overall most self-identified as mosque’; ‘I am Muslim and spirituality from an Arabic-speaking background 14 is important to me’. (30 people or 31.3 per cent), followed 12 by ten people of African backgrounds Participants were also asked whether 6 (10.4 per cent) and nine from Pakistani they adhered only to domestic law, to 3 backgrounds (9.4 per cent). 1 a mix of domestic and laws, or to Sharia law only. A clear majority of The remaining participants were from participants obeyed a mix of domestic Dari Urdu Arabic Afghan English European, South Asian, Iranian and Turkish law and Sharia law (59 respondents or

Afghan backgrounds (see Figure 33). No answer 61.5 per cent), whereas only ten people

58 Islamic Religiosity in the West or 10.4 per cent followed Sharia law exclusively and 11 people (11.5 per cent) reported that they strictly followed domestic law. These findings suggest that Sharia law and domestic law are not necessarily mutually exclusive categories, but in fact together shape the lived experience of many practising Muslims (see Figure 36).

Figure 36 Daily life with Sharia law. Melbourne (frequencies)

59% Mixture of Sharia law and domestic law "I think there's misconception "I guess and there is a kind of 20% No answer 11% Strictly domestic law amongst many non-Muslims a collection of different kinds 10% Strictly Sharia in Australia in that the country of intolerance or I am not sure is becoming Islamic because how you describe them, people Much of the debate and contestation with vested interest in keeping around Muslim religious beliefs and the population of Muslims is or having Muslims as being practices in the West has focussed growing. It is actually nonsense a focus of fear or reaction. I on Sharia law, which, in its broadest to me. It doesn’t really make definition, could be regarded as laws think to some extent these that govern the conduct of Muslims sense because there is very people are driven also by the in relation to domestic, social, limited participation [of [anti-Muslim] industry. It has political, financial, and legal matters. Muslims] in parliament. So The precepts for these laws are become a bit of an industry primarily derived from the Qur’an (the if we're looking at that level for them, they actually build Revelation) and the Sunnah (Prophetic if someone sits there and is a whole organisation around traditions) and are applied through the educated and knows exactly having that hostility towards interpretation and consensus of Ulama Muslims, frightening others and (religious scholars). what's going on there's no chance of anything happening raising hundreds of thousands While ‘lived’ Muslim religiosity in the on Sharia or anything like of dollars, if not millions, West is often performed in accordance that, absolutely no chance by frightening people about with many of these laws, particularly Muslims and immigration and of that happening." in relation to personal and financial takeovers and creeping Sharia matters, participants reported that the desire to establish Sharia at the level Tariq, 25–34, Lebanese and all those things." of the state is a misconception, fuelling background, born in Australia, Abbas, 35–49, Arabic-speaking Islamophobia and ignorance: Melbourne background, Melbourne

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 59 Because of popularist "Islam is an incredibly capitalist "[Sharia law] has been balanced misrepresentations of Sharia, many religion actually. It really since the beginning of time participants were reluctant to speak focuses on business but it without it being an issue. […] about its role in their own lives. doesn’t permit unfair allocation But it can go and it has been Some participants, however, confirmed of labour and resources, it’s very going hand-in-hand [with non- that they practiced their religion much against that. It’s against religious laws] for quite some according to some precepts of Sharia interest because interest is time. […] If it was not seen in law, and while these precepts are frowned upon because it creates such a negative light […] the often thought to be incompatible with domestic laws, they spoke of their an un-equal relationship laws come together." essential role in promoting ethical between the borrower and the Amira, 32, Pakistani background, behaviour as well as virtuous and lender. […] So the subprime born in Australia, Melbourne participatory citizenship: mortgage crisis I don’t think would have happened under "For practising Muslims… a Muslim – under a Sharia there is an ultimate divine rule compliant financial system if that has come through for the it was practised properly. So benefit of humanity […] If people I guess notions of equity and choose to follow it." injustice and fairness and how Saeed, 27, Afghan background, you treat people are all sort of born in Australia, Melbourne encompassed by that." Wasila, Indonesian background, born in Australia, Melbourne

60 Islamic Religiosity in the West DETROIT, USA In Detroit, 48 participants participated When asked about their highest The participants’ ages ranged from in the survey, 36 females and nine educational attainment, one participant In Detroit, 48 participants responded males, with three responses missing (2.1 per cent) reported having less to the survey. In terms of gender (75 per cent female, 19 per cent male). than a High School education, while 15 distribution, the majority were females people (31.3 per cent) held a High School Diploma only. The remaining respondents (36 people or 75 per cent), with only Gender. Detroit nine males (19 per cent) completing were tertiary educated: eight people the survey (see Figure 37). (16.7 per cent) held a Diploma or Certificate, 13 participants (27.1 per cent) had attained Bachelor degrees, Figure 37 and six participants (12.5 per cent) held Gender. Detroit (frequencies) Master’s or PhD degrees (see Figure 40).

Figure 40 Education. Detroit 75% Female 19% Male 6% No answer 15 13 A majority of Detroit participants (83%) are aged 34 or under; among them 58% belong to the youngest age group 8 36% Female 9% Male (18-24 years old), and 25% are 25-34 6 3% 5 No answer years old.

Most respondents to the Detroit survey Thirty participants (62.4 per cent) were 1 represented a young demographic. born in the USA, 71.4 per cent came

Forty (83 per cent) of a total of 48 to the USA more than 15 years ago, were 18–34 years old. Twenty-eight and 71.4 per cent were US citizens (in respondents (58.3 per cent) belonged

accordance with the requirements for No answer to the youngest age group of 18–24 acquiring citizenship at birth in the Less than high Less school diploma years old (see Figure 38). Diploma, Assoc USA) (see Figure 39). Degree Bachelors or Doctoral Degree or Doctoral Diploma, Certificate Diploma, High school diploma Master's, Professional Professional Master's, Figure 38 Figure 39

Age. Detroit (frequencies) Country of birth. 30 Regarding their employment status: Detroit (frequencies) 28 27 people (56.3 per cent) reported

being in employment, five people (10.4 per cent) reported being unemployed, and eight (16.7 per cent) were students. 12 Twelve people were employed full- time, nine part-time, six students 5 studied full-time, and three students 3 3 3 3 2 studied part-time. 2 1 1 1 1 1 The total household income of 60+

USA participants was variable, from Syria Jordan 18 to 24 18 to 34 25 to 49 35 to Senegal England less than US$10,000 to more than Pakistan Malaysia Australia No answer No No answer

Bangladesh US$150,000 (see Figure 41).

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 61 Figure 41 Six people (12.5 per cent) spoke only Figure 44 Current employment. English at home, 14 respondents Self-identity. Detroit (29.2 per cent) also spoke Arabic, Detroit and nine (18.8 per cent) spoke Urdu (see Figure 43).

Figure 43 Do you speak languages other than English at home? Detroit. (frequencies)

27 Yes 5 No 81% Practising Muslim 8 Student 8 No answer 4% Cultural Muslim 13% No answer 2% Non-practising Muslim

When asked about their ethno-cultural maintained community ties with local background, 13 of 48 participants in Muslim groups, while eight people Detroit (27.1 per cent) self-identified as (16.7 per cent) replied that they did ‘Arabic-speaking’. The categories ‘African not. Over half of all respondents (27 American’, ‘Pakistani’, or ‘South East people or 56.3 per cent) maintained 19 No answer 14 Arabic Asian’ each attracted five respondents community ties with Muslim relatives 9 Urdu 6 English only (10.4 per cent). or friends abroad, while 11 people (22.9 per cent) confirmed that they did not. On religious identification, 39 of the Three people (6.3 per cent) identified 48 respondents to the Detroit survey Most respondents (31 people or 65 as ‘Indian’ and three (6.3 per cent) (81.3 per cent) identified as ‘practising’ per cent) conducted daily life (in terms as ‘White-Caucasian’ (see Figure 42). Muslims (regularly engage in prayer, of financial, personal, behavioural, attend mosque). customs and so on) in accordance with ‘a mixture of Sharia law and domestic One person (2.1 per cent) claimed law’, five people (10 per cent) observed that they were a ‘non-practising’ ‘strictly Sharia law’ and two people Figure 42 Muslim (believed in God but did not (4 per cent) by ‘strictly domestic law’ regularly engage in religious rituals Ethnicity. Detroit (see Figure 45). and practices), and two (4.2 per

cent) identified as ‘cultural’ Muslims Figure 45 13 (Muslims by cultural heritage only) (see Figure 44). Daily life with Sharia law. 10 Detroit Thirty-five of 48 respondents (72.9 per cent) reported strictly observing 5 5 5 4 religious dietary requirements, only 3 3 three people (6.3 per cent) claimed 1 not to. Additionally, 33 participants (68.8 per cent) reported observing strict dress and physical rule (wearing Other Indian Arabic Islamic clothing such as hijab, or

Pakistani wearing a beard), and five (10.4

No answer 10% Strictly Sharia 21% No answer per cent) replied ‘no’. An equally 4% Strictly domestic law South East Asian South East White-Caucasian African American African high number (30 or 62.5 per cent) 65% A mixture of Sharia law and domestic law

62 Islamic Religiosity in the West LYON/GRENOBLE/PARIS, Sixty-three respondents (68 per cent) Regarding the respondents’ FRANCE were born in France, and 21 (23 per employment status, 51 (55 per cent) In France (across the greater Lyon, cent) were born overseas in countries reported being in employment. Grenoble, and Paris regions), 93 such as Tunisia, Morocco, Mali, Algeria, Of these, 42 (45 per cent) were participants took part in the survey. and others (see Figure 48). employed full-time. Seven Most of these were male (55 people or respondents (8 per cent) were Figure 48 59 per cent), and 31 participants (33 students, and four (4 per cent) per cent) were female (see Figure 46). Country of birth. France were unemployed (see Figure 50). (frequencies) Figure 46 63 Gender. France Figure 50 Employment. France 42

9 5 4 4 2 1 1 1 1 30 Mali Chile Gabon France Tunisia Algeria Morocco Switzerlad No answer Ivory Coast Ivory 6 3 3 4 9 1 2 3 33% Female 59% Male 8% No answer Over a half of the respondents in France had completed tertiary

education. Among them 21.7 per cent Casual Over two-thirds of respondents (71 Retired Full time Full had attained Master’s or Doctoral time Part per cent) were under 34 years old, No answer among them 26 per cent belonged to degrees, 20.5 per cent held Bachelor’s Self employed Student full time Looking for work Looking for a younger group of 18–24-year-olds degrees and 15.6 per cent held Student part time and 45 per cent 25–34 year-olds. specialist Diplomas or Certificates The remaining 14 per cent were (see Figure 49). aged between 35-49, 7 per cent aged between 50–59, and 1 per cent 60 years or over (see Figure 47). Figure 49 Education (% Percent). France Figure 47 21.7 21.7 Age. France 20.5 20.5

15.6

School School 26% 18 to 24 45% 25 to 34 degree Diploma, Diploma, certificate Bachelor's Bachelor's Junior High 14% 35 to 49 7% 50 to 59 Senior High Master's and Master's 1% 60+ 7% No answer Doctoral degree Doctoral

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 63 The annual household income for Regarding religious self-identification, Figure 53 close to half of all participants (49.3 71 respondents (79 per cent) said Daily life with Sharia law. per cent) was less than €20,000 (the they were ‘practising’ Muslims, eight France average annual salary in France is people (9 per cent) identified as ‘non- approximately €26,000), while 85 per practising’ Muslims, and two people cent of participants earned less than (2 per cent) identified as ‘cultural’ €40,000 per year. Muslims (see Figure 52).

Among the 93 respondents in France, Seventy-two of the 93 respondents the majority (62 or 66.7 per cent) (77.4 per cent) reported observing self-identified as ‘Arabic-speaking’. strict dietary requirements, while one Six people identified as ‘Indian’, four as person (1.1 per cent) reported that they ‘European’, three as ‘Pakistani’, three did not. Thirty respondents (32.3 per as ‘Afghan’, two as ‘African’, one as cent) confirmed observing strict dress ‘Sri Lankan’, and one as ‘Caucasian’ and physical rules, while 41 people (see Figure 51). (44.1 per cent) said they did not.

8% Strictly Sharia 17% No answer Figure 51 In response to the question: ‘To what 7% Strictly domestic law extent do you conduct your daily life in Ethnicity (% Percent). France 68% A mixture of Sharia law and domestic law 66.7 accordance with Sharia law? (in terms of financial, personal, behavioural, customs and so on)’, most participants (57 people or 68 per cent) reported that they conducted their lives according to ‘a mixture of Sharia law 11.8 and domestic law’, seven people (8 4.3 6.5 per cent) followed ‘strictly Sharia law’, 1.1 1.1 2.2 3 3.2 3.2 and six people (7 per cent) followed ‘strictly domestic law’ (see Figure 53). Other Indian African Afghans Pakistani Sri Lanka European Caucasian No answer Arabic speaking Arabic

Figure 52 Self-Identification. France

79% Practising Muslim 2% Cultural Muslim 10% No answer 9% Non-practising Muslim

64 Islamic Religiosity in the West RELIGIOUS PRACTICES, PUBLIC SPACE, AND SOCIAL CONNECTEDNESS

Survey participants considered prayer An overwhelming majority of Close to half of Melbourne to be the most important religious participants from all three sites respondents (41 people or 42.7 per practice and the foundation of the five reported that they were most cent), over one-third of the Detroit pillars of Islam. The five pillars are: comfortable performing religious respondents (19 people or 39.6 per practices at home, at mosque, or in cent) and 18 people (19.4 per cent) 1. : Declaration of Faith other public spaces: 53 respondents at the French sites (see Figure in Melbourne, 27 in Detroit and 37 55) reported conducting religious 2. Salat: Prayers from the French sites conducted practices at community centres. (five times a day) their religious practices at these conventional places (see Figure 54) 3. Zakãt: Charity Figure 54 Figure 55 4. Sawm: Fasting Ramadan Places to practice religious Religious practices at community activities by site (frequencies) centers by site (frequencies) 5. Hajj: Pilgrimage to Mecca (for those physically and financially 100 100 able to do so) 8 Across all three sites, 167 participants 8 18 (70.5 per cent) reported engaging 80 8 80 in everyday prayers, and 144 (60.8 41 per cent) participating in Friday prayers. One participant describes his experience of prayer as: 60 60

"The five times prayer reminds 8 8 me all the time of my direction, 8 8 just everything that I do, when 40 40 I sit down to pray I look back 75 19 on the day… and how it's been and how I'm going to finish the 8 8 55 8 day and how I start my day… 20 --- 1 20 each day." --- 1 29 8 8 8 Ali, 33, African background, 8 born in Ghana, Melbourne. AUS FRA USA AUS FRA USA

No answer Yes No Only Mosque Only Home Mosque and public places Home. Mosque and public places Home and public places Home and Mosque

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 65 The university, as a site for conducting Less than half of all participants During religious practices, respondents religious practices, was popular conducted religious practices at work. mostly reported feeling positive mostly among the Detroit respondents More people reported practicing their towards Non-Muslims: in France (21 people or 43.8 per cent), and religion at work in Melbourne (41 (51 participants or 54.8 per cent); in Melbourne respondents (37 people people or 42.7 per cent) and Detroit Australia (41 or 42.7 per cent) and or 38.5 per cent). While only nine (20 people or 41.7 per cent); this in the USA (20 or 41.7 per cent) (see respondents (9.7 per cent) in France, finding relates to the greater political, Figure 58). reported performing religious practices public, and institutional acceptance at a university (see Figure 56). of embodied religious practices in these field sites. Only 19 respondents (20.4 per cent) reported conducting religious practices at work in France (see Figure 57).

Figure 56 Figure 57 Figure 58 Religious practices at university Religious practices at work Feelings while performing religious by site (frequencies) by site (frequencies) practices by site (frequencies)

100 100 100

9 19 26 80 80 80 33 37 41

--- 1

60 60 60 3 28 6

40 84 40 20 17 40 74 21

59 55 51 11

20 20 41 20 28 27 20

AUS FRA USA AUS FRA USA AUS FRA USA

Yes No Positive neutral Yes No Negative No answer No

66 Islamic Religiosity in the West MELBOURNE, AUSTRALIA Among the Melbourne cohort, on the Reflecting on the sites where these For Muslims in the West, the most question of what rituals, practices, and rituals and practices, such as daily visible religious practice is the faith-based activities or community prayers, are enacted, the majority observance of strict dress and rules events they regularly engaged in, among the Melbourne cohort reported governing physical appearance. participants most frequently cited feeling most comfortable practicing at For women, this can include wearing fasting during Ramadan (76 people or home (75 people or 78.1 per cent), or modest clothing or the hijab, while men 79.2 per cent), cleaning hands prior to in a designated religious space such might wear a beard. In Melbourne, prayers (75 people or 78.1 per cent), as the mosque (62 people or 64.6 per and celebrating Eid festival (74 people 54 people (56.3 per cent) reported cent). Workplaces and community or 77.1 per cent). Other frequently observing a strict dress code, while only centres were also popular (41 mentioned rituals included, daily 26 (27 per cent) responding that they did respondents or 42.7 per cent for each), prayers (71 respondents or 74 per not follow these requirements. Sixteen as was the university (37 respondents cent), reading Qur’an (67 respondents people (16.7 per cent) did not answer or 38.5 per cent). Open public spaces, or 70 per cent) and the payment of this question at all (see Figure 59). for example in parks, on public alms (63 people or 65.7 per cent). transport, or on the street were less Additionally, 62 (64.6 per cent) of popular (see Figure 61). Figure 59 respondents attended mosque, and 57 Observe Dress Requirements. (59.4 per cent) attended community festivals other than Eid (see Figure 60). Figure 61 Melbourne (frequencies) In what places do you perform these Figure 60 religious practices? (frequencies) Rituals, practices and faith Melbourne based community events regularly 75

engaged in. Melbourne 62 74 75 76 71 67 41 41 62 63 37 34 56 57 54 Yes 26 No 15 16 16 No answer 44 6 35 Dietary requirements were even more strongly observed by participants in 24 25 centres Melbourne: 75 people (83 per cent) At work At home responded ‘yes’ and only five people In the street At university At the mosque (5 per cent) said ‘no’. I am Wherever

park In my local

On public transport Dietary requirements. At community events / events At community Melbourne (frequencies)

Faith communities mirror the society

Pilgrimage in which they are embedded, in relation Daily prayers Daily Friday prayers Friday to the social norms that inform Payment of alms Payment Male circumcision Male Attending mosque Attending obligations and values; all of which are

Celebrating Eid festival Celebrating incorporated into conceptions of formal Fasting during Ramadan Fasting

Attending Qur'an readings Attending citizenship vis-à-vis the nation-state. Reading/reciting the Qur'an Reading/reciting These depend on the family unit as a primary agent of socialisation; through Attending other community festivals festivals other community Attending which specific ideas and values 75 Yes 16 No related to being a ‘good Muslim’ are

Cleaning hands, face and feet prior to prayers prior to and feet hands, face Cleaning reproduced.

5 No answer 's Birthday Observing the Prophet

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 67 On this subject, a group of to you it’s only better to give Jemimah’s suggestion that the participants from Melbourne, something better in return. universal principle of respect and particularly the religious leaders, care for one’s neighbour is a defining So the Australian people, the provided specific insights into principle of multicultural citizenship the importance of the family, as Australian government have is extended by Dawud in the quote well as the social connections given me the freedom to work that follows. He describes how the fostered through the mosque: here, to practise my religion values attained through his faith, so it’s only fair to return rather than separating him from others, actually brings him closer "In Islam family is very back to that community… important. Yes, you can live to a society of neighbours. These So we always encourage values also inform his concept of independent, but the style [this] by helping our people Australian multiculturalism as a of Islamic life is to live with especially our neighbours." model for living with difference, your parents, or next to your which requires the ‘host’ society to parents, where you see your Imam Ismael, demonstrate the same values: parents all the time, they Melbourne see you.... So, that culture "Australian values are not is still here alive, staying "Basically it says in the Qur’an necessarily unique or Islamic with parents, taking care of that we’ve sent to be at mercy values in itself are not parents, and getting married, to humankind. And that’s necessarily black and white. and building family." what I see my role on this To say Christian values or other religious or universal values – Imam Ismael, Melbourne Earth is to serve God and to serve others, and just to be you would that 90% are pretty much the same so it’s a matter the best person I could be." By being a good family member, of having values and high ethics Basheema, 35–49, Arab especially taking good care of one’s and morality. Your faith teaches parents, individuals fulfil the wishes of background, Melbourne you to be a good world citizen; God as well as their obligations to their be a good neighbour; be a good community and society more broadly. "Islam also encourages [... son; be a good colleague etc. Imam Ismael drew on passages from to] love thy neighbour and […] Most people say ‘you’ve the Qur’an to underline that family is respect your elderly and to been a great neighbour, you’ve the most important site for fulfilling love animals and trees. And moral values and obligations to others. been our great friend, you’ve all that is encouraged. So it been a great colleague, I’ve Neighbourliness as a civic virtue is part of my faith anyway, benefited immensely from extends the focus on social connections so I do not feel as though I you, I cherish our friendship’." beyond the family and is an important am disadvantaged, excluded, Dawud, 35–49, Turkish and integral value to Muslim beliefs background, Melbourne and faith-based practices. Participants or [...] yeah, apart from communicated this by way of verses anything else. Different in the Qur’an, Prophetic traditions yes, but that is ok, I like Emerging research from urban studies (particularly the example of Medina), differences. And that’s what suggests that the spatial dimensions and the requirements of Muslim faith: multiculturalism is all about, of religiosity are increasingly it’s those differences." important for understanding the "There’s a verse in the role that religion plays in processes and it’s very clear… It states Jemimah, 33, Turkish background, of social inclusion or exclusion, that if someone does good born in Australia, Melbourne integration, citizenship, and belonging.

68 Islamic Religiosity in the West While policy-oriented research tends civic roles in the community that In the Dandenong area, mosques were to focus on the question of whether extends beyond Muslim religious originally paid for and established Muslim religiosity leads to self- concerns: for example, as a by migrant communities. These segregation and failed integration, facilitator of cross-cultural and places provide religious and social a growing body of literature is, interfaith dialogue, community services not supplied by government. perhaps more productively, concerned engagement, volunteerism, and The mosques tend to be tailored with how the everyday religious social welfare provision. The religious to different ethnic groups, with rituals, practices, and beliefs leaders and community members sermons delivered in the native of Muslims, inform community from Dandenong, Melbourne, language of the community, alongside engagement and active citizenship. frequently spoke of these roles or instead of Arabic. Today there Hatziprokopiou & Evergeti 2014. during their interviews. As this are six mosques in Dandenong, conversation between Imam Salih representing the Bosnian, Albanian, Central to this study is the question of Dogan and a youth leader at the Turkish and Afghan communities. what happens when Muslim religious Emir Sultan mosque illustrates, actors occupy space, and encounter From various discussions with others, in multicultural urban Tahwid: "Everything starts Muslims living in the local area, settings. In this sense, quotidian it emerged that the Emir Sultan experiences and encounters in the from the mosque that’s why mosque was very multicultural. multicultural city are analytics used to as you said it's the start..." Despite originally providing services explore complex processes of social Imam Salih Dogan: for Turkish migrants it now caters inclusion, integration, assimilation, Centre of life for a multicultural congregation. hybridity, resistance, and segregation. The Albanian Saki mosque, on the other hand, has been slower European research on Muslim Expanding on the community function to evolve as a multiethnic space, integration and segregation at the because it is supported by annual of the mosque, the Imam spoke about scale of the city focusses on the membership fees, and sermons are programs that he runs in prisons and mosque as a visible signal of the delivered in Albanian and English. hospitals, with Muslim and non- presence of Islam in the public Yet the Imam of the Albanian Saki Muslim inmates and patients: sphere. Cesari 2005; Gole 2011; mosque stressed that he saw it Salvatore 2004). As Hatziprokopiou as his responsibility to teach all and Evergeti 2014) claim, the "Sometimes I go to hospital… Muslims, and that the mosque visibility of mosques in public space mental ward. The management was open to other communities: is central to political contests over are saying the mental cultural and religious recognition, sicknesses [is] increasing "As a Muslim leader, I am not tolerance, public claims to Muslim identity and ‘rights to the city’, as so I try to support those in only for the Albanians... [but] for well as to European discourses that hospital, and those also being all the Muslims that live here tie together issues of religiosity, treated at home, if there's a around. In our Mosque we have difference, and multiculturalism. problem we look after them… all nationalities who come and They are all brothers and pray with us.... Membership and More positive accounts highlight the sisters… Also few elders are the expenses – everything has role of the mosque for preserving cultural and religious traditions visiting the troublemakers been run only from Albanian among Muslim migrants and in the prison… so we like to families. The rest they do not sojourners, and as an important place visit them also and support have to pay anything but they of social connection and belonging. them when they finish their come and they use our mosque Few studies have examined the prison time." – that is not a problem." evolving role of the mosque. Yet the mosque can often play important Imam Salih Dogan, Melbourne Imam Ismael, Melbourne

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 69 He also spoke of wanting to hold a Intergenerational differences then, it is that open, comparing regular open day, opening the mosque to also shape mosque attendance, this is with what we are doing here. neighbours and other faith communities. frequently documented in the literature We are very separate, go to This process was slowly underway, with on gender. For example, few older young people promoting a multicultural women attended the mosque regularly. the backroom, a dark dingy version of the faith, and embedding it Though they cited work and family dirty place [Laughs]." in broader community engagement: duties as obstacles to their attendance, Muska, 39, Lebanese background, another significant reason is that born in Lebanon, Melbourne Certainly, the younger participants female Muslims are not obligated to emphasised that Islam is a religion for attend mosque and, in some cultures, all cultures and races, and they prefer are actively discouraged from doing These sentiments were not shared to attend mosques that promote the so – albeit these exclusions are by younger participants for whom values of inclusion and acceptance: often thought to be cultural rather Islamic teachings, rather than culture, than religiously prescribed. informed their regular attendance at "There …[are] many mosques in the mosque. They were more inclined Aida, female participants who Melbourne, but I think Hallam is to contest cultural traditions that limit did not regularly attend mosque, one of the most special mosques women’s inclusion and involvement provided these reasons: for everyone, people travel from in the rituals and activities associated everywhere to go to... because with the mosque. Amina stressed "In Afghanistan, they not let that women have the freedom to it's all based on community… woman’s go in the mosque, all choose in this country, and that some A lot of the mosques, different the men, but here it's different." younger women are choosing to nationalities go, but it's for follow faith traditions more closely: specific people, like Afghan Aida, 35-49, Pashtun background, born in Afghanistan, Melbourne mosque, Turkish mosque. But "We have freedom for this mosque, it’s more open. Well, women... Muslim women in it’s kind of an Indian mosque… Muska goes on to explain that despite Australia have a huge role but no-one feels like it’s their mosques being open to men and in the community. It was mosque because everyone has women in Australia, she does not not like that in Iran... but feel comfortable attending because here it is really different. I a say, there's Afghan, Turkey, of the gender-segregated nature of we all belong to that Mosque." the space. She comments that in always say to my mum, if Amina, 18–24, Pashtun background, Indonesia both genders pray side- I was in Iran – I wouldn't born in Iran, Melbourne by-side. She concludes that tradition have been who I am today." imposes too many restrictions on Amina, 18–24, Pashtun background, women attending mosque in Australia: "In Hallam, it is the Fijian born in Iran, Melbourne community but the Imam’s "If you go to Indonesia, they Afghan… But it’s beyond that. have the same door, they Amina spoke of her mother’s The mosque is beyond any sit together, they even don’t frustration at always having to pick idea of any nationalism or have a block or a curtain her up from mosque or another sectarian or whatever. […] In blocking them from the men.... religious youth centre that she fact, the majority of the Muslim Even they do their ablution frequently attended in Coolaroo. Amina world is also like that." enthusiastically describes this centre, or their washing up in the particularly the friendships and social Saeed, 27, Afghan background, same place, which is kind of connections that she makes there, born in Australia, Melbourne a bit weird sometimes, but as well as the lifestyle it provides:

70 Islamic Religiosity in the West "It's a lifestyle, you could live are interesting sites for examining Saeed: And it is open to there. There's programs every the extent to which Muslim public all communities. week, sleepovers, parties for performances of religiosity intersect with, shape, and are integrated into The Dandenong Eid festival is also girls only, so providing what the urban social environment and presented as a community festival women can't have, there's everyday culture of Dandenong. open to everyone, yet Shia Muslims dancing and stuff like that. […] in the community have objected to That’s what we’re trying to build In keeping with recent scholarship the timing of the event, suggesting soon in Dandenong, because on youthful expressions of Muslim that it precludes important rituals we need that as well [...]They’ve religiosity, the young people in this and observances important to Shia got counsellors for youth […] study made their own claims to Muslims. Nonetheless, the creation public space and the multicultural of DIY religious centres, such as the where their parents can't life of the city, rather than having one operated by Masjid and Saeed support them and they support the mosque and religious leaders them financially […] Like if I determine their levels of public and together with the Dandenong ever had problem and nowhere community engagement. Young Eid Festival) is the product of to go, I'd definitely go to the people have established several young Australian Muslims’ youth-led spaces – both open to expression and efforts. mosque, they’ll always help me." mass public participation and more Amina, 18-24, Pashtun background, private spaces – where they can This is a demographic that born in Iran, Melbourne feel free to enact new place-making the mosque does not always activities that incorporate expressions accommodate; the religious hierarchy of Islamic lifestyle and identity. in the mosque can close-down forms Despite the evolution of the mosque of youth agency and autonomy: from a relatively closed, ethno- The first of these places is a youth- cultural and gender specific space led religious education centre that "There are particular hierarchies operates from a large hall-like space to a more open space of worship, in the mosque, so this is just religious leaders noted that young above a shop in central Dandenong. people do not necessarily perform Saeed and Masjid established the an environment where you can their religiosity exclusively at the centre, Masjid also has a role in come and learn about the Qur’an, mosque. Significantly, the young the annual Dandenong Eid Festival. learn Arabic. It is basically a Muslims living in Dandenong spoke The rationale for the Centre was to religious institution for the provide an inclusive space, alternative of the incorporation of non-religiously Southeast of Dandenong." defined public and private spaces to the mosque, where women and into their religiosity; encouraging new arrivals can participate freely and Semir, Melbourne civic engagement, integration, learn about Islam as well as social recognition and claims for equal aspects of Australian life and culture: representation in the public sphere. In addition to dedicated DIY  Saeed: Because, in terms of a religious places of education and These more open styles of religiosity mosque, we don’t really have worship, participants also noted the were particularly evident in four sites: one so […] The aim of this is importance of both council-built the establishment of non-formal combining a social as well prayer and work facilities. This is what educational and community spaces as an educational space, for Petra Kuppinger 2014, p. 4) describes such as Baytul Hikmah), the Dandenong mothers, or people who have as the small ‘semi-visible corners Eid festival, Dandenong market, and only just come to Australia […] in public or in work spaces to which the Afghan Bazaar on Thomas Street. individuals retreat for their prayers’, As many of these spaces are hybrid Masjid: How people can adapt serving to accommodate Muslim acts spaces in which both Muslims and to the lifestyle, how to treat of religiosity in the city, enhancing non-Muslims mix and interact, they society and respect society. comfort, inclusion, and belonging.

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 71 Participants especially noted the are special cushions and Chand Raat Eid Festival, was held significance of a multifaith prayer couches… the prayer mats as at Sandown Park and was a ticketed room at the Dandenong Plaza, event celebrating Eid ul-Fitr. which enables Muslim rituals and well.... Because we have lots practices to be better integrated into of Muslim customers... they This was the first year that Chand the daily necessities of life such as say they feel like at home." Raat had been staged in Melbourne, it shopping. Many also spoke of the Thana, 25–34, Afghan background, had been held successfully in Sydney, provision of dedicated and informal born in , Melbourne nonetheless, introducing the event prayer spaces at work, although in into a new community was a risky some instances the use of these venture. Habeeb promoted Chand spaces had to be negotiated: Thana went on to explain that by Raat Eid festival as a multicultural accommodating ritual prayers event, ‘open for everyone without "Um, there is. Not [...] a in the restaurant, more people religious or cultural boundaries’: prayer room by itself, but a could eat out during Ramadan: place I can pray in, which is "When we are saying this event usually the bedrooms. Or we "Especially Ramadan, this year is open for everyone, it means have an overnight bedroom we’ve been really, really busy. that everyone will come. And or a sacred quiet space for We worked seven days a week. they will enjoy it because we someone to relax in. I use Because most of the people are not focusing on Muslims, that at least twice a day, it there was, try to come every or we are not focusing on depends on what shift I am day for breaking their fasting. Pakistani only or Indian only, working. They accommodate So they celebrate their fasting, we are focusing on everyone... for that. When I started, I was special occasion.… People What I feel is in Australia, we the only one at the time. So it are coming with groups." have to create bonding between was, at the beginning, they did Thana, 25–34, Afghan different communities when we not understand why and that. background, born in promote multicultural events." Now they know and it is easy." Uzbekistan, Melbourne Habeeb, 35–49, Pakistan background, Muska, 39, Lebanese background, born in Pakistan, Melbourne born in Lebanon, Melbourne Some of the more complex and ambivalent intercultural encounters – productive of integration, inclusion, Yet Habeeb received several Participants mentioned two more and recognition, but also exclusion and complaints from Muslim leaders interesting sites: a prayer room created marginalisation – occurred in relation and community members for for Hazara women in Thomas Street, to several publicly staged events. promoting multiculturalism at the and a prayer room custom built by an cost of religious specificity. These Afghan restaurateur, wanting to make The Eid festival held in Dandenong, complaints centred on the inclusion her customers more comfortable: for example, was one such event, of activities considered haram: it was promoted through local/ "There’s a small room special Melbourne-wide religious and "We have a lot of email… made for Muslim people. cultural networks and organisations, negative feedback… ‘you There’s a special seating including ICV, Greater Dandenong have music there, you have place on the floor. Like, you City Council, Dandenong Plaza, a tarot reader there’. And we local businesses and SBS Radio. can feel at home, because say ‘yes, it is. Because it’s Muslim people, we all like In 2013 two major Eid festivals took a multicultural program’.... to sit on the floor and there place in Dandenong. The first, the At the end of the day, we are

72 Islamic Religiosity in the West celebrating Eid, but we are the authentic embodiment of Islam, in different policy and theoretical celebrating the entertainment is particularly interesting in this responses to cultural and religious diversity in Western societies and to how part, the festivity part of the case, since the Muslim community of Dandenong hail largely from non- religion ought to be accommodated. Eid. Uh, and inviting other Arabic–speaking backgrounds. In this people, so this Chand Raat sense then, there is a political message The aim of the Dandenong Eid festival is Eid Festival is multicultural. folded into the Chand Raat Eid festival: to support Muslims in celebrating one of Muslims are happy because that because of the diversity of the the pillars of the Islamic faith, as well as provide the wider Australian community this is the way we celebrate Muslim community in Dandenong, the festival should be a cultural, rather with an opportunity to appreciate our festival… They might not than Islamic event; which also opens Islam as a legitimate expression of be expecting Indian music and it up to the non-Muslim community. religious identity and cultural diversity. Bollywood and dancing and The support of the Muslim faith within The other major festival, Eid Al- all those things, but, when the explicitly multicultural model is, Adha, contrasts with Chand Raat moreover, expressed in the upcoming they come, they understand precisely because of its specific description of non-Muslim festival that we are focusing on Islamic focus. Nonetheless, Masjid attendees observing a Muslim prayer- cultural religion. But even also promoted the festival as a time. Of those praying, one described doing so, we still have some youth-friendly, multicultural event: the encounter as very positive, helping to alleviate community fear by showing rules, some format, some "Eid is something special. what Muslims do behind closed doors: limitations so that it would There’s something on – ‘hey, not highly, or you know, at let’s go to this Eid festival’. You "While we were all praying, and any level, offend Muslims." meet with people, you engage I noticed a few people taking Habeeb, 35–49, Pakistan background, with people you have not seen photos – non-Muslims – who born in Pakistan, Melbourne in the community. It brings were intrigued to sort of see, the people together to engage because they have probably never seen the act inside a Perhaps because of these issues, with the Muslim community the numbers at the festival did as well, other sheiks and mosque. There were a few not meet initial projections. other Imams, other cultural people actually taking photos. organisations. And also in Which was quite funny. It was Nonetheless Habeeb remained resolute society itself, in Dandenong it’s funny because the fact, like, you that this was the type of Eid festival that know, bowing down and things the Muslim community needed; one open to neighbours and open that is open to the diverse range and to locals… I am very proud to like that, is very different to experiences of religiosity – including live in Dandenong to be honest. other, other religious ways of cultural religiosity – that typify the I like living in Dandenong, the prayer. But, yeah, it was, sort Australian Muslim experience: cultural diversity of it and the of, a good thing, good to have mix of people living here." that interaction. … I guess it As this case demonstrates, public is a good way for them to see Eid festivals are contested events in Semir, Melbourne the Muslim community, encouraging and reflect on how, you know, experiences of inclusion but also at the end of the day, Muslims producing discomfort and community This distinction between the two are enjoying themselves but tension. Habeeb’s reference to a festivals, and specifically the at the same time, still not hierarchical ordering of Muslim ethnic understandings of multiculturalism forgetting our prayers." communities, whereby Muslims of that their organisers operationalise, is Arabic background are considered significant because it is also reflected Semir, Melbourne

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 73 This sentiment was reflected in the Council views the ‘Afghan bazaar’, "I get help from inside the words of the Imam of the Albanian ‘Little India’ and other ethnically- market management as well… Saki mosque: he said, ‘It’s very labelled shopping areas as major I was saying – no I can’t do important so at least other people will selling points for Dandenong. see your faith, your traditions, your it, like I wanted to stop the cultures or they know also and they Participants from the Dandenong business last year or year have the education about it’. These area suggested that the market’s before, he [the manager] came examples illustrate the significance character with its visible and sensory in and said … your shop looks of openness and inclusion for social signs of Muslim culture – dress, like the best for me, … small harmony. Because of its central and food, and other goods – enhanced open location, the Dandenong Eid their sense of belonging to the shop and colourful I want you festival encourages the participation Dandenong community, as well as to stay here and don’t go. of all community members without providing goods tailored to them: I said okay maybe it’s nice, ‘hiding’ religious activity. In so I can’t see it, maybe it is nice. doing, it makes a claim for equal "Fifteen years ago, we never … Before I was thinking, if representation in the community and, had food, halal butchers here. I'm going outside … people by presenting aspects of Islamic faith We had to drive to Sydney Rd to non-Muslim community members, understand I'm Muslim, their proposes that integration is a two-way to get halal. We had to drive to reactions not the same like process of mutual understanding, Sydney Rd to get the Lebanese now, they maybe don’t like tolerance, and accommodation. pizzas that we were used to. Muslim people, but slowly I The sweets, the same thing. found now they love me." In Dandenong, the subdued nature But food is the most important Aida, 35–49, Pashtun background, of the Dandenong market and thing. Because it makes you surrounding shops during the Eid born in Afghanistan, Melbourne festival, and particularly on the day of feel good. Simple as that." Eid ul-Fitr, reflected the significance Muska, 39, Lebanese background, of the Muslim community to the born in Lebanon, Melbourne This acceptance and warmth over area. On this day there were multiple time made Aida feel that she messages in shop windows saying belonged more to the Dandenong ‘closed for Eid’, and ‘Eid Mubarak’. As Muska claimed this had not always community than Afghanistan. The market was also abnormally been the case, but the longer the quiet for a Saturday, usually one of its settlement of Muslims in the area, Another contested site of local Muslim busier days. On other days, however, the more they had made themselves and ethnic identity politics emerging Thomas Street’s bi-weekly market at home and catered for specific from interviews and focus group and Afghan Bazaar were particularly community and religious needs. discussions was the Afghan bazaar on busy, a non-Muslim local commented One illustration of this was Aida’s Thomas Street in central Dandenong. that she had gone shopping on Friday fashion store, which sold The Afghan bazaar is a part of an to avoid the Saturday rush, only to and other modesty garments. urban redevelopment of an area of find that the market was packed. Dandenong where Afghan restaurants, grocery stores, and carpet sellers She reasoned that this must have been When Aida first arrived in Australia are clustered. In 2013, after a lengthy because of Eid, and to the Muslim and opened the store, she felt a sense public consultation, the Council community getting their shopping of shame at her English language and invested AUD1.17 million in the project done early before the weekend. This tried to hide from customers. Soon her to attract visitors to Dandenong activity demonstrates the importance confidence grew as local Muslims and as a food and cultural precinct. of the Muslim community to the non-Muslims started to appreciate life of Dandenong. It also shows her ‘colourful’ shop, making her feel a In a pitch last year, Greater why the Greater Dandenong City part of the diverse market community: Dandenong’s former mayor, Angela

74 Islamic Religiosity in the West Long, said the project ‘would elevate enhancing her sense of connection A set of questions in the survey sought the Afghan Bazaar cultural precinct and belonging to the area: to examine what people feel when from being a “hidden gem” to a “must they engage in certain practices, and see” destination where residents "There’s 78 shops in Dandenong, specifically how this makes them could seek out individual specialty feel towards others, including non- shops…. It will deliver culturally- Hazara shops all in one street… Muslims. Apart from feeling closer themed treatments, improved lighting So it's like ‘Oh I am home’. to God when participating in rituals and amenity, new seating, and It feels like home because such as prayer (75.1 per cent), other enhanced landscaping, paving and when you walk down the street respondents described feelings of urban design elements that build on peace (61.97 per cent), comfort (59.42 the Afghan flavour of the precinct’ you see so many Hazaras, you per cent), and feeling comfortable Dandenong Journal, 25 July 2013). hardly see anyone else. If you with themselves (58.21 per cent). see someone from another During Ramadan, feelings of love were The redeveloped area was launched in community background then also associated with ritual practices 2014, leading the Victorian Minister for (68.18 per cent). Multicultural Affairs and Citizenship, you feel pride, like oh it's such Matthew Guy, to describe it as a ‘fitting a good place that people from Figure 62 tribute to the success of Victoria’s multiculturalism and to the Afghan other communities feel safe and How frequently do you perform migrants who have shaped and will feel good to be in this area and the following practices and continue to shape Dandenong, our to shop around in Dandenong." rituals? Melbourne state, and our nation’ 39 Saba, 22, Hazara background, (frequencies) born in Afghanistan, 9 Press release, Premier of Victoria, Melbourne 28 April 2014). According to Saba, 9 4 however, not all Afghan residents --- 1 of Dandenong were happy with the naming of the precinct. Considering Survey respondents identified daily 43 18 prayers as the most frequently 25 what she described as the daily 33 massacre of Hazara minorities in performed of the religious practices --- 2 Afghanistan, naming the precinct and rituals. Thirty-six respondents ‘Afghan’ had been divisive, many reported performing daily prayers five --- 1 --- 1 Hazaras felt that it should be named times or more, with 33 people praying --- 1 1--- 10 --- 1 36 28 the Hazara Bazaar: one–to–five times a day. 17

"There's a discussion going The second most popular religious 30 22 --- 1 activity was ‘making daily decisions 3 on what to name the bazaar. 24 based on Qur’an’. Thirty-nine 21 Yeah because people don’t 12 9 respondents reported making 2--- identify themselves as Afghans, --- 2 decisions based on Qur’an one–to–five we’re not accepted as Afghans." times a day and 18 people mentioned

Saba, 22, Hazara background, making these decisions five times Never born in Afghanistan, Melbourne or more. Reading Qur’an was also occasions frequently mentioned. Twenty-four Only on special Only 1-5 times a day Only on Fridays Only people read it one–to–five times a day, 5 times or more While this dispute was not resolved 12 people read Qur’an five times or in favour of the Hazara community, more daily, nine people read it only on Reading the Qur'an Attending mosque Saba still identified the Bazaar as a Fridays and 21 respondents reported Making daily decisions based on the Qu'ran formal recognition of the presence of reading Qur’an only on special Attending Qur'an reading group Afghan Muslims living in Dandenong, occasions (see Figure 62). Daily prayers (salat) Friday prayers

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 75 When asked about whether or how a social dimension. This suggests the responsibility that leaders feel to these practices produced certain that engagement in religious rituals help their Muslim ‘brothers’ who have feelings toward non-Muslims in the and practices give rise to spiritual endured hardship to seek asylum in community, 47 people (49 per cent) feelings and emotions that generate Australia: claimed that it made them feel more acts of care and responsibility towards open to non-Muslims, while 36 people all members of the community. This (37.5 per cent) said that it increased was also evident in the interview "Now is people from Burma, their feelings of tolerance towards responses: many, many hundreds of families non-Muslims, 28 people (29.2 per are now in Australia, many of cent) felt ambivalent and 27 (28.1 "Islam is love that you give per cent) experienced love. Only one them living here … a brother to people. It does not matter person said that he/she felt resistance came here, he is very stressed, or rejection towards non-Muslims in whether you get it in return but the community while performing the it is the love and the share, like because in front of his eyes… rituals (see Figure 63). what you have to share with I'm not blaming Buddhist… but people, people who do not have. they kill his wife, his father but not the children. Figure 63 Making people feel that they

Feelings toward the Non-Muslim are being cared of, they are They catch them they cut their community while performing recognised regardless of their the rituals. Melbourne status, you always give them legs… when you listen to this (frequencies) some value in life, it does not you'll cry so what's happened matter who the person is or we try to help them okay, we How does performing these where the person’s coming rituals make you feel toward the find a house for him, also some non-Muslim community? from. And that’s one thing most government help… but emotional people don’t realise about 47 they come here and we say Islam, you know and … It's not brother we have a mosque 36 the religion but how you feel here and what do you need, any afterwards when you are able to 27 28 clothes, food, and friends?" 37 do all these things the right way." Imam Salih Dogan, Ali, 33, African background, Melbourne 16 born in Ghana, Melbourne

1 The environment of the mosque There are clear connections between is understood here to provide not Love these descriptions of embodied only material support to those in feelings of love, and the development Tolerance Openness need, but also emotional support Resistance Ambivalent of a sense of social responsibility and friendship. for the wellbeing of others in the community. When asked about the feelings that Respondents reported that these come from participating in a prayer, The religious leaders in Dandenong feelings extended beyond the time, participants strongly associated place, and location of the ritual also communicated a deep sense of prayer with ‘feeling closer to God’ enacted. Engagement in fasting, for moral and emotional responsibility (4.58), ‘peace’ (4.36), ‘comfort’ (4.29), example, also encouraged feelings to those who have come to them in ‘relaxation’ (4.23), ‘feeling spiritually of openness (63.89 per cent) and need, Muslims and non-Muslims. connected’ (4.21), and ‘feeling tolerance (50 per cent) towards One story, related by the Imam of the comfortable with who I am’ (4.14) non-Muslim communities; implying Emir Sultan mosque, emphasised (see Figure 64).

76 Islamic Religiosity in the West Figure 64 Figure 65 the five pillars were a constant across Feelings arising while Feelings arising while sectarian lines of difference. participating in prayer. participating in Ramadan. Melbourne Melbourne For Ali, Ramadan was a particularly significant religious observance. On a scale of 1 (lowest) to 5 (highest) On a scale of 1 (lowest) to 5 (highest) Especially the practice of fasting, please rate which of the following please rate which of the following which is designed to incite an feelings arise for you while participating feelings arise for you while participating embodied feeling of the poor, develop in prayer? in Ramadan? empathy, and a sense of social responsibility, productive of action: 5 5 4.58 4.64 4.36 4.39 4.47 "The whole aspect of Ramadan 4.21 4.29 4.23 4.14 4.25 4.17 4.11 4.26 4.11 3.86 is not so much the not eating; 3.47 3.19 3.27 the not eating is a small part of the whole experience. It is about beginning to feel how others would feel when they do not eat, starving people in other countries, and how people just take life and food Love Love Peace Peace Comfort Comfort for granted." Relaxation Relaxation Ali, 33, African background, born in Ghana, Feeling closer to God to closer Feeling Feeling closer to God to closer Feeling Melbourne Feeling attached to a place to attached Feeling Feeling attached to a place to attached Feeling Feeling spiritually connected spiritually Feeling Feeling spiritually connected spiritually Feeling For many of the participants, Feeling comfortable with who I am comfortable Feeling Feeling comfortable with who I am comfortable Feeling religious identity was shaped by an Feeling connected to my community to connected Feeling Feeling connected to my community to connected Feeling understanding that being a Muslim was ‘a whole way of life’, affecting worldly and spiritual perceptions, relationships, and activities: Participants reported that stronger In line with the findings from the feelings were elicited in the acts and survey data, most of the interview and "My religion is everything. rituals of Ramadan. focus group participants identified as My way of life has been practising Muslims. If they were Sunni shaped by the way my religion Among the feelings reported to arise Muslims, they generally engaged from participating in Ramadan, in the (belief teaches me, the way I interact the strongest were ‘feeling closer in one God, daily prayers, fasting with people, engage with to God’ (4.64), ‘feeling spiritually during Ramadan, paying zakat, and people, my day to day life is connected’ (4.47), ‘love’ (4.39), committing to go to hajj) but as the all within the context of my ‘feeling comfortable with who I survey findings made evident, this religion, everything I do." am’ (4.26), ‘peace’ (4.25), ‘comfort’ also extended to aspects of Islamic (4.17), ‘relaxation’ (4.11), and ‘feeling jurisprudence. And while Shia Ali, 33, African background, connected to my community’ (4.11) Muslims also integrated several other born in Ghana, (see Figure 65). beliefs and practices into their faith, Melbourne

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 77 "I think being Muslim and and how I'm going to finish the social spheres. This is also evidenced being a Shia Muslim… is part day and how I start my day… in the survey responses: particularly in of my identity. I would describe each day." response to the question of ‘whether being a Muslim makes you a better it as… part of my everyday citizen’, to which many referring to a Ali, 33, African background, approach towards life… You close correspondence between Islamic born in Ghana, Melbourne grow up with those values, laws and civic and human rights: you grow up with all the "Growing up with that set of understandings of life and how One key difference between Islam and to appreciate things in your Christian faith traditions (although rules does influence the way life, and appreciate people in with similarities to Judaism) is the you act publicly and privately. your life and how to approach addition of Islamic law (Sharia law) Also there are lots of things people from a different culture, as a mode of governing Muslim about this faith and many life; public and private, bodily, from a different background, faiths that are based on values and spiritual. This is clear in the that humanity agree on. They from a different religion." description Masjid – a teacher at a local Islamic school, and co-founder go hand in hand, the religion Saba, 22, Hazara background, is not removed from human born in Afghanistan, of an educational centre in Dandenong Melbourne – provides: rights and values." Survey respondent, "There is a whole system that female, Melbourne Saba saw the religious values she governs everything… How you grew up with as having had a strong speak to someone, how you influence on her ethical outlook, speak to your parents, how Across the entire study the importance fostering an appreciation for all you speak to your brothers of religious practices and rituals (such human life. as praying five times a day, or wearing and sisters, how you treat hijab) as a core aspects of Muslim As expressed here, Islam was an Muslims and non-Muslims. … religiosity was contested. Young orienting set of morals and practices How you should eat, what you participants in particular seemed that are both transcendent and should eat, and it just goes on to reject the view that engaging in immanent and embodied; covering … It’s every single aspect of material rituals and practices made all spheres of life and activity. In this you a better Muslim than those who sense, Islam is a religion that governs your life […] How you dress, did not. all relationships (bodily, social, and how you talk, how you walk spiritual). … especially what you put in Even those who wore Islamic dress your body. Looking after your and regularly engaged in embodied For Ali, this begins the moment he neighbours." and ritual performances of faith did kneels in the morning to pray and is not necessarily view their practice very much grounded in the spiritual Masjid, 28, Albanian/Greek as a requirement for all Muslims. connection to God and consciousness background, born in Australia, Many of the Dandenong participants that sets his direction for the day: Melbourne however, claimed that these practices disciplined the body and mind, "The five times prayer reminds strengthening their connection to me all the time of my direction, Importantly, this description recounts God and to what was important in life. that Islamic law not only prescribes just everything that I do, when a set of rights and obligations within The description of this experience I sit down to pray I look back the domestic sphere of family life, but as ‘ground[ing] back into reality’ on the day… and how it's been also outwards into other public and suggests that the repeated

78 Islamic Religiosity in the West performance of embodied rituals re- "Wearing the hijab for me is ... our prophet. In our religion centres the self in a more spiritually practising more than someone you cannot force non-Muslims and emotionally grounded present. who is not wearing it … I try to become our religion; you Certainly, in relation to repeated rituals and practices, more than one not to swear … I try not to do can't do this if people have no participant mentioned the idea of anything that might attract interest… but we never ever grounding oneself and creating space attention negatively. I try to lock the door… so we have for the spiritual practice in daily life: do the other way around, the neighbours, neighbour from positive working of things, Vietnam, also neighbour from "By doing it 5 times a day, it like OK, ‘she’s doing the right Fiji, we all know we could have constantly reminds you, and thing, she’s trying her best’. I good relation with each other. keeps the flow of your daily try to represent Islam as much We look after also some of routine … You disconnect as I can. Wearing the hijab, them also mental sicknesses yourself from that daily whether I like it or not, I’m in housing commission work, social, money, figures, representing Islam." house we give them present, everything, and say ‘Hey, I need we invite them here for eat Muska, 39, Lebanese background, a break’. Your body needs a together." break. It’s like a car going all born in Lebanon, Melbourne Imam Salih Dogan, Emir day and running, and running Sultan mosque, Melbourne and running. It needs to have While some could experience this a break eventually or it’s going social responsibility as a burden, to go [makes a breaking down for Muska and others interviewed it Interestingly, Imam Salih Dogan also noise]." provided an opportunity to address mentioned that forced conversions public misconceptions, embodying are prohibited in Islam. This point Masjid, 28, Albanian/Greek a kind of Islam that is different to was volunteered by other participants background, born media stereotypes. The kind of Islam in the study too, who claimed that in Australia, Melbourne they associated with peace, kindness, forced conversions are popularly fairness, patience, tolerance, humility, associated with Islam but conflict and other good qualities. By taking on with what is stated in the Qur’an; For women interviewed, the this responsibility, the hijab wearers commanding Muslims to respect decision to wear the hijab or to who participated in this study aspired neighbours’ rights above their own, dress modestly was often made to a level of piety that corresponded and to live peaceably with people for a mix of cultural and religious with notions of virtuous citizenship. from different faiths and cultures: reasons. Yet it was primarily seen as a practice that demonstrated Another of the value central to the "The religion or faith is all piety and commitment to faith. Dandenong participants, that tied in about how to live with the with notions of virtuous citizenship, More than an individual expression other people. … To give you is the quality of being a ‘good an example, in the time of the of piety, however, wearing the hijab neighbour’ – notwithstanding some was also associated with social internal conflicts. As stated by the Prophet Muhammad there was commitments that others may not Imams of the Albanian Saki mosque the people from other faiths, have. This is because the hijab signals and the Emir Sultan mosque: they come and said: Look we to the public that one is Muslim, don’t have our community meaning that the wearer represents the faith community through their "Our religion is Islam, so we centre, can we use your place actions, which in turn implies a had a book, we had a prophet for our pray? And He asked: sense of social responsibility: … and we learned this from Well, what time do you pray?

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 79 They said: We pray on Sunday is very important your neighbour "You get up and say ‘look at morning. And He said: That’s to not get hurt from you, they these other people who are absolutely fine, because we have to be happy from you, you suffering’. I guess that’s what not make trouble for them. If you don’t pray at that time." we – I just feel like that is cook some food, like the smell the core of so many religions Habeeb, 35–49, Pakistan background, goes in your neighbour house, is that remembering your born in Pakistan, Melbourne you have to give it to them as well, otherwise you can't eat. weaknesses as a human and acknowledging that before a "My religion says that you are higher power or before nature born to serve everybody in the Amina: So it’s like their dignity is your dignity. or whatever it is that you hold community that you can, and as holy." approach them in a way that’s Alia, 30, Turkish background, As this ritual demonstrates, being a not harmful to them and you." born in Turkey, Melbourne Muslim means more than aspiring Saba, 22, Hazara background, to be a ‘good neighbour’. Rather born in Afghanistan, Melbourne the precept of good neighbour is Alia’s response is an example of embodied in ritual practices. These ‘embodied responsibility’, whereby acts of faith have a strong connection the ethical practices and teachings While the precept of being ‘good to active citizenship, meaning that of all religions, including Islam, are neighbour’ is not unique to Muslim these actions and performances enact understood to centre on a recognition beliefs, it is a principle that is the idea of working for the common of and an embodied response to the suffering of others. This is thought of embedded in the core practices of good of the whole community. as a common human bond extending the faith. For example, during Eid beyond ethnic or religious groups, or al-Adha – the more important of Caring for neighbours, as Amina and national borders. Alia reiterates this the two Eid festivals on the Islamic Aida describe, and in particular caring claim later in the interview, adding calendar – Aida and Amina spoke of for the most vulnerable members of that the core emotion informing this the importance of giving a portion of the community, was echoed by many embodied responsibility is a feeling the lamb that had been slaughtered participants, referring not only to core of transcendent or universal love: during this time to your neighbours: ethical principles associated with the faith, but also to embodied affects "I think this is the core of described as central to the act of Amina: The meat we divide religion, which is having love into seven. And then one feeling responsible to another human being. In this sense, the description of for your fellow human being, goes to the family… responsibility is grounded not only in being able to transcend those, religious beliefs and ethical practices, Aida: First for the person who I guess those fears and doubts but also in a sense of humanity and did cut [the sheep], one is for and suspicions and say you particularly a knowledge of our shared neighbour, one is for family… vulnerability, and the responsibility know what? I care for you there's four more for the poor to act in the face of this knowledge. because I know what that people, like in a poor country, weakness is like." when they know you cut the In terms of the significance of sheep, they come in front of your religion to the development of this Alia, 30, Turkish background, door and say ‘give it to me’. embodied and emotional response, born in Turkey, Melbourne Alia felt that the awareness of God Interviewer: So do you just or a ‘higher power’ led worshippers In physical terms, participants give it to local neighbours? to feel this responsibility more spoke about many of the deeply than citizens who may be embodied practices and rituals Aida: Yes, local neighbour, because conditioned to care more for the that encourage feelings tied to in Islam, first is your neighbour, immediate political community: openness and care towards others.

80 Islamic Religiosity in the West DETROIT, USA Figure 68 Figure 66 In Detroit, 39 respondents (92.9 Engagement in rituals, practices Dietary requirements per cent) (self)identified as a and faith based community events. (frequencies) ‘practising Muslims’, one person Detroit (2.4 per cent) as ‘non-practising Which of the following rituals, Muslim’, and two people (4.8 per practices and faith based cent) as ‘cultural Muslims’. community events do you regularly engage in? 68.8 75 (percentage) Of 48 participants, 35 (72.9 per cent) 66.7 said that they observed strict dietary 64.6 requirements, while 33 people 60.4 54.2 (68.8 per cent) observed strict dress requirements (see Figures 66 and 67). 35 Yes 3 No 10 No answer 30 The most commonly observed faith- 25 27.1 based practices included fasting 20.8 during Ramadan, reading the Qur’an, celebrating Eid, and wudu. Thirty- Figure 67 six people (75 per cent) reported Dress requirements that they had participated in each (frequencies) of these activities. Additionally, 33 participants (68.8 per cent)

performed daily prayers and 32 people Pilgrimage Daily prayers Daily

(66.7 per cent) reported attending prayers Friday Payment of alms Payment Male circumcision Male mosque. Thirty-one people (64.6 per mosque Attending cent) engaged in payment of alms. Celebrating Eid festival Celebrating Fasting during Ramadan Fasting Attending Qur'an readings Attending Twenty-nine participants (60.4 the Qur'an Reading/reciting per cent) reported attending other community festivals. More than festivals other community Attending 33 Yes 5 No half of the respondents – 26 people (54.2 per cent) – also observed 10 No answer Cleaning hands, face and feet prior to prayers prior to and feet hands, face Cleaning Friday prayers. In addition, 16 Muhammad's Birthday Observing the Prophet people (33.3 per cent) attended Qur’an reading groups and 13 people (27.1 per cent) reported several participants spoke about "When you got to Hajj you know observing the Prophet Muhammad’s hajj as an experience of communal it does not matter if you are rich, birthday (see Figure 68). pilgrimage and prayer that imparted moral teachings associated with old, black, pink whatever… we Among the communal religious race, class, and social equality. all meet in the same place. … practices, hajj was most frequently Just to see doctors, professors mentioned. Whereas many embodied Participants reported that the practices involve individual spiritual and regular people … in the experience of hajj increased embodied reflection and moral regulation, other feelings of love, and equality of same dirt, in the same area practices convey the significance of asking God for forgiveness … communal ties, producing different humankind, elevating the sense feelings and moral precepts, of oneness among the religious and that’s what the purpose is." many of which relate to issues community, surrender to God, and of social justice. For example, empathy towards others: Radwan, 25–30, Yemeni background

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 81 "When we do Hajj – doesn’t "Every Muslim is compelled by Figure 69 matter who you are, the king Islam to fulfil everyone’s rights. In what places do you perform these or the servant – we are all one. This includes the environment religious practices? (frequencies) We come the same way and we that you’re living in, being kind (% Percent). Detroit will leave the same way." to animals and also humans, Aisha, 25–30, Latina revert everyone that you interact with. 75 … When you’re conscious of 68.8 62 this idea that this person has Some of these social values were also 43.8 rights over me, and that I will 39.6 41.7 conveyed discursively by participants 35.4 through recitation of the Qur’an in be held accountable for them prayer, through laws or , or through one day, I think that is very 18.8 examples from the life of the Prophet effective in compelling you to 10.4 12.5 (Sunnah). Sunnah was especially reported fulfil their rights as citizens." to provide a set of precepts aligned with values of social justice and equity. Sameera, 22, Pakistani background centres At work At home These values were more commonly In the street At university At the mosque associated with universal human I am Wherever rights and civic values, for example, Participants reported that faith- park In my local the importance of truth, charity, mercy, based rituals tended to be generally On public transport At community events / events At community and doing good to neighbours. performed in more private locations. The two most frequently cited places "There is a saying from Prophet included ‘home’ (75 per cent) and Muhammad: ‘No man will enter the ‘mosque’ (68.8 per cent). Slightly "I take all these kids and every less frequently cited places were the paradise who feeds himself but Tuesday and Thursday we broke ‘university’ (43.8 per cent), ‘work’ (41.7 our fast in a different mosque whose neighbour goes hungry’. per cent), and ‘community centres’ … My job here on this planet is to (39.6 per cent). The least popular here in Detroit area … because make the world a better place." places to perform religious practices I wanted these kids from the included ‘in my local park’ (18.8 per suburbs to connect with these Badda, 25–34, Pakistani background cent), ‘in the street’ (12.5 per cent) and kids in the neighbourhood so ‘on public transport’ (10.4 per cent) that they can network, they can (see Figure 69). coordinate and they can provide "There’s a word in the Quran In some cases, individuals started these kids with opportunities. So called ‘Taqwa’ which means their own faith-based programs and that was basically the purpose of God consciousness. … There’s organisations, working very closely Muslims Building Bridges, just a command in the Quran where with mosques and local community to get these kids to talk to each God says ‘Be Just, and this is councils. Many of these were presented other. To bridge that financial that what’s most close to Taqwa’. at the Islamic Society of North social economic gap. To bridge it, So being just, but making sure America (ISNA) Annual conference, held in Downtown Detroit in 2014; we’re all the same underneath, there’s a system in place, that with a bazaar where community and there is an even playing field." we all pray to the same God, we fundraising organisations could raise all bleed the same colour." Imam Younis, 30–49, their profile. Muslims Building Bridges African American revert was one of those programs: Badda, Detroit

82 Islamic Religiosity in the West Another organisation, Reaching ALL that started it grew out of Participants reported that block clubs HIV+ Muslims in America (RAHMA), the Muslim centre. And they provided a more informal way of provided outreach and awareness among organising within the local community. those who were living with HIV/AIDS: started this work maybe five Block clubs are a group of community years ago, I got involved in 2011 members centred around a specific "Our Prophet – he was an when [Inner City Muslim neighbourhood block, who work example to mankind so I’m Action Network, Chicago] came together to effect change in their area. trying to be – I’m trying to follow up as part of our visit and we In Detroit, these clubs have historical precedent: they were established by the example of being kind to spoke at the Muslim Centre. the original wave of African American others and not judging others, You know one of the things migrants to the area who came from and being respectful and just that we shared was … our the Southern states to work in Detroit’s being open, you know, and with dream re-entry project, taking car industry. The area where many of HIV a lot of people are judged. … brothers who had just come out these migrant labourers were settled was the Historical ‘Black Bottom’, I want to just follow his example of the prison system, having also the site of the 1943 race riots. and show mercy for others, to them rehabilitating abandoned The community itself was the result show compassion, you know, homes and then living in those of the segregationist housing policies and try to support … So RAHMA homes as transitional places." of the time that separated White and is mercy, for me to have mercy, Black residents, and led to the racial Nassurallah, 25–30, and we believe that our God— tensions that erupted in the 1943 race African American revert, Detroit riots. In the 1950s, urban renewal he's full of mercy and that’s he’s projects aimed to remove many of the forgiving. If we commit sins or urban slums in Detroit, including the we do things that we shouldn’t In addition to this program, The HUDA Black Bottom housing estates. The be doing, we pray for forgiveness Clinic started in 2004 as a small project whole of the Black Bottom was razed and [God] forgives us." on the second floor of the Muslim in 1954 and replaced with Lafayette Centre: Park. Black Bottom was also the site of Anoud, Detroit the first Nation of Islam (NOI) temple. "The mission of the clinic is It is therefore, a place with deep ties to provide free healthcare to to African American and Muslim A Muslim-led Urban renewal project self-determination and resilience. called Dream of Detroit was focussed the … uninsured, and that’s As Zafeerah recalls, the Black Bottom on rehabilitating abandoned houses really it. Since 2004, they’ve community was typified by neighbours in the service of community. Part of had a lot more opportunities to helping one another through block the project was a re-entry programme expand their scope of work and clubs, addressing the disadvantage of for people who had come out of the everything. So right now along many residents: prison system. The project was tasked with the primary care clinic… with providing employment for those "We had block clubs. Kept you newly released from prison, as well they have mental health care, safe, that’s community work, as transitional living arrangements a full pharmacy, dental care, we don’t have block clubs much for ex-prisoners and other community ophthalmology, dermatology, members at risk of homelessness: today in Detroit. I believe we endocrinologist – and these are need to go back to some of the "The group that originally all a couple of times a month, so basics that kept us healthy. As a started this project was called it’s not regular care, but they’re child it was safe and wonderful. ‘Neighbourly Needs’. The all available to the people." … Neighbours taking care of the group of brothers and sisters Kalsoom, Detroit child and if you got in trouble

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 83 a neighbour whooped you and "We have formed teams, a of overgrown branches, we you got home. … everybody block patrol, which is led by have to take care of overgrown knew who was on your block, Police Chief Max … and he does grass. Like I said, if city pay invited you to a meeting, have very good job with volunteers contractors to do all of those a little cook out. So that’s the actually with his department. things, that is big money. And type of neighbourhood we He train[s] volunteers to help I think, which other partners need, we need to advocate for on the weekends or holidays of mine agree with that, as ourselves, government can't and because in the past we more we work voluntarily, always do it. …. So that’s what have increased crime in the city save more money and I mean by the block club." Hamtramck. So they’re really spend that money is some Zafeerah, 50–59, African American doing great job." priority things. We don’t have enough man power in police revert, Detroit Ali, 50+, Bosnian background, Detroit department for example. That is expensive also for police According to participants, Mayor "There is no believers just department to pay over time or Mike Duggan of Detroit has publicly hire more police officer; there encouraged these types of community sit down and pray. It doesn’t initiatives to cover the shortfall matter how hard you pray and is no money for that. So that’s in funding for police services and how long, the city have to be why we have volunteers." other services vital to maintaining clean. By prayer this garbage Ali, 50+, Bosnian safety in neighbourhoods. Ali, who background, Detroit was introducing something similar which will not be picked in Hamtramck, also discussed this up, we have to pick up the initiative: garbage, we have to take care

Figure 70 Islamic Centre of America mosque, Dearborn, USA. Source: Authors

84 Islamic Religiosity in the West Detroit is a place of multiple congregations, with mosques tending Figure 71 historical upheavals associated with to be more ethnically homogenous than How often do you perform the industrialisation, deindustrialisation, mixed. Several participants explained following? Detroit (valid percent) migration, and racial tensions. But this homogeneity with reference to this history has meant that place and the migration and settlement of their community are important spaces of ethnic community, together with resistance and resilience. Muslim more personal stories of conversion. 18 communities of Detroit, centred around the mosque, are spaces of hope and Relating the most frequently renewal with long histories, embedded performed rituals and practices, 20 in Islam’s special connection 34 close to a half (23 of 48 participants 5 there to the Black empowerment or 47.9 per cent) performed daily 3 movement, NOI: prayers five times or more every 9 day. In addition, 16 people (33.3 per "Nation of Islam has its origin 42 cent) reported reading/reciting the 59 here in the City of Detroit, Qur’an one-to-five times daily, and 51 32 the same number (16 people or 33.3 it started July, well it was 6 initially if you will, July 4th, per cent) reported making daily 5 decisions based on the Qur’an five 1930 in Black bottom Detroit 11 times or more daily (see Figure 71). 24 … So Islam is really deeply --- 3 14 37 embedded in the City of Detroit When performing these rituals, the 60 3 37 in particular, because at strongest feelings that were reported --- the time in 1930 the African towards non-Muslims included 24 43 ‘openness’ (28 respondents or 58.3 American community was 24 3 16 per cent), followed by ‘love’ and --- 11 only 65 years up from slavery. 5 ‘tolerance’ (18 people or 37.5 per So we were facing the Great cent each), while 11 people (22.9 per Depression and we needed

cent) said that they felt ‘ambivalent’ Never something that will help give toward non-Muslims. No respondents occasions us salvation or give us a new reported feeling ‘resistance’ towards Only on special Only 1-5 times a day Only on Fridays Only identity that will raise us up non-Muslim communities when 5 times or more to be more productive citizens performing the rituals (see Figure 72). in the community and here Reading the Qur'an Attending mosque Participants rated the feelings Making daily decisions based on the Qur'an comes Islam." arising during prayer on a scale of Attending Qur'an reading group Michael X, 30, African one (lowest) to five (highest). From Daily prayers (salat) Friday prayers American revert, NOI, these data, the mean values were Detroit determined. The strongest feelings arising while participating in prayer in descending order were: ‘peace’ Because of the city’s previously (4.7), ‘closeness to God’ (4.65), ‘feeling mentioned histories of racial spiritually connected’ (4.58), ‘comfort’ segregation, migration, and (4.58), ‘relaxation’ (4.58), ‘love’ (4.42), settlement, Detroit’s diverse Muslim ‘feeling comfortable with who I am’ communities are often separated (4.28), ‘feeling connected to my by ethnicity and race. This is community’ (3.6) and ‘feeling attached reflected in the make-up of religious to a place’ (3.58) (see Figure 73).

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 85 Figure 72 Figure 73 Figure 74 Feelings toward the Non-Muslim Feelings arising while Feelings arising while community while performing participating in prayer participating in Ramadan the rituals (% Percent). Detroit (% Percent). Detroit (% Percent). Detroit (frequencies) On a scale of 1 (lowest) to 5 (highest) On a scale of 1 (lowest) to 5 (highest) How does performing these please rate which of the following please rate which of the following rituals make you feel toward feelings arise for you while participating feelings arise for you while participating the non-Muslim community? in prayer? in Ramadan?

5 5 58.3 4.7 4.81 4.58 4.58 4.58 4.65 4.63 4.63 4.71 4.63 4.63 4.42 4.28 4.46 4.37 4.16 3.58 3.6 37.5 37.5

22.9

16

0 Love Love Love Peace Peace Comfort Comfort Tolerance Openness Relaxation Resistance Relaxation Ambivalent Feeling closer to God to closer Feeling Feeling closer to God to closer Feeling Feeling attached to a place to attached Feeling Feeling spiritually connected spiritually Feeling Feeling attached to a place to attached Feeling Feeling spiritually connected spiritually Feeling Feeling comfortable with who I am comfortable Feeling Feeling connected to my community to connected Feeling Feeling comfortable with who I am comfortable Feeling Feeling connected to my community to connected Feeling

While participating in Ramadan, the of Islam (NOI) – strongly conveyed challenging histories and practices of strongest feelings that participants a controversial branch of Islam racial injustice and helping to rebuild experienced were ‘feeling closer to associated with the African American experiences of self-worth, confidence, God’ (mean value 4.81 on a scale of 1 civil rights movements and militant and active political participation. to 5) and ‘feeling spiritually connected’ Black activism in the 1960s. NOI is (4.71). Equally strong were the feelings often discounted as an unfaithful More broadly, since September 11, of ‘love’, ‘peace’, and ‘comfortable with practice of Islam, and most adherents, Arabic-speaking South Asian and other who they were’ and ‘connection to their including almost all participants Muslim communities in Detroit have community (4.63 each) (see Figure 74). in this study, had since reverted to also been wounded by experiences mainstream Sunni Islam – though of racism and Islamophobia. Some Additionally, individual interviews NOI temples still exist and continue participants identified this shared revealed the importance of discipline to be attended in Detroit. All African experience as increasing intra- and structure. African American American reverts in this study community bonds, such as between the reverts to Islam in Detroit – many of perceived Islam as a key source of African American ‘indigenous’ Muslims whom had parents and grandparents resistance to systemic racism, from (who have a longer history of racial who had grown up in the Nation the civil rights era to the present, injustice and prejudice) and other

86 Islamic Religiosity in the West Muslim communities. This common engagement among Detroit’s Muslim USA, not just in Detroit, is a growing ground has strengthened participation communities, disengagement was generational divide, particularly on in social justice movements bridging also registered, and signalled lines of cultural and theological issues. For racial and ethnic boundaries. The community fracture and contest. One example, for many young Muslims, Ferguson protests and ‘Black Lives participant articulated this in relation or ‘Millennial Muslims’, issues of Matter’ are examples of this. But to what he considered ‘tectonic plates’ culture and religion often became tension between African American of community tension that needed to entangled. This produced tension, such communities and ‘immigrant’ Muslims be addressed via ‘interfaith’ dialogue. as, on the maintenance of cultural also occurs: largely because of and religious tradition vis-à-vis the stereotype circulating among The ‘tectonic plates’ he spoke of more individualised and autonomous migrant Muslim communities that were, i) sectarian differences and interpretations of scripture and African Americans adhere to NOI, tensions (between Sunni and Shia other aspects of religiosity. which in turn marks their practice of Muslims); ii) tensions between Islam as unfaithful to core beliefs. ‘immigrant’ and African American Diverse attitudes and ideas related ‘indigenous’ (i.e. local) Muslims to gender normativity, sexuality, and Whereas African American Muslims and; iii) intergenerational tensions. other taboo topics, were particularly experienced racism as an ongoing, Many of these issues were raised reported. Some of these taboo historical, and structurally determined during the 2014 Islamic Society of subjects even became catalysts for process, Arab Americans and South- North America (ISNA) conference, young Muslims’ more individualised East Asian Muslims found that they which was held for the first time in citizenship and political practices; had become a suspect community Detroit and consequently brought young people in these communities after September 11, and consequently to light the racial, sectarian, and have been encouraged to face and that their experiences of racism intergenerational politics affecting challenge the social injustices and prejudice were more acute. Muslim communities there. maintained by community and cultural traditions. Conceptualisations of Issues of class and race were also Another point of intra-community space were reported as central to emerged as important intersections tension in the Detroit-Dearborn these contests, as young Muslims for understanding how racism community that emerged with more sought out and created ‘safe operates within and among Detroit’s intensity with the rise of the ‘Islamic spaces’ for engaging in forms of Muslim communities. For example, State’ (ISIS) and the conflicts in Syria dialogue and critical discussion. African American communities are and Iraq has been sectarian divisions marked by disadvantage, whereas between Sunni and Shia Muslims. Arab communities and South Asian Historically, despite Dearborn’s large communities are socioeconomically population of Shia Muslims, unlike the better. In terms of the geographic rest of Detroit’s predominantly Sunni distribution of class, participants Muslims, community relations had spoke of the ‘suburbs’ to the north been respectful and harmonious. as home to most of the middle-class residents of Detroit (predominantly The conflict in Syria especially white, Arab, and South Asian) stirred animosities and divisions, and while inner-city areas, apart from participants noted that the community Hamtramck and newly-gentrified had to be vigilant. These conflicts were Midtown and downtown areas, housed mapped onto the geographical spaces the urban poor, predominantly of Detroit and emerged as significant African American populations. sources of community unrest during the fieldwork encounters. Despite evidence of a connection between Islamic beliefs, rituals and Another line of difference among practices, and forms of community Muslim communities across the

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 87 LYON/GRENOBLE/PARIS, FRANCE Muslim citizens from the public and high schools who are prohibited As detailed earlier, France is a secular field and the social field." by law to wear the hijab. This law does state. Historically, the separation of not however apply to universities. The Madiha, 27, Paris the state from the Church was highly participants in this study experienced disputed. The first long-term Republic these state practices very strongly as was voted in in 1870, and only 35 years "French secularism … became injustices and state discrimination. The later was the separation of State and something exclusive, not treatment of the hijab has crystallised Church inscribed as a principle of the inclusive like it was. You can’t a growing feeling of division between Republic. The secularisation of France wear the veil here in school the Muslim community and the state: has had several consequences, such as [...] In the university, it’s okay the non-involvement of the state in the "We work with local Muslim financing of new religious buildings. It to wear the veil and in your life organisations; we work with also demands that the public sector, you do what you want. Actually, a collective dedicated to the and its employees, remain neutral in France you still do what you fight for veiled mother because vis-à-vis religion. According to this law, want in public space, except mothers who wear the hijab public servants cannot wear visible for the and the niqab." usually are excluded from the religious signs or clothing; effecting teachers, administrative staff, and Awf, Moroccan background, school activities. And this is staff from state-owned companies. born in France, Paris illegal, this is a discrimination and there is a collective fighting The participants in this study observed "Unfortunately, today we feel against this specific problem a shift from ‘passive secularism’ that in the opinion of some so we work with them." (the state as independent from any religious activity or belief) to ‘active politicians and even some Madiha, 27, Paris secularism’ (state intervention into public figures that secularism citizen’s display of religious affiliation). has become anti-religion." "Here in France, we are discussing whether a woman Akif, born in Mali, Lyon Active secularism focuses on the wearing the hijab has the right visibility of religion as a public force to take her child to school. and resulted in the 2004 adoption of a law banning the wearing of From a more practical perspective, What does this aggressive conspicuous religious symbols when discussing the religious symbols secularism mean? They accuse in public schools. France further of public servants, some are more us of intolerance but they are forbids the wearing of the burqa in easily singled out than others. The hijab is one of these. The law effectively the ones who are intolerant! all public spaces, which it justifies My wife wants to take her through a securitised discourse: enables private companies to restrict the wearing of the hijab in certain daughter to the swimming "It’s basically because they circumstances; not limited to health and pool, they told her ‘no, no, you safety issues. In French kindergartens, want to exclude Muslim cannot go in, you wear the for example, when the organisation’s ’ so the intolerance people because for the Jewish rules state that the religious people for example it’s not a neutrality of the staff should be issue is theirs not ours." problem. For the Kippah and maintained in relation to the children, Aariz, Lyon stuff like that we don’t have a employees cannot wear the hijab. problem, but for the hijab it’s "One year ago, deputies The education sector is very clearly a a problem. So we see that they space in which the hijab is not welcome. proposed a new law to forbid actually change the concept It is not just teachers in the sector, but veiled women to be nannies, of secularism now to exclude also students attending primary schools because they thought that

88 Islamic Religiosity in the West a women taking care of a we work on is to rectify human Participants reported that religious child should be neutral. We relationships towards the practices conveyed understanding organised a huge awareness other, towards other people, and peace, prompted dialogue and respect towards one another: protest. We asked people to towards the creatures of send an email to their deputy or God, towards others who "Islam helps me to concentrate their senator to protest against have a different culture." … and always continue in my this law and in like a week over Amam, Lyon way. And if people want to stop two thousand emails have been me I just have to be kind with sent after we launched the these people to show them campaign." Interview participants suggested that the good behaviour and to religion brings an additional stratum Madiha, 27, Paris of values to existing civic values. show them that Islam is not The testimony of faith thus layers terrorism. Islam is not a religion a different orientation on top of the of hatred or oppression. It is Nearly all participants at the French expression of the national identity, just a religion of peace, it’s sites placed equal emphasis on all with people from different religions just – there are people who practices, whether obligatory or not. sharing a sense of belonging to a are terrorists." The obligatory practices are the five common citizenship. It reflects the pillars of Islam outlined in previous diversity of the nation, in which Islam Mouna, Moroccan sections of this report. Non-obligatory is followed on an individual basis: background, born in Paris practices may include wearing the hijab, having a beard, eating halal food "To me, being a Muslim in and abstaining from the consumption France, means to demonstrate of alcohol. my faith, that is to say in "There are different activities. my daily life: to respect the They always strive to follow the principles of Islam, while triangulation of Islam, that is to being a French citizen at the say, rectify human relationships same level as other citizens. in three dimensions, with three … I am a French citizen Figure 75 with a Muslim religion, a Muslim educational books tools, following three axes, if for children in France. I may say. First of all, towards Muslim life philosophy." Source: Authors God, which is what we call the Ali, Lyon axes of adoration and this is the responsibility of this Mosque: practices, rituals, worship. This In France, public actions based on the values of Islam are primarily is vertical to God, this is what directed at interfaith and intercultural we call the axes of devotion understanding. Negative portrayals, based on faith and belief. Faith particularly following September translates outward by real acts, 11 and other attacks, combined such as religious practices, with an ongoing political and media discourse around ‘integration issues’, rituals and applications and also have encouraged the community by good behaviour. Therefore, to share the positive teachings the second component which of Islam in the public sphere.

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 89 "Sometimes when [we] Figure 77 more difficult than for men. They are are insulted, when people Dress requirements more readily discriminated against. Participants noted that while wearing disrespect us, we do not (frequencies) a beard might not necessarily exclude respond with hate and insults men from working in the public and stuff like that, we stay service or the private sector, the hijab polite and respectful and we attracts public attention towards try to communicate and have Muslim women. By restricting the a dialogue with this person. I right to display religious signs, the state has put its seal on the popular think that maybe if I did not have (mis)interpretation of hijab as a the religion I would be more custom restricting women’s freedom. aggressive." 30 Yes 41 No Participants noted that women were Madiha, 27, Paris 22 No answer the target of public discrimination. These discriminations are serious: acts against Muslim women range from verbal abuse to physical assaults. In France, 72 people (77.4 per cent) While wearing the hijab is not an Some participants linked Islamophobia reported that they observed strict obligatory practice, participants to a specific expression of sexism with dietary requirements, only one person widely wore it. Without diminishing distressing consequences: responded ‘no’. In sharp contrast, the value of modesty attached to it, observing dress code was not as women in France and especially young prevalent. Only 30 people (32.3 per women have increasingly taken on "I feel at ease in the religious cent) responded that they observed this practice to display their belonging as well as public place. I feel dress requirements, and a larger to the Muslim community. As Madiha at ease because I am not number (41 people or 44.1 per cent) describes, the wearing of the hijab acts as a sign of resistance in the face of particularly visible as a Muslim, replied that they did not follow Islamic except for having a small dress code. Their position signals the prohibiting its use in certain spaces, influence of the official ban on religious alongside other reasons for wearing it: beard and sometimes wearing clothing legislated by the Government traditional attire. Even with that, (see Figures 76 and 77). "I would say it’s very specific nobody has said to me ‘why are to each woman. Well first of you dressed like that?’ But I all wearing the hijab is an know there are other Muslims obligation as a Muslim person, who have encountered this Figure 76 of course you always have the problem, especially Muslim Dietary requirements choice to wear it or not, but veiled women. As men, we (frequencies) it’s one of the obligation as a are less affected by this type believer. It’s also a way to show of problems." your other identity as a Muslim Ali, Lyon and to be proud of it and also to be humble." "When it is a really bad person, Madiha, 27, Paris we will say that racism is stretched to its limits and that this person is ready to commit Many participants in the study stressed that the experience of Muslim women a verbal or physical aggression. 72 Yes 1 No in the exercise of their citizenship, If this person wants to annoy 20 No answer social, and economic daily life is much someone, hit someone or be

90 Islamic Religiosity in the West mean, they will do it more Participants noted that women were Muslim women who do not easily to a woman wearing the faced with the choice of reducing pursue their studies because hijab. Because she obviously is their visible expression of religion they say basically, “What’s the and adopting a sartorial expression Muslim and the hijab in France of secularism, or of wearing hijab and point of doing a PhD if I know is the symbol object of Islam. limiting their prospects of education in advance that I am going to It is strongly correlated with and work. Contrary to its constitutional be discriminated against when Islam. It refers to oppressed premise, the French Republic fails to looking for a job? There’s no women, closed-in women. apply the value of equality into this point for that. particular field of . To them, it is a very derogatory What’s the point for me being synonym. Actually, we live it "Muslim women are not involved in the environmental totally differently." immune to Islamophobic project in my local city if I know Dunia, Lyon statements. So when we keep that before even talking, I am telling them that they are a going to have to justify myself problem, that they don’t belong for wearing a headscarf. What’s Women wearing the hijab described that they did not feel that they had here, that they are not capable, the point?" equal opportunities in the workplace. that they are a backward people, Athar, Paris The religious neutrality law for the this speech to some extent public sector means that Muslim has an impact on the way they women are excluded from a wide range perceive themselves, and on of government jobs. Their access to work in the private sphere and in the the way they perceive what is educational sector is also hindered by possible or not for them. So we various laws. have a large number of young

Figure 78 Muslim clothing store in France. Source: Authors

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 91 "My wife wears the headscarf; were waiting for a reply from Figure 79 she works in a private Muslim another potential tenant, who Rituals, practices and faith school. Today, she does not had not yet said that he/she based community events regularly have problems any more, but did not want the apartment. engaged in (% Percent). before, she took part in some In this last case, they would France 73.1 have called me back. They 67.7 74.2 work placements and she was 66.7 told to take her headscarf off. never called back. But already 60.2 59.1 It is not easy. It is difficult." with back step, I understood. I still remember the day when I Ali, Lyon found my current apartment, 47.3 because the owner welcomed me normally, as if there was 33.3 Because the hijab is a visible sign, it has 23.7 enabled Islamophobic, discriminatory nothing wrong. It made me 21.5 20.4 practices to focus particularly on happy because I had just women as they go about their daily experienced ten people looking lives. Participants reported that Muslim at me strangely when visiting women are subject to discrimination the apartments." because of their visibility; yet another example of the social difficulties that Dunia, Lyon Muslim women may face in their daily life in France. Pilgrimage

Despite the highly politicised secular prayers Daily Friday prayers Friday

There is an inherent contradiction environment in France, survey of alms Payment Male circumcision Male between the reasons behind this participants reported a high observance mosque Attending discrimination. The veil, on the one Eid festival Celebrating of many faith-based rituals and during Ramadan Fasting Attending Qur'an readings Attending hand, is popularly considered as symbol practices. the Qur'an Reading/reciting of the lack of freedom supposedly suffered by Muslim women; while on the

The most commonly observed practices festivals other community Attending other hand, its prohibition challenges included ‘washing before prayer’ (69 Muslim women’s rights to equality and people or 74.2 per cent), ‘celebrating Cleaning hands, face and feet prior to prayers prior to and feet hands, face Cleaning social justice. Eid’ (69 people or 74.2 per cent), ‘fasting Muhammad's Birthday Observing the Prophet during Ramadan’ (68 people or 73.1 "I guess the stare on us can be per cent), ‘daily prayers’ (63 people or different. I felt it especially when 67.7 per cent) and ‘Friday prayers’ 62 participants or 66.7 per cent). Other I had to look for an apartment rituals also frequently practiced were: three years ago. When I spoke ‘reading Qur’an’ (56 people or 60.2 with the landlords on the phone, per cent), ‘attending mosque’ (56 they were saying that the participants or 60.2 per cent), ‘payment of alms’ (55 participants or 59.1 per apartment was available and cent), ‘male circumcision’ (44 people that I could go and visit. As soon or 47.3 per cent), ‘attending Qur’an as I had arrived to visit, the readings’ (31 people or 33.3 per cent), person would step back a meter ‘pilgrimage’ (21 people or 23.7 per cent), ‘attending festivals’ (20 people away because he saw that I was or 21.5 per cent), and ‘observing wearing the hijab. I felt it right Mohammed’s Birthday’ (19 people or away. The person said that they 20.4 per cent) (see Figure 79).

92 Islamic Religiosity in the West Most religious practices were Included in the most frequently The performance of these rituals performed in the privacy of the reported religious practices were brought out the following feelings home (71 people or 76.3 per cent) or ‘performing daily prayers five times towards non-Muslim communities: Mosque (57 people or 61.3 per cent). a day or more’ (45 people or 48.1 per ‘openness’ (47 participants or 50.5 Relatively few participants observed cent) and ‘reading Qur’an one-to- per cent), ‘tolerance’ (44 people or these practices in more public spaces: five times a day’ (31 people or 33.3 47.3 per cent), ‘love’ (28 participants at work (19 people or 20.4 per cent), per cent). or 30.1 per cent), ‘ambivalence’ in community centres (18 people (ten people or 10.8 per cent) and or 19.4 per cent), ‘wherever I find Additionally, 28 people or 30.1 per cent ‘resistance’ (four people or 4.3 per myself’ (15 participants or 16.1 per reported going to the mosque one-to- cent) (see Figure 82). cent), on the street (12 people or 12.9 five times a day, 32 people or 34.4 per per cent), at university (nine people cent performed Friday prayers, and or 9.7 per cent), in the park (nine 25 people or 26.9 per cent based their participants or 9.7 per cent), or on daily decisions on Qur’an one-to-five public transport (six participants times a day (see Figure 81). or 6.5 per cent) (see Figure 80).

Figure 81 How often do you perform the following? France 44 Figure 82 (valid percent) Feelings toward the Non-Muslim community while performing 22 the rituals. (frequencies % Percent). Figure 80 France 19 In what places do you How does performing these perform these religious 19 21 22 rituals make you feel toward practices? (frequencies 9 the non-Muslim community? 5 5 5 % Percent). France 76.3 50.5 46 47.3 61.3 43 58 71 10 30.1 5 --- 3 28 --- 2 6 20.4 52 16.1 19.4 10.8 12.9 28 9.7 9.7 18 8 6.5 4.3 20 14 5 8

Love Never At work At home Tolerance Openness Resistance occasions Ambivalent In the street At university At the mosque Wherever I am Wherever In my local park In my local Only on special Only 1-5 times a day Only on Fridays Only 5 times or more On public transport

Reading the Qur'an Attending mosque

At community events/centres At community Making daily decisions based on the Qur'an Attending Qur'an reading group Daily prayers (salat) Friday prayers

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 93 Like the surveys at other sites, Figure 83 Figure 84 respondents’ feelings arising from Feelings arising while Feelings arising while participating in prayer were measured participating in prayer. participating in Ramadan. using a scale from one (lowest) to France France five (highest) and mean values were calculated. On a scale of 1 (lowest) to 5 (highest) On a scale of 1 (lowest) to 5 (highest) please rate which of the following please rate which of the following Performance of the daily prayers feelings arise for you while participating feelings arise for you while participating brought out the following feelings in in prayer? in Ramadan? a descending order: ‘staying closer 5 5 to God’ (mean 4.31), ‘peace’ (4.29), 4.5 ‘relaxation’ (4.22), ‘comfort’ (4.2), 4.29 4.2 4.22 4.31 4.2 4.3 4.2 4.03 4.58 4.12 4 3.9 4.1 ‘comfortable with who I am’ (4.12), 3.76 3.8 3.39 3.3 ‘love’ (4.03), ‘feeling connected to my community’ (3.76), and ‘feeling attached to a place’ (3.39) (see Figure 83).

Among the feelings arising from participating in Ramadan, the strongest reported feelings included ‘peace’ (mean 4.5), ‘feeling closer to God’ (4.3), Love Love

‘feeling comfortable with who they were’ Peace Peace Comfort (4.2), ‘feeling spiritually connected’ (4.2), Comfort Relaxation ‘feeling connected to their community’ Relaxation (4.1) and ‘comfort’ (4) (see Figure 84). Feeling closer to God to closer Feeling Feeling closer to God to closer Feeling Feeling attached to a place to attached Feeling Feeling attached to a place to attached Feeling Feeling spiritually connected spiritually Feeling Feeling spiritually connected spiritually Feeling Feeling comfortable with who I am comfortable Feeling Feeling connected to my community to connected Feeling Feeling comfortable with who I am comfortable Feeling Feeling connected to my community to connected Feeling

94 Islamic Religiosity in the West CITIZENSHIP, BELONGING, AND POLITICAL ENGAGEMENT

For many participants in this research, "I've spoken to a lot of people been important to the various struggles a religious commitment to social rights about their religion and spaces for equal treatment as citizens, even though these forms of participation are and justice had led directly to political and how they feel, well how participation in social justice related often read as signs of civic disloyalty. issues; demonstrating a commitment they can contribute, how they to shaping societal attitudes on these think their country’s fairly Indeed, many participants spoke of issues. Their civic commitment was contributed to them, and their their commitment to social justice manifested through several activities response is all the time, it's as a way of bridging differences including community and volunteer between Muslim and non-Muslims, not the same. Some people do and of forming social and political work, media work, choice of career, not. For me personally, I have and engagement in public protest: alliances based on a shared always been able to … Some commitment to rights and justice in "I’ve learned a lot from working people will have to stand up for domestic and international arenas. in a multicultural kind of them. …Even though they are Australian citizens, because Ahmad, for example, spoke of this environment, it’s made me commitment and emphasised the a better person, it’s made of their religion they don’t feel spiritual underpinnings to these forms me more reflective, and just, like they belong … They have of protest against social injustice. to go to someone who is more yeah I’ve really benefited from As the organiser of a ‘Free Egypt’ it. … It’s beautiful to have confident and who is more, can express himself well if any protest in the Melbourne CBD friendships with people from following the massacre of pro- different cultural backgrounds, questions arise with them." Morsi supporters in Egypt’s Rabaa but for me it’s more about the Bashar, 50, central African al-Adawiya square, Ahmad spoke of the ways in which the protest sense of justice. How people background, born in Ghana, Melbourne, works at the Human Rights incorporated spiritual dimensions as can have access to different and Equal Opportunity Commission well as democratic claims to justice: services, how people feel that they can express themselves, "We wanted to emphasise the so I like to work towards "One of the others would fact that we’re Australians, and that kind of area as well." be Students for Palestine [a so that’s why you saw a lot of Australian flags … because we Mariam, 25–34, European background, Facebook group that organizes born in Australia, Melbourne public protests], so basically wanted to show that this is not showing our solidarity with just an Egyptian issue, this not Palestine. And … yeh, there was just a Turkish or Syrian issue "I’ve always had that drive for a protest last year when Gaza … We believe that our concerns justice. When I see any sort was bombed by Israel, in 2012." should be concerns of broader society as well because we’re of injustice, whether it’s, you Samira, 18–24, Pakistan born, Paris know, a bomb’s been dropped members of this society." on a certain community or … Ahmad, 35–49, Egyptian background, someone gets assaulted in the In relation to Muslim political born in Australia, Melbourne street, they’ve done nothing, struggles and participation, ‘Voice’, they got robbed, stuff like that." as a central aspect of membership, is relevant (Bilici 2012). Ahmad’s sentiments were echoed Hamzah, 28, Lebanese background, by Tahwid, also in Melbourne, who born in Australia, works for For minority Muslims in Western described the importance of raising Victoria Police, Melbourne societies, voicing their concerns has a voice against such injustices:

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 95 "I'm seeing injustice. I'm seeing compromising their freedoms including anyone else, just because you people dying. I’m seeing people their ability to practise faith ‘privately’. have a certain belief or you getting killed in a massacre Some participants identified this come from a certain culture." hypocrisy, and the resultant division just for protesting. … I mean I of the Muslim community into ‘good’ Maryam, 40, Greek background, wish every citizen, in every city and ‘bad’ citizens, as confusing and born in Australia, Melbourne in the world where they have discriminatory, and exacerbating their some civil rights and freedom sense of exclusion. This led, on the one of speech, to get up there and hand, to ambivalence among some, who Many Australian participants, speak against tyrants – I am described a desire to be as politically especially, did not agree with the engaged or non-engaged as every here for the Islamist or the publicly-held view that Islam could other citizen; to be as active in their be a law unto itself, encouraging Muslim as well, or generally community or not as every other citizen: forms of disassociation or indifference a wide range of people." toward Australian laws and politics. In Tahwid, 18–24, Egyptian "We [Muslims] are not really contrast, many regarded their religion background, Melbourne out there to please anyone as one of cooperation, encouraging anyway. We just want to go obedience towards the law of the land: out and do the right thing "[As Muslims] You’re meant Citizenship is generally understood by our religion and by doing as the legal means through which to respect the rule of the land that people will actually see membership to the nation is or the law of the land. You’re what we are all about." determined. The state offers legal supposed to, for example, protections and rights in exchange for Tariq, 25–34, Lebanese background, respect the law of the land certain obligations and responsibilities born in Australia, Melbourne undertaken by the citizen. In a post unless the law of the land says 9-11 environment, the governmental "I want to be the model Muslim it’s forbidden to pray because focus on Muslims living in the West then you would still—you has been particularly centred on citizen. So I have that extra would have to pray because this civic reciprocity –protections responsibility and I have put in exchange for obligations. For it on myself, because … we that’s what your creator tells example, to maintain a relationship do get judged as Muslims. you to do but other things are whereby the state ‘protects’ Muslim just like common sense." citizens and their right to religious If you do anything and they freedom, the state has placed the know you are a Muslim that Amal, 27, Turkish background, focus squarely on the obligations and is what comes out first, they born in Australia, Melbourne responsibilities of Muslim citizens and will not say I am Aussie … expanded the ‘duties’ that they must therefore there is more onus Some of the core beliefs and practices perform to prove that they are worthy on us, which is unfair." of rights and protections. Andrew of Islam correlate with both liberal Shryock and Ann Chih Lin (2009) Bashar, 50, central African and republican traditions of citizenship describe this as a form of ‘disciplinary background, born in Ghana, in Western liberal democracies. As inclusion’, while Bilici (2012) regards Melbourne evidenced in this study, there is a it as ‘negative incorporation’. strong focus on social justice and "Being a citizen is being the values of equality, diversity, and While state(s) have appealed to yourself, and abiding by the rights (liberal tradition). While many security discourses to justify this level of the core principles of the faith of state interference, they have had laws, that everyone else abides directly encourage practices of active the effect of pushing their Muslim from it. So you are not, you citizenship through interventions citizens to the point of insecurity; should not be any different to committed to a ‘common good’.

96 Islamic Religiosity in the West Yet among participants there was Figure 85 Figure 86 some ambiguity in response to Significance on voting Significance on questions that asked about this in elections by site volunteering by site connection between citizenship (frequencies) (frequencies) and religiosity. Some participants understood citizenship as a legal set of norms and status divorced from the practice of community engagement and civic participation. 120 120

Some survey participants placed a 100 100 high value on the practice of voting in 31 80 35 80 elections: 31 people in Australia (n=96), 48 55 35 in France (n=93) and 14 (n=48) in 60 60 the USA indicated that voting was significant to them (see Figure 85). 40 149 40 65 33 58 45 20 20 41 Participants at all three sites 3436 placed higher significance still on 15 volunteering: 55 in Australia (n=96), USA FRA AUS USA FRA AUS 48 in France (n=93) and 33 in the USA (n=43) agreed with the statement No Yes No Yes that it was important to perform volunteering activities (see Figure 86).

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 97 MELBOURNE, AUSTRALIA in terms of providing permits/licenses Figure 89 In Melbourne, only 47 people responded for the building of mosques and other Community ties with muslim community centres, and for the staging to the question on their citizenship and relatives/friends overseas. of public religious festivals such as Eid residency status, 53 did not. Close to Melbourne (frequencies) one-third of all participants (31 people celebrations. Many participants also or 32 per cent) reported that they were highlighted that the multicultural and citizens, nine reported that they were multifaith feel of the Dandenong area temporary residents, and seven that encouraged their sense of belonging. Exceptions included some African they were permanent residents (see born participants, together with most Figure 87). of the Hazara residents, who were Figure 87 less positive: expressing a view of Dandenong as ‘multicultural’ but Residency and 53 also a ‘weird and disconnected place. citizenship status. People are together but they are in 70% Yes 13% No Melbourne (frequencies) sections’ (African background survey 17% No answer 31 respondent, 60 years old).

Participants reported maintaining In relation to civic and political strong social connections with Muslim engagement, participants placed less 9 7 relatives, friends, and organisations significance on school fundraising (30 locally and overseas. Sixty-seven people or 31.3 per cent) and voting in people (70 per cent) maintained close political elections (31 people or 32.3 ties with relatives and friends abroad, per cent), than they did on volunteering

Citizen while slightly fewer (63 people or 65 in their local community (55 people or resident residency Temporary Temporary No answer per cent) maintained ties with local 57.3 per cent) (see Figure 90). On voting Permanent Permanent Muslim groups and organisations (see in federal elections, 55 people (57.3 per Figures 88 and 89). Of significance to our analysis, with cent) said they did vote, two respondents (2.1 per cent) voted ‘sometimes’, while 21 its focus on citizenship status and people (21.9 per cent) said they did not practice, was the finding that most Figure 88 vote at all (see Figure 91). participants born overseas who had Community ties with migrated to Australia more than fifteen local muslim groups. Figure 90 years ago had become Australian Melbourne (frequencies) citizens (93.75 per cent). This once Significance on participating again confirms the importance of in... Melbourne (frequencies) citizenship to Muslims living in 55 Melbourne.

In response to questions about feelings of belonging to the local Dandenong 31 30 community, a range of themes emerged. Participants discussed migration and settlement experiences, 7 experiences of racism and social exclusion, as well as feelings of belonging, connection, and integration. Feelings of integration were discussed in the School primerily in relation to the recognition 65% Yes 18% No Political activities elections and other community and support of faith by local council, 17% No answer fundraising Volunteering Volunteering

98 Islamic Religiosity in the West Figure 91 Most comments from survey Some comments explicitly referred Do you vote in federal elections? respondents revealed that they felt a to the system of compulsory voting in Melbourne (frequencies) civic duty and responsibility to vote in Australia: federal, state, and local elections: 55 "Because I get forced to do it. "Being politically aware, I do Otherwise, I get fined." feel that in order to pursue the type of society that you desire The increase of Muslim migrants in 21 18 it is vital to take a chance and Australia in the 1970s and 1980s, play your part in elections." produced a need to establish organisations capable of negotiating 2 "Voting is very important to me a space for Muslim representation in because not many people voted the Australian political structure (Hage No Yes in Afghanistan." 2011). "Everyone has the right to vote No answer

Sometimes This was particularly important with in Australia. I have lived in this the introduction of multiculturalism as country my whole life and I feel policy, which would formally integrate it is important for my values/ and regulate migrant communities opinions to be regarded/ by establishing representative bodies to mediate between government and counted." communities; ideologically aimed at "I think it is important to vote in preserving distinct cultural traditions federal elections because one of these communities and promoting allegiance to a national political will. voice makes a difference.." While Ghassan Hage (2011) has written about this in terms of ‘managing’ or On this subject, some survey ‘caging’ ethnic communities, these respondents from Melbourne offered organisations have also become comments indicative of alienation: important advocacy bodies, particularly since September 11. "I do not like to vote in Federal elections because I believe Since September 11, Muslim loyalties democracy is not the proper to the nation have been questioned way." on a wider and more intense scale. It has made religious and ethnic "I do not feel any party is worth community organisations more my vote." important in terms of their ability to ‘engage with the media, government "I did not in the last one. agencies and policymakers to voice Uninspiring candidates. community concerns and dispel doubts Preferred to pay a fine." about Muslims’ loyalty as law-abiding citizens’ (Peucker, Roose & Akbarzadeh "I pay for my right not to 2014, p. 283), while also seeking to vote. No decision is the ‘bridge’ with mainstream political and right decision. I do not know cultural organisations to facilitate enough." social inclusion.

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 99 In addition to this, many organisations Figure 92 political organisations, and the have begun working at a more Representation of opportunity to influence government grassroots level to ‘enhance capacity religious community in policy on issues that impact Muslims by providing training, guidance and formal political groups (such as asylum seeker policies): advice’ (Peucker, Roose & Akbarzadeh and organisations. 2014, p. 283); facilitating active Melbourne "I'm trying my best to take citizenship. A range of organisations Do you feel that your religious it from the grass root level, have more actively engaged with community is represented in educate the people who are the media and training, and have formal political groups and organisations at the local, really important to us at this become more interested in promoting state or national levels? 23 23 stage. The community is more activist types of citizenship. (frequencies) The point is to strengthen the public 18 very important, they need to 16 voice of Muslims, so that they might 15 understand the sufferings feel themselves to be more actively 31 of their people, they need included members of society. to understand the golden chance they have, they need to Essentially, in trying to enhance the appreciate the safety they have political and civic agency of Muslim 1 citizens, many of the organisations and they need to give back." themselves, or individuals acting Saba, 22, Hazara Women’s Network, within them, have attempted to turn Young Australian of the Year recipient, passive citizens into active citizens. born in Afghanistan, Melbourne Somewhat Somewhat No answer Very poorly poorly Very represented In some instances, this has led represented Yes, very well very Yes, to the increased recognition and nor Neither well "With the community and the poorly represented poorly participation of Muslim community represented Poorly school that I’m working with spokespeople or ‘elites’ in the public sphere. our job is to build bridges as much as possible. You Some of these views were found among Muslim leaders often act as the responses of participants who were build those bridges – you representatives of large community active in either grassroots Muslim or build a common ground." organisations, such as the Islamic ethnic community organisations (such Alia, 30, volunteer with Dandenong Council of Victoria (ICV), the Affinity as the Hazara Women’s Network, and Interfaith network, Australian Foundation or various Muslim the Victorian Arabic Social Services) or Intercultural Society and Sirius women’s organisations (Peucker, peak Muslim representative bodies at a College, Turkish background female, Roose & Akbarzadeh 2014). local, state (Islamic Council of Victoria) born in Turkey, Melbourne or federal level (Australian Federation When asked whether they felt that of Ethnic Councils, Multicultural Council "I think there are tremendous their religious community had of Australia). On the question of why opportunities. I think it’s adequate representation in formal they became actively involved in these political groups and organisations, organisations, participants emphasised fair to say that Australian most respondents in this study the opportunities that these Muslims haven’t been heavily did not agree. In fact, 46 people organisations afforded by providing a involved in the mainstream, responded negatively: with 23 space for Muslim/ethnic communities in terms of a public profile (n=96) people reporting that their to shape their own narratives. These perspective. … I was involved religious community was ‘very poorly’ opportunities included: training represented, and the same number leaders, ‘bridging’ with the non- with an organisation that (23) feeling that it was ‘poorly’ Muslim community, demonstrating a actually was a community represented. willingness to work with mainstream development organisation, but

100 Islamic Religiosity in the West it was a Muslim community barriers within the Muslim communities Although for Alia, this type of development organisation, that needed to be addressed. These grassroots engagement was and we had initiatives like a relate to limited active female the foundation for ensuring membership and representation, or to that formal organisations were young leaders program for the limited extension of human rights, strongly representative and university age people – it was equality, and social justice to other capable of making real change actually called Mercy Mission." community members. These responses attentive to everyone’s needs: point to the way that Muslim community Ahmad, 35–49, Former President, politics can be just as exclusive and Islamic society of Melbourne "I’m not engaged in politics University, Egyptian background selective as national politics in the and … especially given the male, born in Australia, Melbourne distribution of rights and justice: time that we’re in. … A lot of Muslims are turning to "You’ve got ancestry, you’ve "Muslims … want equality for just grass-roots … Let’s first got roots and you shouldn’t their own community and are reach out to our neighbours, feel that okay you’ve come very committed to that. But … take care of our youth, take into a host country which has you can’t believe in equality care of our elders, our family a different ethnic or national and in being treated equally members. … Then they start identity and therefore you must and that all human rights building actual foundations or strip your original identity should be made available to you organisations so when you get and just assimilate into the unless you believe in principle more professionals, lawyers or host. … By being provided that they should be then be doctors. … We just try to stay that opportunity you should made available to all people. small in our own communities actually cherish; you should Because … why should gays and try to help people in our value your ethnic heritage and get married? It is completely own ways as much as possible. run parallel with your new forbidden. … Either you believe But again, you do reach out for assumed national identity. in justice or you do not … And those … different leaders in … I believe whatever you can what that means is they’re your society because you say we enrich in your own personality, not really actors for change." are a growing part of society, your character, your identity, Yasmin, 45, Australian Muslim we want to work together with you can actually further Women’s Centre for Human Rights, you and help each other out." enrich Australian society with Lebanese background, Melbourne Alia, 30, Dandenong Interfaith Network, it and Australian society by Australian Intercultural Society, and large encourages that." Sirius College, Turkish background, Yet, despite volunteering in community born in Turkey, Melbourne Dawud, 35–49, ICV secretary, Turkish and religious organisations, many background male, Melbourne participants demonstrated a lack of interest in becoming involved in politics TAnother interesting finding was at a more formal level; particularly the encounters that many young For some participants, their because of the religious compromises participants in the study had involvement with Muslim representative that may need to be negotiated. In this experienced with interfaith dialogue bodies was driven by a desire to sense, grassroots civic and political through school programs, particularly break down barriers between Muslim engagement was preferred as it in Islamic schools. Two educators and non-Muslim communities, that, allowed participants to give back to discussed their participation in they felt, had been created by media the community without compromising interfaith activities at school, stereotypes. Some also spoke of their core religious values. describing how their interest in

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 101 interfaith work had carried over into "Islamic community leaders about rather than having this their professional lives. They spoke always come on the screen delusional sense of I’ve got the of the importance of interfaith work answer’. … But I mean that’s for developing intercultural learning when there is an issue … and understanding, which in turn and promote peace and what I take comfort in sharing increases community harmony friendship by doing some with other people as opposed and openness to difference, while interfaith conference or to ‘we all believe in god’. minimising racism and violence: interfaith religion talk. … Nadine, They are not attracting the Melbourne "Previously at school I did a lot of interfaith; I did a lot common people to talk about how they can build up their of United Nations Treaty To better understand participants’ Conventions. I was involved relationship. What they’re sense of belonging, they were asked in the Black Saturday Appeal, doing in interfaith conferences, if being a Muslim was a challenge in the actual ceremony. Now they’re talking about, um, the in their local neighbourhood. the community still does do … differences or maybe trying a fair bit of interfaith and to prove that all religions Almost half of the respondents (43 open days and I do try and people or 44.8 per cent) answered are, you know, promoting ‘rarely’, indicating a good level take part in those …. It was peace and all. But practically, basically year 10s just talking of integration in Melbourne. what they’re doing?" Additionally, 26 people (27.17 about their life experiences as per cent) said ‘sometimes’ and Habeeb, 35–49, Pakistan background, teenagers and what it meant nine respondents (9.4 per cent) born in Pakistan, Melbourne for them being Jewish or being answered ‘often’ (see Figure 93). a Christian, being Catholic or being a Protestant or an Anglican in Australia. We all For one participant, the focus on had that understanding and Abrahamic faith traditions as a it wasn’t just about tolerance common ground also excluded it was about acceptance and many other non-monotheistic traditions and humanists who do what made them special." not necessarily believe in God, Figure 93 Sajida, 20, Lebanese background, but who religious leaders and Do you feel being Muslim in your born in Australia, Melbourne faith community members should nonetheless seek dialogue with: local neighbourhood is a challenge? Melbourne (frequencies) Many regarded interfaith dialogue "So traditionally this idea of as a positive vehicle for deepening civic participation and forms of ‘People of the Book’… I would engagement for Muslim community say the majority of people I members and leaders, thereby increasing community harmony. know in this world and love Despite these affirmations, some probably don’t believe in participants criticised interfaith god… but live with the same dialogue as a form of citizenship consciousness. And that is that was passive and did not actively what I seek in human beings challenge real world problems, such as racism, gender inequality and other … and actually I feel a lot more social inequalities, including those comfortable about the fact that 26 Sometimes 9 Often perpetuated by faith communities. nobody knows what this is all 43 Rarely 18 No answer

102 Islamic Religiosity in the West While respondents provided a "I love everybody here at the Muslims and Muslims living range of descriptions of the local market. In my neighbourhood, together in peace. I love this neighbourhoods in which they lived, there is nice clean air." a relatively low number felt that they part of Melbourne because of belonged to their local neighbourhood "They are generally good people this. Mosques, churches and community more than to the national of middle-income households." other worship centres side by community. When asked whether they side within Hume." thought religion attached them more Some respondents made specific strongly to the places in which they reference to the multicultural nature of While others spoke of the inadequate lived, 37 people (38.5 per cent) replied their neighbourhoods and its benefits: interpersonal connections in their ‘often’, 18 people (18.8 per cent) said neighbourhoods: ‘sometimes’, while 23 people (24 per cent) replied ‘rarely’ (see Figure 94). "My local community is a very vibrant, lively and "Quiet, detached, people moving multicultural one. There is a in and out all the time." Figure 94 lot of tolerance and acceptance "I would describe them as As a Muslim, do you feel that your in the neighbourhood." isolated-everyone keeps to religious and cultural beliefs and themselves." practices help to attach you more "It is a very multicultural strongly to your local neighbourhood community, therefore people are "My neighbourhood is and community? Melbourne usually accepting of differences. multicultural but it is also a (frequencies) There are many centres for weird and disconnected place. people to meet and engage in There are lots of cultures but activities, sport and leisure." they are not connected. People "Welcoming, happy to bring are together but in sections." people closer and allowing non- Muslims to listen and join." Also included were somewhat negative comments expressing feelings and "Active, wanting to make a experiences of rejection or non- difference, passionate about acceptance: 18 Sometimes 37 Often making a difference." 23 Rarely 18 No answer "Some are open to my religion Meanwhile, others referred to the while others give me looks of religious representation in their disgust. Most whom I smile to In response to the open-ended local community: tend to smile back but others question: ‘how would you describe look away." your local neighbourhood?’, most "Moderately religious due to the respondents provided positive and presence of the local mosque, "When I am out with my family, favourable characterisations of their which the council strongly we do occasionally get a few neighbourhoods. General positive and supports during special weird looks but most of the time friendly comments included the following occasions/functions such as people are tolerant." descriptors: ‘peaceful’, ‘calm’, ‘quiet’, Eid celebrations (where traffic "Loving, caring, respectful. ‘loving’, ‘understanding’, ‘respectful’, blocks the road etc.)." ‘diverse’, ‘accepting’, ‘welcoming’, ‘safe’, Sometimes there are those ‘comfortable’, and ‘lovely’. More specific "It is a large Muslim community people that ‘look’ at me funny, descriptions included: with mosques around, non- because I wear a scarf."

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 103 When asked whether Muslim religious "Islam teaches human the traditional owners of the and cultural beliefs helped to make brotherhood and sisterhood land, looking after neighbours, them better citizens, most participants so there is always a sense of replied ‘often’ (63 people or 65.6 per being responsible for my cent) citing a range of reasons related fellowship, which makes you decisions as a citizen (during to spiritual, ethical and material respect your fellow Australians voting, etc.), being conscious aspects of the faith. Activities that and assist them if they ask." of my behaviour and manners, participants identified as promoting striving for success." good and ethical citizenship included "My religion teaches me the the values of being a good neighbour, importance of community and Many mentioned the virtues of respect, of obeying the ‘laws of the land’, of giving back." making a commitment to social justice patience, fairness, mercy, and justice in relation to others. Participants and equality, and through regular While some participants referred engagement in volunteer and charity specifically mentioned that the following specifically to civic participation, personal qualities are tied to being a work at the grassroots level (see volunteering, obeying the laws, and good citizen: ‘being more accepting’, Figure 95): being a good fellow citizen, others ‘to love your brother what you love emphasised the universal values of for yourself’, ‘self-reflectiveness, good citizenship. In response to the Figure 95 kind, calm, positive, well mannered’, question: ‘are there particular religious ‘honesty in actions to self and others’, As a Muslim, do you feel that your beliefs or practices that encourage ‘compassion for one another’, ‘smiling, religious and cultural beliefs and good citizenship?’ participants being patient’. The value of charity was practices help to make you a better identified specific values and beliefs frequently mentioned as embedded in citizen? Melbourne (frequencies) that help them to be good citizens. Islamic civic traditions: Many cited ‘helping other people’:

"Islam has always stood for "The main pillars of Islam like communities living in harmony zakat … promote a sense and for Muslims to exemplify of community which can the highest standards of care encourage good citizenship too." and concern toward others. Some participants stressed that obeying One of the most emphasised rules was considered the trait of a good of all the Prophet’s teachings citizen in Islam: 10 Sometimes 63 Often was being good to people. A 5 Rarely 18 No answer Muslim’s duty is bound to work "One of the orders of via for the common good not only our Prophet Muhammad Mustafa with fellow Muslims, but all is that: you obey the rules of the Participants were asked to respond to those in society." the question: ‘what is it about being a country you are in as long as it Muslim that makes you a better citizen?’ is the rules of Allah. Don't break Their responses revealed a range of "Volunteering and helping out them as you break Allah's. Be personal values that they associated the community, being kind to faithful and watch others' rights, with being a Muslim, such as honesty neighbours, abiding by the laws keep away from any kind of and sincerity, tolerance and peace, love of the state are encouraged in fraud, never become a witness and compassion, and forgiveness and Islam." kindness. Many comments emphasised that you will hurt the decent that a good Muslim is distinguished "Taking care of the environment residents at courts or other through their service to a community: and land, paying respects to judgement places."

104 Islamic Religiosity in the West Other comments made reference to Afghanistan eight years ago – still come here by boat; they're universalist values shared among felt a sense of not being settled or the main refugees coming to religions: belonging in her local community, despite winning a civic award for her Australia by boat… So Hazara "I don't believe any religion, volunteer work in the Dandenong community in Afghanistan have Muslim, Catholic, Christian, community. She attributed her feelings been persecuted for as long of exclusion to the failure of federal Buddhist etc. encourage bad as I remember, for as long as and local governments to understand we all remember. From the citizenship. That is the choice the plight of Hazara community each individual makes based members and to make the experience 1980s till today, you know they on their own morals and of living and settling into the local are killed on daily basis; they community less burdensome: personal experiences. If you are are killed because they're a good Muslim/Jew/Christian Hazaras. And that’s the reason "I started my life and my family why the Hazara community etc. you will endeavour to be started their life from scratch, partially moved to Pakistan, a good person and citizen." from zero, we had nothing Iran and India, and that’s, again, here. And just to get to the Unsurprisingly, diverse migratory the same reason why Hazara and socioeconomic experiences were stage I am at, you know it took us eight years or maybe even community is taking refuge implicated in the way participants or asylum here in Australia." felt and experienced community more, we’re still not settled. So participation, engagement, and imagine all those people coming Saba, 22, Hazara background, belonging. Many centred on places in spending years in detention born in Afghanistan, Melbourne and spatial interactions as having centres and then waiting for facilitated strong feelings of their … visas to be over… You either inclusion and participation, Despite these experiences of know by the time they set up or alienation and exclusion. unsettledness, Saba also expressed everything they will be too old to a love for Australia because of the Saba – a 22-year-old Hazara refugee live. … The Hazara community safety and opportunity it provided who arrived in Australia from was… the main group who her and her community.

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 105 Members of the Hazara Women’s Friday, they go to for example with the Dandenong community, but Network also expressed these two sides Coburg because Arabs had a also saw herself as a local: to settlement; love and gratitude, but mosque….." also hardship and burden. Of the group, "I am a local Dandy six members had arrived in Australia by boat as refugee claimants in the last two Highlighting the importance of [Dandenong] girl. I love Dandy. years and were living in the community positive settlement experiences, the I will never move out of it. Love on bridging visas. For these participants, longer the time elapsed since initial it. I have good interactions settlement was precarious. They lived settlement, the more likely that through work, and through and participated in the community, but negative feelings had been replaced non-work. I shop in the area. did not feel that they belonged: ‘I come with those of belonging and social here by boat. Too hard’ (Muska, 39, connection. This was particularly so for I talk to people in the area… Lebanese background, born in Lebanon, community members who participated You have halal products at Melbourne). Verdiq who had arrived in in community formation activities such Coles and Safeway. That never Australia less than one year ago also as the building of mosques and the used to be the case…. There is supported this view: ‘In Afghanistan establishment of halal butchers, and you know your neighbours, but here other food and clothing stores that a halal Hungry Jacks, yeah." everyone is a stranger. In Afghanistan I accommodated the needs of the Muslim Muska, 39, Lebanese was a respected community leader’. community. According to Imam Ismael background, born in Lebanon, from the Albanian Saki mosque: These experiences were contrasted Melbourne with those of the Turkish, Albanian, and "So the Albanian’s came here Lebanese background participants who in Dandenong about 40 years Muska described Dandenong had migrated to Dandenong in the 1970s ago – started from 1960s…then and 1980s as a part of skilled migration as a place in which everybody is programme and other employment in 1985 some old Albanians got free to practise their religion and schemes. When they first arrived, they together and they came with cultural traditions without fear of too experienced barriers to settling, an idea that we need to build interference. This is an experience primarily attributed to language and a mosque… because it’s very that she claimed was not available lack of places where they could practice hard to go far afield to other to Muslims living in her homeland. and maintain religious and community mosques in those days. So traditions. Yet, they experienced less then, they collect money from It is this feeling of acceptance and complications resulting from visa each family. They came up with freedom to be who she is that allows restrictions or racism than the recently some money that every family Muska to feel a strong sense of arrived Muslim migrants and those connection to the local area, and which entering on humanitarian or bridging need to pay so that we can buy a house. So they bought about also compels her to object to policies visas. Imam Mehmet Salih Dogan from that may force her to ‘lose’ her identity: the Emir Sultan mosque observed: one house – two houses here and then they bought two more "I thank God for Australia "When our fathers come here, houses – all this land they got accepting us the way we are. I they were confused. It take[s] the permission from council more than one or two years, from everything, and then they don’t have to force my rules and because we pray five times a built the mosque." my religion on others. I want to day, and they do not have even practise them by myself. So I timetable … they do not know want to keep integrating, but I Muska, a 39-year-old skilled migrant don’t want to lose my identity." when start month of Ramadan from Lebanon who had lived and is okay. No mosque here for Eid worked in the community for more Muska, 39, Lebanese background, Festival so after Ramadan, also than 13 years, not only felt integrated born in Lebanon, Melbourne

106 Islamic Religiosity in the West Migration and settlement also made him feel uncomfortable. This school because of how I dress, intersected with age, race, and contrasted with his experience of living and obviously, I could not in other areas of Melbourne that were gender, producing a complex array of speak proper English to say experiences of inclusion and exclusion, either more culturally and ethnically participation and belonging. For homogeneous or middle-class: anything back to them. And example, while participants of all ages it was not, you know Anglo- had experienced racism, those settled "You know when I lived in Saxon Australians that were in Australia for some time particularly Coburg… It was different, there's bullying me, it was people who observed the increased incidence of a lot of Muslims … it's just have migrated here before these experiences. Specifically, several everywhere I go, like the shop in me, and that was interesting. participants identified racist acts front of me was run by a Muslim, I kept thinking shouldn’t it toward Muslims in the local area as it's just free you know, you just having escalated since September 11. be them, shouldn’t it be the feel like it's all good. I moved to Australian Aussie’s who would Ali, a young man of African background Doncaster where there is not be bullying me, who should who had lived in Dandenong for seven many Muslim but it was, people be bullying me because I look years but at the time of the interview was living there are cautious of the living in Pascoe Vale, detailed several different, no it wasn’t them, way they react, they just do not it was communities who were experiences of racism from neighbours react to things without thinking and work associates, which led him to here before me, and some move away from the Dandenong area: or making you feel anything, from Afghanistan as well." a bit diplomatic. I moved to Dandenong for 7 years and it Saba, 22, Hazara background, "I started off working in a born in Afghanistan, Melbourne nursing home. And most of was just chaos… the kind of them, most of those who were questions that I have to answer working were not well educated. to people was so, sometimes I Saba experienced this complexity of Because sometimes I found couldn’t believe it, even when intercultural encounters and racism that people were just voicing it came from Muslims." as confusing and disorientating, particularly because Dandenong is opinions without thinking that Ali, 33, African background, renowned for its cultural diversity. this guy might be a Muslim or born in Ghana, Melbourne Although her experience did not this guy might not be a Muslim… register as so acutely harmful people were talking about Islam as Saba and Ali’s accounts, Aida, Ali’s views were supported by Saba’s, and the terrorist and all this." a middle-aged store holder at a resident of Dandenong. As many of the Dandenong market, had also Ali, 33, African background, women in the study who wore hijab experienced public acts of racism, born in Ghana, Melbourne reported, Muslim women are often the this time from the Anglo community targets of more incidents of racism in – her shop provided a visible the places where they work, study, and Muslim presence at the market: Ali also mentioned that he felt the area live because of their visibility. For Saba was more racist because of its high this wasn’t as surprising as the identities "One lady passed the shop, levels of socioeconomic disadvantage of the perpetrators of the racist abuse, and low educational attainment. who she reported largely came from and she said ‘I hate all the This was a point he raised again migrant background themselves: market because of this shop’ later in the interview, claiming that [laughs] and at that time when socioeconomic disadvantage "You know sense of belonging… exactly she’s gone across intersects with high levels of cultural and religious diversity in the area it when I first came in I was to the Azan clock… I put it produces a ‘chaotic’ environment that bullied quite a few times at there for Muslim people, for

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 107 pray time, and the Azan clock towards Muslims. So that even those and practices, and the barriers started at exactly the same born, or having lived most their that these may present to active time [laughter] and she was lives, in the Dandenong area were participation and integration into the constantly called upon to defend multicultural fabric of the city. Yet, like [makes an angry sound]." themselves and their religion. Dandenong participants contested Aida, 35–49, Pashtun this view, arguing that the core background, born in As Tahwid, a Muslim of Egyptian practices of Islam are flexible, easily Afghanistan, Melbourne background who had been a volunteer integrated and compatible with a for the Country Fire Association (CFA) Western multicultural lifestyle: for many years described, these Yet Aida’s overall positive experience experiences often made belonging "You see Islam is very of the Dandenong community enabled and engagement with the local flexible because if you are in community difficult for Muslims: her to brush off incidents like these. circumstances where you cannot practise your religion fully there Masjid, a 28-year-old revert of "Look there are times where Albanian/Greek ethnic background, they don’t give them the is exemption for that …. So who wore a beard in accordance with opportunity to engage. They contrary to what some people his religion, also felt that there was a believe it is not that hard." heightened awareness around visible are looked at as something Muslims after September 11. This had different. I know myself when Ali, 33, African background, led to act of racism and intolerance I was with the CFA – being born in Ghana, Melbourne towards him. Like Muska however, his friendships and connections to the only Muslim in the CFA at his local area enabled him to feel times it wasn’t easy because Interestingly, even for one participant supported enough to laugh it off: I basically come here when I who expressed the least tolerant view of was a young kid – I am strong ‘the West’ and liberal democratic political "Even though it’s an area where with what I do and what I say institutions, Islam was understood people are open-minded … and what I believe in – they to have has shown itself historically people do question a lot with need to understand you better to be a religion that is adaptable to all societies in which people live: the beard, even though the and I mean sometimes you’re beard’s in nowadays, you know, not given that opportunity to "If it is a universal religion most footballers wear beards, engage with the community. then it has to be from God. but you do still get the little You are looked at as something And if it’s from God then it joke here or there, you know, – they look at you because would have to mean that this like ‘you look like Osama Bin they do not understand the religion has to stand, or has Laden’. But we (workmates) religion –they only know what to be effective, in every era have that kind of relationship they have seen on the news." and in every time and in every where we just laugh." Tahwid, 18–24, Egyptian background, society. So, to be universally Masjid, 28, Albanian/Greek international student, Melbourne accepted in the whole world background, born … it has to be adaptable." in Australia, Melbourne Participants reported that a common Saeed, 27, Afghan background, argument made by those who born in Australia, Melbourne Participants also identified negative question the capacity of Muslims media reporting on Muslims and to integrate into Western societies Islam to be a major trigger of public is the presumed inflexibility and Muska discussed this in relation to acts of racism and intolerance rigidity of Muslim religious beliefs the flexibility that individuals must

108 Islamic Religiosity in the West also bring to their practice of faith in a Participants predominantly described than I was comfortable wearing Western society. For example, though Dandenong as a culturally diverse, my hijab in Lebanon. I nearly drinking alcohol or even being in a place multifaith suburb. Sometimes this was kicked out of my job in where alcohol is served is haram, she diversity was seen to present barriers found no problem negotiating these that were difficult to surpass. For Lebanon when I put my hijab on. issues at social catch-ups with non- example, one participant described So in here, they can’t do that. Muslim friends who may be drinking. Dandenong as a place where ‘people They respect you more. Maybe Instead of having to give up her faith, are together but in sections’, implying they’re scared how to deal with or ask that her friends give up their a community segregated by cultural or you, but … I’m comfortable lifestyle, she regarded adjustments and religious difference. For others, living wearing my hijab, really more accommodations as a necessary part in a vibrant, culturally diverse suburb of the process of living together in a increased feelings of belonging to both comfortable here than anywhere culturally and religiously diverse society: the city and the country. This was most else in the world." clearly expressed by long-term residents Muska, 39, Lebanese background, "Non-Muslim friends, yep, I’ve of Dandenong who regarded the diversity born in Lebanon, Melbourne got heaps. And they respect of both the Muslim community and the my religion. And I respect their broader Dandenong community, as a positive model for multicultural societies privacy and their happiness as This suggests that accommodation of around the world: religious and cultural difference has well. So what I do, I always go an important role to play in fostering for half an hour only and that "You don’t need to go to migrant belonging. half an hour, they know, no different countries, just come alcohol on the table, so they here, stay one week and you That is not to say, however, that cultural and religious diversity alone eradicates don’t drink. I go there, have a can learn … from some of small salad with them, yell and experiences of racism, Islamophobia, them wearing clothes, eating, and intolerance. In fact, many Muslims laugh and scream and the usual talking, behaviour. Also we living in Dandenong found that religious stuff. And then I say goodbye have many Italian Muslims… we and cultural intolerance, racism, and and they can have their alcohol. have … more than 50 countries fear of difference were found among So that way they accommodate here… you know they can learn all ethnic and religious groups in me for half an hour. I the area, including members of the many things." Muslim community. Interfaith volunteer accommodate them. We see Imam Salih Dogan, programs were identified by more than each other, we still have that, Melbourne one participant as an important way you know, interaction, but I don’t of addressing fears within Muslim and let them lose their happiness." non-Muslim communities alike: Muska, in her public service role, Muska, 39, Lebanese background, reported dealing with new migrants "Well I think Interfaith is born in Lebanon, Melbourne from all over Melbourne, some of something that we forgot to do whom were struggling to fit in with as Muslims and unfortunately it the Australian culture and lifestyle. The example that Muska provides was took a tragic event like 9-11 to She recommended that they live in just one of many negotiations that realise people are afraid of us Muslim residents of Dandenong reported Dandenong on the basis that the vibrant, multicultural ambience would and that’s because they don’t making daily in order to integrate their know us and that’s because we faith with the reality of living, working or make them feel at home very quickly: studying in one of the most culturally, probably haven't really opened religiously and linguistically diverse "I feel more comfortable our doors to each other. So I was suburbs of Melbourne. wearing my hijab in Australia involved with just maybe one or

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 109 two programs before that but how interfaith activities had shaped usually in this time everyone after September 11th I just kind her values and made her more open kind of retreats into their of exploded in really trying to do to appreciating the similarities and own shell. And here they are differences between different cultural as many programs as possible." and religious groups in the community: throwing away all the fears people automatically jump to Alia, 30, Turkish background, born in Turkey, Melbourne "Interfaith is a bit of both, both and saying we’re here for you." finding the common grounds Alia, 30, Turkish background, and also learning about the born in Turkey, Melbourne Certainly, two religious leaders differences because you can’t just who participated in the research in push those aside and say we’re Dandenong described interfaith activities all one, let’s hold hands and sing." Alia regarded this experience as as a powerful way of finding common a formative; strengthening her ground between different faith and Alia, 30, Turkish background, commitment to her own faith. It also cultural communities, and of breaking born in Turkey, Melbourne highlighted to her the importance down prejudices. of learning from other religions and cultures about our common The Emir Sultan mosque and the The focus on dialogue and engagement humanity, which can only be achieved Albanian Saki mosque belonged to was particularly important to Alia, through community engagement the Interfaith Network of Dandenong, who emphasised shared goals among and interaction with others. a volunteer organisation comprising different faith communities, all of members of all the faith groups of which were, in her view, bound by a For others, the necessity of more Dandenong. The group meets monthly common concern for social justice and active public ‘engagement’ after at the Greater Dandenong City Council a desire to help the most vulnerable September 11 was welcomed and seen offices and runs tours of the local ‘holy in the community. Her appreciation as a means of increasing the inclusion houses’ for schools and other groups: for, and ability to see, these interfaith of Muslims in Western societies. commonalities stemmed from her "Me myself and two other people family’s experiences of living in New Some participants felt that it provided (Imams) we encourage to respect York when September 11 occurred: an opportunity, at an individual level all the other faiths. In Islam and a community level, to address there are a lot of saying of our "Now I remember after 9-11 misconceptions and highlight the universal principles and ethics of prophet … and that is respect happened we had a Unitarian Universalist Church not Islam common across all Abrahamic your neighbour and respect faiths. It also encouraged some too close to where we were your other faith people. So we participants to perform dawah also teach them on this way. living. They had these very (preaching of Islam); fulfilling an We try to have good harmony, nice … Ministers or Pastors important component of faith: good understanding, dialogue leading them… They called … with other faith, also with other my dad and some members "Being steadfast, overcoming people and we try to show by of the Muslim community … this adversity that’s the Muslim example – leading by example in and said: ‘We know this and way. We’re the first ones to a good way." this has happened, and there hold hands when things happen may be attacks and people like that (September 11, Imam Salih Dogan, Melbourne discriminating against you, Boston bombings) as tragedies so just know that we’re here happen cause we know that As a volunteer with the Interfaith for you’. That was just so obviously there’s going to Network, Alia spoke in depth about mind-blowing because it is be an after effect on many

110 Islamic Religiosity in the West of the community. …Within forms of civic engagement. As a "You can stand-up being part of a ourselves … setting the right result, citizenship practices that country and … you can disagree example by being a role model reflect a desire for assimilation rather for the benefit of the country than recognition have been pushed for others that way they don’t onto Muslims in a manner that has and that makes you a better go down a certain pathway. furthered experiences of alienation and citizen. But sometimes I guess that’s really what shapes us inequality. The central issue here, has especially with young people, not having that consciousness been the presumed deficit of Islam in just from Muslim background, knowing that there must be terms of its contribution towards ‘good they’re intimidated into toeing the citizenship’. To test this presumption, action taken […] go out there line and I think that is counter- take initiative, make things some questions in the study were designed to elicit views regarding productive. Islam teaches … happen and contribute in that the nature of Muslim religious belief [to] speak the truth even if your positive way … so I think it’s and practice and whether these voice shakes or speak the truth the responsibility on just about forms of obligation and responsibility even in front of the tyrant and everyone especially within our to God and Ummah (‘community’) so that’s something that I guess own community, the elders." had created a barrier to Western, secular modes of active citizenship. Muslims should do more often, Tariq, 25–30, Lebanese background, but should do it with manners. born in Australia, Melbourne As with many other studies on … I think we are lacking a good religiosity and citizenship (Jones- citizenship – active citizenship "Straight after September 11th Correa & Leal 2001; Lam 2006; Read that is aware and makes their I got involved in some interfaith 2015), participants identified strong leaders accountable and we are dialogue in Adelaide, so just links between the type of civic values lacking a leadership that makes some church groups. And what and practices that Islam encourages really fascinated me was how it and Western democratic forms itself accountable and deals with really polarised the community. of citizenship, civic engagement, the issues and not the popularity." and political participation. So, one sector of the community Abbas, 35–49, Arabic-speaking background, Melbourne had reacted with hatred and Areas of overlap between Muslim felt the need to lash out at the religious beliefs and citizenship, Muslim community. And then included the promotion of actions "I actually do not find any there was a significant number that uphold a common good, such as contradiction between being of people who wanted to reach acting on values of: equal rights and an Australian citizen and out to the Muslim community social justice, charity, obedience to being Muslim. You know like […] So, that’s why I came back the rule of law, community service and values … well that is exactly engagement and neighbourliness. to Melbourne and got involved what Islam teaches being a in Living in Harmony project." When participants were asked about good team leader and family Basheema, 35–49, certain ideas originating from Islamic and doing community work. Arab background, Melbourne sources and ritual practices that … I feel like good citizenship may shape forms and practices of requires being an all-rounder citizenship, some unexpected points person. Not to just Muslims, of overlap emerged. Some responses In fact, active citizenship as a to everybody in fact." normative exercise has often focussed on Muslim subjectivity ‘problematised’ Muslim religiosity and ethics, while others centred Lazanda, 27, Sri Lankan by identifying religious practice and directly on social and political norms, background, born in expression as a barrier to broader relationships, and responsibilities: Australia, Melbourne

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 111 Another clear example of the overlap became involved in civic associations "I am not engaged in politics between religious responsibilities and or interfaith associations: … especially given the time obligations and conventional notions that we are in… There was of active citizenship and engagement "For example, tomorrow one time where I was thinking was the payment of zakat as a pillar we collect donation for the of the faith, and the active promotion should I go into politics? Will of volunteer and charity work: Philippines. We are not saying that help change the world? we have only Muslims in That’s – when you are young, "Zakat is very similar to taxation, Philippines… majority of people you are that idealistic, you so we pay tax. That means that are non-Muslims but tomorrow want to change the world. when we have a certain amount all mosques decide to collect Then you learn… and you are of money that you earn, you fundraising for all lost homes, thinking well if I am going to pay tax, but you don’t really pay lives, we also doing this for have to compromise my values it to the government, you pay natural disasters… Before we then politics might not be the it to the poor to help them." helped Indonesia, Sri Lanka, best way. That is why a lot of Hazara Women’s Network Pakistan, bush fire a couple of Muslims are turning to just translator, Melbourne years ago. … and gave free food grass-roots, is let’s first reach for people who had lost homes." out to our neighbours, take care Zakat is one of the five pillars of Islam, Imam, Emir Sultan mosque, of our youth, take care of our most survey respondents therefore Melbourne elders, our family members." regarded it as a requirement (80.3 Alia, 30, Turkish background, per cent of those who identified as born in Turkey, Melbourne practising Muslims paid zakat). In keeping with findings from numerous studies exploring the civic There were numerous examples participation and engagement of where study participants were young Muslims, participants here involved in volunteer work in their did not place a high value on formal local community or had set up or types of political participation. contributed to charities operating at a transnational level. Yet, while only 50.85 per cent of participants viewed voting in political Whilst much of this activity raised elections as important, the great funds primarily for the Muslim majority of participants identified community, many of the individuals volunteering in the community and religious leaders interviewed as being a more grounded and also felt a responsibility to the practical way of fulfilling their communities in which they lived, and civic duties, as Alia explained:

112 Islamic Religiosity in the West DETROIT, USA Islamic principles and both liberal and "There is a very famous In Detroit, ten (20.8 per cent) republican ideals of citizenship. prophetic tradition that says respondents had citizenship status, that if you see an injustice you Given the significance of Detroit’s three people (6.3 per cent) permanent should stop it with your hand. residency, one person (2.1 per cent) economic and social deprivation, reported temporary residency status, connections between acts of religiosity If you cannot stop it with your and citizenship were most often and 34 people provided no answer to hand, you should stop it with expressed through active community this question. your mouth, your tongue. If practices, particularly volunteering, and forming civic associations to clean you cannot stop with that, you Residency and citizenship status. up neighbourhoods, remove blight, should at least try to stop it in Detroit (frequencies) address poverty and racism within your heart and that’s the least – and between communities, and bring that’s the lowest form of faith … greater ‘lived’ justice to Detroiters. In light of this, interviewees offered That’s how I feel about Detroit. some descriptions of the conditions affecting Detroit and the necessity And I know a good many people of engaging to rebuild the city at a do feel that this is a city that grassroots level: has its fair share of challenges and the only thing that I know "I believe that people are going is that disengagement is not an 1 Temporary resident to come and help because they option." 3 Temporary residency 10 Citizen want to see the City of Detroit 34 No answer rise. Detroit is the home of the , 40–50, Indian background, British born, Detroit industrial movement for the The Detroit survey and interviews America in general. The big revealed that the core beliefs and three started here with GM, Zahir went on to list a typology of practices of Islam correspond with ‘citizenship interventions’ that he liberal and republican traditions of Chrysler, Ford Motor Company had witnessed in Detroit: citizenship. There was, for example, which helped create what is a strong focus on social justice and known as the middle class … So "There are those people who the value of equality, diversity, and this is very valuable to America will come here and seek return human rights (liberal tradition) among participants. While many of the core as well that Detroit rise, very on investment and a quick one, practices of the faith were reported to important, so people want to buying some property. … If encourage active citizenship practices come help Detroit in general, Detroit in any way – has a net and values, such as mercy, charity regardless of religion." benefit as a result of that then and conveying rights to neighbours to who am I to complain. There are produce a ‘common good’ (republican Michael X, 30, African American revert, tradition). NOI, Detroit people who I think practise what I call ontological citizenship. Yet, there was some ambiguity in They engage with Detroit simply relating religious belief and practice to Several interviewees spoke of the because they recognise what citizenship and citizenship practices. Muslim community’s responsibility to it means to be a citizen of a become engaged in projects that will Some participants viewed citizenship place and for them it’s not about as a legal practice and status divorced help rebuild Detroit. For many this was from forms of community engagement linked with aspects of Islamic faith that necessarily running for election and civic participation. Others found stressed the importance of social justice it’s not necessarily for lobbying a strong connection between core and service: it’s actually getting out there and

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 113 doing something themselves. … Figure 96 then take that energy, harness The Islamic tradition says that if Involvement in local it and move it forward towards you see an injustice you should community groups. something that’s tangibly stop it by with your hand first Detroit. beneficial. I find those to be … and people are willing to do What, if any, local community groups American values … and I also that. It is not just simply writing a are you involved in? (percentage). find that to be an incredibly cheque." Islamic value." Zahir, 40–50, Indian background, Zahir, 40–50, Indian background, British born, Detroit British born, Detroit

50 "In Islam we teach a lot about Detroit respondents reported very high 39.6 Entrepreneurship – it is levels of involvement in their local 37.5 35.4 ingrained in the language so community groups. While these were most commonly religious groups – most Muslims you see they exactly half of all respondents were 20.8 own their own business. While involved in such groups (24 people) 16.7 everyone else is hopeless we’re 10.4 – participants’ involvement in non- 8.3 6.3 optimistic, we know that Allah denominational groups was rather 4.2 4.2 2.2 high too. will provide. So we have to have food, so we can supply our This is suggestive of participants need own food, our own vegetables to belong to communities in ways that and things like that, we use reflect a range of identities, and the

Sports clubs the, there are lots of great complexity of their identities beyond Political parties Political Kids playgroups Mother's groups a religious identity. Nineteen people Religious groups community gardens." School associations Youth activity groups Youth Senior citizens clubs

(39.6 per cent) were involved in school Charity organizations

Environmental groups Environmental Michael X, 30, African Gym or exercise groups Gym or exercise associations and 18 participants (37.5 groups Arts and cultural American revert, per cent) in charity organisations. NOI, Detroit Seventeen people (35.4 per cent) reported involvement in community clubs Community support/service support groups, and an equal number Social work is part of Islam … it’s part were involved in youth activity groups. of your faith. To take care of others, that’s what you do. So the first place I Five people (10.4 per cent) were active "I find that if there is a skill worked, Black Family Development is in political parties, four (8.3 per cent) a place where I worked in the shelters, in sports clubs, three (6.3 per cent) that I have it’s the impartation I worked for juvenile delinquents, CPS in environmental groups, two (4.2 per of knowledge. I’ll gladly go and Health. cent) in senior citizens clubs, two (4.2 ahead and do that and so as a per cent) in mother’s groups, and one person (2.1 per cent) was involved in a result of that if people can take "I had to go into the homes. kids playgroup (see Figure 96). some of that knowledge. Some of the juveniles belong to gangs; some of them even At a personal level, many participants And first of all develop a better committed murder. … There spoke about the service they offered sense of self, acquire a greater through their work. They saw were times I did get frightened their service to the community as sense of understanding across … and this was a program with inseparable from core Islamic beliefs: different divisions and lines and the children of substance

114 Islamic Religiosity in the West abuse mothers. … They too Figure 97 Figure 99 have hearts and souls, some Community ties with Significance on of them are in a situation they local muslim groups. participating in... can't get out of. You just do Detroit Detroit (frequencies) your job because Allah gave it to you to do, I mean I guess he protects you from that." 33 Zafeerah, 50–59, African American revert, Detroit 15 14

Participants in Detroit reported maintaining strong social connections 7 with Muslim relatives, friends, and organisations locally and abroad; in common with the Melbourne sample. in the

Thirty participants (62.5 per cent) School Political Political activities elections reported maintaining community 30 Yes 8 No and other community fundraising fundraising ties with local Muslim groups (see 10 No answer Volunteering Figure 97); while 27 people (56.3 per cent) maintained community ties with Muslim relatives/friends abroad (see Figure 98).

Participants placed a high significance on volunteering in the community Figure 98 Figure 100 (68.8 per cent), compared to school Do you maintain community ties Voting in Federal elections. fundraising (31.3 per cent) and political with Muslim relatives/friends Detroit elections (29.2 per cent) (see Figure overseas? (frequencies) 99). On voting, 27 participants (56.3 per cent) reported voting in federal elections, six participants (12.5 per cent) said that they did not vote, and 27 seven people (14.6 per cent) claimed to have voted ‘sometimes’ (see Figure 100).

Voting attracted some positive comments among the participants: 7 8 for example, one claimed ‘I think it is 6 important to practise our rights and voting is a right and blessing’. Another respondent reported that they had No actively contributed to the electoral Yes campaigns: ‘I worked in canvassing, 27 Yes 11 No No answer phone banking in the 2008 and 2012 Sometimes Presidential elections’. 10 No answer

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 115 Meanwhile, there were respondents Kwame Kilpatrick, who ran several racism, but also the development of who regarded voting more negatively. criminal enterprises from the office of bridging capital, extended to social One respondent commented: ‘I the mayor of Detroit, stealing millions groups not usually allied with Muslim choose not to support any parties that of dollars from an already ailing city. political and community organisers. would have me dip my hand into their actions of oppression and tyranny’. As Badda commented, corruption Participants also spoke about has been ‘so rampant in the City of social justice organisations, many Participant engaged in varied forms Detroit and that’s what put us in the of which were run at a grassroots of political participation. These position we are in now, thank you level to raise awareness for those ranged from normative forms of Kwame Kilpatrick. He’s the one that denied justice or subjected to engagement – such as joining political jacked us for 9 million dollars, we’re systematic abuses of civic rights. campaigns, voting in elections, and stuck with the bill, that money doesn’t running in state and local elections – to come easy to the City of Detroit’. A lot of work was concerned with academic or policy level engagement community service and community – such as everyday protest actions and This situation led to the election of building, and was specifically focussed participating in political talk on social Mike Duggan, the first white mayor in on rehabilitating abandoned homes media. Some of Detroit’s Muslims had Detroit since the 1970s. The Michigan and revitalising neighbourhoods; worked on Obama’s election/re-election governor, Rick Snyder, who put Detroit removing blight and forming block campaigns, yet they expressed their into emergency financial administration clubs to make neighbourhoods disaffection with the political system, in 2013, also received strong criticism safer and more liveable. and particularly the promises of the first from participants for backing harsh African American President of the USA. austerity measures and for directing This was viewed as vital to attracting investment dollars away from some reinvestment to Detroit while also Their dissatisfaction was palpable on of the poorest neighbourhoods in addressing issues such as poverty issues such as the unwillingness of the Detroit, while lining the pockets of his and disadvantage. The mosques President to address systemic racism friends. Perhaps because of the social, established many of these programs: and the abuse of civil liberties in relation economic, and political conditions to anti-terror laws, and in relation to the blighting the city, political engagement government’s stance on foreign policy, was a characteristic of the Detroit "Besides the student especially Israel-Palestine. Participants sample. Yet, disaffection with the organisations through Wayne variously reported that they felt such political system owing to endemic State, Unity Centre [mosque] policies and inactions did not reflect the corruption and mismanagement itself is actually, they have kind promises made during the campaign for had also led to disengagement from of community service projects office and had tarnished the President’s formal politics, redirecting political also and kind of like a youth reputation. For many participants, energies to grassroots engagement. politics was viewed as power for others program. … I would literally but not for them; it did not reflect the Interestingly, a think tank set up by one just read an email about the voices of the poor and underprivileged. participant to address Islamophobia in community having kind of a the USA suggested not only interfaith project where we adopt a road Most interviewees however, reserved networks as an important political force, and so we go that morning and their strongest criticism for local but also the formation of alliances with political representatives. Badda, social groups also targeted by forms of kind of just clean up and pick up Kalsoom, and Zafeerah were the bigotry and injustice. These included litter and everything. And a lot of most vocal of all interviewees on other racial and ethnic minority people show up to those things this issue. They felt that the city groups and the LGBTIQ community. and help out and it’s kind of just leadership through corruption and like a community-wide thing." mismanagement, had led Detroit to This exhibits not only strong bonding bankruptcy, and to criminal charges political capital coming from Alhena, 18–24, being filed against the previous mayor, experiences of social injustice and Arab Sunni, Detroit

116 Islamic Religiosity in the West "We’re trying to build love Figure 101 between one another because Representation of religious community you really can’t build a in formal political groups and organisations (% Percent). Detroit community if you don’t build Do you feel that your religious community is relationships. … Project Unity represented in formal political groups and is also involved in collaborative organisations at the local, state or national efforts, is teaming up with the levels? (frequencies) Nation of Islam. We go out and feed the hungry, we go out to 25 the homeless shelters we… but 22.9 the main objective is to educate our youth, to teach them 16.7 14.6 trades, etiquettes, discipline." 12.5 Figure 102 Detroit, a tour of Detroit and Omar, 41, African American 8.3 Dearborn mosques paid revert, Sunni orthodox, Detroit for by ISNA as a part of their national conference. Source: Authors Somewhat Somewhat No answer Very poorly poorly Very represented represented Yes, very well very Yes, Neither well nor Neither well poorly represented poorly Poorly represented Poorly

Opinions among participants regarding Do you feel being Muslim in the representation of religious your local neighbourhood communities in formal political is a challenge? groups and organisations were Detroit (frequencies) divided. Twelve people (25 per cent) felt ‘somewhat represented’ and four people (8.3 per cent) felt ‘very well’ represented. Meanwhile, six people (12.5 per cent) felt ‘poorly represented’, 11 people (22.9 per cent) felt ‘very poorly represented’ and seven people (14.6 per cent) felt neither well nor poorly represented (see Figure 101).

In Detroit, 25 people (52.1 per cent) ‘rarely’ felt that being Muslim was a 14 Sometimes 1 Often challenge in their local neighbourhood; 25 Rarely 8 No answer 14 people (29.2 per cent) said they ‘sometimes’ thought it was a challenge, and only one respondent (2.1 per cent) said that it was ‘often’ a challenge.

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 117 118 Islamic Religiosity in the West LYON/GRENOBLE/PARIS, FRANCE "I am able to reach out to my said ‘sometimes’, and 1 person (2.1%) When asked whether their religious neighbours because my faith said ‘rarely’. and cultural beliefs helped them strongly encourages us to know When asked a question ‘What is it attach more strongly to their local and be there for neighbours." neighbourhood and community, 16 about being a Muslim that makes people (33.3 per cent) responded "There is a lot of South Asian you a better citizen?’ participants ‘often’ and ‘sometimes’ each and eight offered a range of responses. Helping people in my community, so I others was a prominent theme in the people (16.7 per cent) said that they find it is easier to connect with ‘rarely’ felt an attachment through comments: ‘Helping one another, love, cultural practises. them on terms of culture. If they and citizenship are all part of Islam. are also Muslim, it is easy to In Islam we believe in community Religious and cultural beliefs connect with them on that too." service, feeding the poor regardless and practices help to attach to their their religions or race, and that is Few respondents communicated local neighbourhood and community. making me a better citizen’. somewhat negative comments, France revealing feelings of not being Many comments emphasised personal accepted or not being connected qualities, such as honesty, compassion, to the neighbourhood, including: respect, equality, which were linked to an Islamic framework: ‘Islam teaches "I have to travel outside of my you tolerance, respect, order, patience, neighbourhood to connect with honesty, courtesy and thoughtfulness African-American mosques." towards others. "In other neighbourhoods it does. If you follow these qualities in 33% Sometimes 33% Often I feel judged and unwanted." life of course that makes you not 17% Rarely 17% No answer only a better person yourself but "Islam says to love your a better citizen’. Participating neighbours but being a in the community was seen as important for many respondents: Some comments described a minority makes it difficult." multifaith and multicultural "The traditional Muslim cultural "I like to implement Muslim diversity of neighbourhoods: practises do not align easily ideals by being involved in "I work at a halal grocery with the cultural practices in bettering my community." my neighbourhood." store, so I see more of it "The practicing of Islam with than most people do, and I "We do not try to rub our itself is always looking for love it because I get to see beliefs on anyone else." the good that can be done. the amazing diversity of my A Muslim such as myself is community. It is not just Arabs "Our cultural and religious always looking to better the or South Asians; it is Morocco, beliefs pertain only to me so community which I live in." Senegal, Great Britain, and they do not attach me to my Trinidad and Tobago. Not just neighbourhood. My beliefs Some comments revealed a paramount Muslims, but also Hindus have nothing to do with my value of Islam in their lives: ‘On an and Christians as well. A very neighbourhood." ethical level, my religion prohibits things such as lying, thievery, and dear customer is a Jehovah's In Detroit, 37 people (77.1%) said cheating. On a community level, Witness, and she leaves that they felt that their religious and congregating once a week helps pamphlets for us whenever cultural beliefs ‘often’ helped make disseminate information about she visits :)" them a better citizen, 2 people (4.2%) current events in the community. On

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 119 a personal level, I know that I live in done through a range of ‘citizenship "We put interfaith interaction as a society where my religion seems interventions’ including: growing one of our priorities. Like last to be a bad thing. I also know that, in community gardens in vacant lots; night was the 9/11 anniversary order to do anything to change that buying and rehabilitating abandoned perception, I have to prove to people homes, neighbourhoods and schools; and we had interfaith meeting in Washington that I am a voice for forming ‘block clubs’ to keep areas for 9/11, it was in a Christian change, and that I (and others like safe and clean; working through temple in Detroit… But it was a me) have the power to vote for things mosque outreach activities; voting and good gathering, usually not too I want to see’. In identifying particular becoming politically active in forms many people spend that much religious beliefs or practices that of public activism and protest. Some encourage good citizenship, good active community members and web time to, … it just really is your neighbourly relations were seen as entrepreneurs had set up their own belief that this is the right thing important for many respondents. crowdfunding social media platforms to do. I'm a founder of the Shia to raise funds for community projects. Sunni Council of Michigan too." Personal qualities of respect towards others, honesty and Yet, several participants claimed Imam Al-Mahdi, 50+ year old male, justice were mentioned on several that, because of contested and often Iranian background, Dearborn-Detroit occasions. Charity work was fractious community politics, many mentioned in many comments: Muslims preferred to ‘keep to the shadows’ and perform their citizenship Some of the failings of the Muslim religious and community leadership "Charity is compulsory, firstly in less visible ways. This is related to the immediate needs of the at a national level were highlighted to intra-community tensions as well at the 2014 ISNA conference. They surrounding community, being as feelings of being a community included the failure of Muslim good to your neighbour and under the microscope because of community leaders to adequately following the laws of the land the common association of Muslim address infringements of civil liberties where one resides." communities with terrorism. that the United States government has been systematically pursuing and "Giving to the poor. Respecting Mosque organisations indicated a failure to address young people’s your parents and elders." the importance of Muslim religious identity struggles (i.e. , leaders of becoming deeply engaged sexuality etc.) in any way except by "Practising or giving zakat in rebuilding Detroit, particularly by reference to scriptures. as a Muslim and a citizen is bridging with other faith organisations (interfaith) and becoming involved The forms of political participation like bringing everyone up and that interview participants engaged in interfaith initiatives to address in were varied, from normative forms helping one another to get back shared community problems. of engagement (joining political on their feet and spread da'wa. However, Intergenerational difference campaigns, voting in elections and Can save economic disasters contributed to demands being running in state/local elections) and push away classism." expressed for more relevant leadership to everyday protest actions and which was focused less on theology participating in political talk on and more on engaging practically with social media. Given the significance of Detroit’s real world pressures experienced by economic and social disadvantage, Muslim communities. Whereas many For Detroit’s Muslims, some of whom connections between acts of religious leaders in mosques came had worked on President Obama’s religiosity and citizenship were from overseas and imported ideas most often conveyed through active from Muslim majority societies, there election/re-election campaign, community practices, particularly was a strong sense that this did not disaffection with the political system, grassroots volunteering and necessarily serve the American Muslim and particularly the ‘failed’ promise of forming civic associations to clean community well, nor did it address African American political leadership up neighbourhoods, remove blight, specific issues that were relevant for at a national and local level, was address poverty and racism. This was Muslims living in Detroit: palpable.

120 Islamic Religiosity in the West For many, politics was viewed as power Some answers refereed to individual Muslims must adopt. Participants’ for others, as it did not reflect the voices self-improvement and the following expressions of faith involved not only of the poor and underprivileged. The personal qualities were mentioned: positive deeds towards the Muslim Michigan governor, Rick Snyder, who discipline, honesty, tolerance, community, but also towards the wider put Detroit into emergency financial respect, order, patience, honesty, and non-Muslim society. administration in 2013, received strong courtesy. In many cases, perceptions of criticism for his backing of harsh individual self-improvement could not Participants clearly expressed that austerity measures, and for directing be separated from the imperatives of Muslims have a responsibility to investment dollars away from some rendering service to the community: contribute to the economic and social of the poorest neighbourhoods in advancement of the whole society, Detroit whilst lining the pockets of "I try to adhere to Quranic irrespective of religious, ethnic, or wealthy investors. teachings and the practices cultural belonging. Participants in France, under the constant scrutiny of my Prophet (peace be upon Deep political engagement is a of politicians and French society, him) as much as I can. My suggested that Muslims had to be role characteristic of the Detroit sample, prophet was constantly giving models or model citizens. Participants precisely because of the social, economic did not however, understand this to and political conditions blighting the back to his community and I be apologetic or reactionary. Rather city. However, disaffection with the try to emulate that as much they viewed the religious teachings political system owing to endemic as possible." found in the Qur’an to facilitate their corruption and mismanagement also ties to citizenship practices and social led to disengagement from formal actions. Participants emphasised politics and the redirection of political My faith in God and strong moral compass allows for me to remain that the Islamic values of tolerance, energies to grassroots engagement. respect, humanity, and responsibility Islam was widely viewed as a resource steadfast in my convictions while keeping my heart open to for public welfare, are not unlike in the formation of voluntary and civic French constitutional values of understanding others and being associations to rebuild Detroit. fraternity and equality: respectful of their life choices, even if they do not fall in line with my own. When an open-ended question was "This shows the degree of asked: ‘What is it about being a Muslim France (Lyon/Grenoble/Paris) Among importance granted by our that makes you a better citizen?’ a variety 93 respondents in France, 40 people of very positive answers was collected. religion to tolerance, education, (43%) had citizenship status and six A majority of the answers referred to a good behaviour and ethics. people (6.5%) reported permanent and service to the community and helping It is the basis on which our temporary residency statuses each. the others: Additionally, 41 people (44.1%) did not civilisation is founded on and provide any response to this question. also on which lies individual "Being conscious of my actions progress and progress of at all times and being attentive In the French sample, the linkages the society. Then Islam is towards others needs and between participants’ faith and positive expressed by brotherhood, rights." social actions were apparent. Faith kindness, benevolence. … If I was expressed through religious "Helping one another, love, practices and rituals, leading to good draw something which holds and citizenship are all part of behaviours and social and ethical Islam, it is a tree. The trunk Islam. In Islam we believe in actions. The words participants used is faith, the branches of this community service, feeding to describe their expressions of faith, tree are rituals and religious included ‘responsibility’, ‘obligation’, the poor regardless their practices, the fruits are ‘instructions’, and ‘importance’. These behaviours." religions or race, and that is words convey clearly the type of making me a better citizen." conduct respondents believed that Amam, Lyon

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 121 "In our Islamic principles, the "Loving one’s neighbour, self- with us but when we go and live one who believes is also the giving, being good, speaking far away from where I live, for one who does good. Doing respectfully, all this is linked example in the centre of Paris, good is not only directed to our religiosity and that we it’s different." towards Muslims and that’s can achieve in our everyday Mouna, Paris it, it is directed towards the life. … We, as Muslims, we do whole society too. … It is a it because we are guided by our "It is not the only place in notion of public interest, which religious values. … Many things Paris in which I am feeling at means that a Muslim must do to do to be closer to God, that ease, but because it is multi- everything to improve things, can be achieved in everyday cultural and people see that in the nation where he lives. life, in the public sphere, Muslims are not what they see If there is anybody who needs such as being good to people, on TV, they are more like okay anything, one must help. helping people." with us, they are more aware Being useful to society is an Dunia, Lyon that we are not freaks." Islamic principle." Awf, Moroccan background, Ali, Lyon born in France, Paris Participants in France described their neighbourhoods as diverse areas; "I guess here in Paris there is not specifically Muslim or with an Arab concentration. Unlike in, for another social reality, because example, the Melbourne sample from Arabs or Africans or, I mean Dandenong, the French respondents strangers anyway, are a bit showed no sense of belonging to isolated from the elite. This is a specific neighbourhood, though not my state I guess, I came they pointed to the quality of life in the neighbourhood as important. from a city where we all, we Many participants had a favourable were all together. It is a little impression of their neighbourhoods, city; it was in the North of feeling that they were generally France." welcoming places. Figure 103 Maira, Paris Muslim bookstore in France. Source: Authors Yet, similar to findings elsewhere in this study, participants stressed Evident in the study was the pride that they were more at ease in that participants felt at their diverse areas and felt a strong sense multi-faceted religious, ethnic, of belonging to these places. This and cultural identities. Some contradiction is likely the result of participants had dual citizenship, different Muslims experiences in but all mentioned their attachment different cities, and whether they to France, as well as their origins, live in urban or rural settings, as equal. While national belonging as one participant expressed: was not strongly expressed in the survey results, it is unambiguous "Where I live, there are many, in the interview responses. many Muslims and people have The participants are French citizens their own habits there. So even with other identities layered upon this the non-Muslims are confident one. As reported earlier, participants’

122 Islamic Religiosity in the West religious practices underpinned their that I’m Tunisian, I’m Muslim, Figure 104 sense of national belonging. I’m Arabic, I’m brown, I live in Involvement in local the suburb. I’m quite proud community groups. At times of perceived incompatibility France between their religious and national enough of my identity." belongings, participants reported Azad, Tunisian background, What, if any, local community groups are you involved in? (percentage). favouring an interpretation of the Paris Qur’an that allowed an adaptation to the laws of the state. In return, participants advocated tolerance, Survey participants were involved in 40.9 openness, and respect, which they 36.6 several community and local groups, regarded as part of a multiethnic and 32.3 yet involvement in religious groups (38 multifaith society: participants or 40.9 per cent) was the 18.3 20.4 most prevalent. Participation in sports 15.1 "In my life I have different type clubs was also high (34 people or 36.6 8.6 7.5 of belongings, I have obviously per cent) and community support my country, but also my family, groups (30 people 32.3 per cent). Other 4.3 5.4 1.1 my community, my friends – it’s categories of highly-reported gro different fields of belonging."

up involvement included gym/fitness Kids Madiha, 27, Paris groups (19 people or 20.4 per cent), Sports Religious charity organisations (19 people or Youth activity Youth Environmental "I feel French as much as Senior citizens

20.4 per cent), youth groups (17 people parties Political Gym or exercise Muslim. To me, these are two or 18.3 per cent) and arts and culture Arts and cultural School associations Community support independent issues. I feel as groups (14 people or 15.1 per cent). Charity organizations much one as the other. One Less common was participation in does not prevent the other. … political parties (eight people or 8.6 per To be French does not make cent), children’s groups (five people or 5.4 per cent), environmental groups me less of a Muslim." (four people or 4.3 per cent) and only Dunia, Lyon one person (1.1 per cent) in a seniors group (see Figure 104). "I want to be visible and tell you that I’m Muslim; I’m not Nearly all interview participants in the hiding anything because I study were involved in intercultural practices at a personal level, either don’t want to hide anything. with NGOs, or as part of religious My vision of France and of the activities. Republic and Democracy is that I don’t have to hide what I am, At a personal level, participants to live properly in this state, in reached out to their neighbours and this country." colleagues and took time to explain their religious practices. They invited Awf, Moroccan background, their neighbours and people from other born in France, Paris communities to Eid celebrations to encourage an understanding of Islam. "I don’t feel uncomfortable Dunia was particularly proud of the about speaking about the fact influence she had been able to make:

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 123 "There are people who we will "We participate on a social interfaith and inter-community meet who are slightly narrow level, for example, we invite organisations, such as the in their thoughts, who have non-Muslims in our homes and Association des Fils d’Abraham watched a lot of television [and personally, I meet with other (Association of Abraham’s with whom], unfortunately, non-Muslims to explain to them Sons), Association des we will experience … the need what is the Muslim religion, so I Mains Ouvertes (Open Hands to justify ourselves. There try to fight prejudices and move Association) and we also are also great encounters, forward." organise open doors. We often because, precisely, at the Ali, Lyon organise meetings, seminars beginning, these people were on sacred texts, about fasting a bit reluctant towards Islam Mosques’ authorities also took in various religions, on and to me … this is what I advantage of the opportunities offered common practices. We always owe God, to be able to meet by national cultural events, such as invite a Rabbi, a Priest and people and change their mind the Journées du Patrimoine (Heritage an Imam, we make of these on Islam. This is my greatest Days). These events allow the public to conferences a time to share have wide access to cultural, scientific, pride, my greatest joy, to meet or religious buildings and areas, which between everybody." people who did not necessarily may otherwise be closed. Special Amam, Lyon know Islam, or who had a bad visits to the mosques are organised on image of Islam and to manage these occasions, and Imams open the to change them. Thanks to my doors of their mosques to the public Other community groups also work personality, Islamic values, and explain Islamic rituals. These to tie Islam to French society: such events open the space to all members a soft attitude, self-giving, as the Union des Jeunes Musulmans of French society, irrespective of (UJM - Young Muslims’ Union). This a good behaviour, being their cultural, religious, or ethnic community group seeks to make agreeable, help people, these background; importantly, they function religious materials accessible by kind of little things they can to anchor Islam within the national translating them from Arabic into change everything." : French. The UJM now also organises conferences about Islam and has a Dunia, Lyon "There is a practical example … library: an open-door day, the Journée Some participants also described du Patrimoine. Nearly three "We created the Union des building interfaith dialogues through thousand Christians and other Jeunes Musulmans in Lyon. … the work of mosques and Muslim religions have participated in At the start, when we created organisations; enacted at regular this meeting. We organised the Union, I said, we must not conferences, or joint religious actions guided visits, we shared with do a Mosque but a cultural on certain issues. Participants also reported playing active roles in them, we ate together, we centre, an open centre. organisations that were not specifically distributed dates to everybody, We started to get interested Muslim, but aligned along interfaith this is our tradition. We took in all aspects of Islam. We lines and with diverse memberships. pictures together; it was a wanted an Islam that is In this sense, many participants did time of spirituality but also independent of the countries not act exclusively within the Muslim community, but instead were active a time of comfort. […] This of origins. … In this centre, in a wider scheme of intercultural Mosque is a Mosque which there was a cultural, linguistic organisations: has a seat in Councils and in and artistic approach, on top of

124 Islamic Religiosity in the West the religion. For example, we Figure 106 Figure 107 organised concerts, cultural Community ties with Muslim Significance on participating activities, and neighbourhood relatives/friends overseas. (% Percent). France festivals, Eid Festivals. […] France I was already in Islam and I 51.6 said that we must reclaim our Islamicity." 37.6

Naseem, Lyon 23.7

As in Melbourne and Detroit, French participants maintained strong social connections with Muslim relatives, friends, and organisations locally and 58% Yes 23% No in the abroad. Of the 93 people surveyed, 51 19% No answer School Political Political activities elections (54.8 per cent) said they maintained and other community fundraising fundraising community ties with local Muslim Volunteering groups (see Figure 105), while 20 people (21.5 per cent) responded ‘no’. On maintaining community ties with Muslim relatives/friends abroad, 54 Participants reported a higher sense When asked whether they vote in the people (58.1 per cent) responded ‘yes’ of attachment to the local community, Federal elections, 27 respondents (29 and 18 people (19.4 per cent) said ‘no’ compared to the greater national per cent) said that they do not vote in, (see Figure 106). community. and 45 people (48.4 per cent) saying that they do, and five people (5.4 per On a scale of zero (weak) to ten (very cent) said they vote ‘sometimes’. strong), the mean score regarding Voting in Federal Elections. France Figure 105 a sense of belonging in the local neighbourhood was 5.2078, while the Community ties with feeling of belonging in the greater local Muslim groups. French community was lower, at France 4.409.

When asked whether they placed a high significance on participating in socially significant activities, most respondents (48 people or 51.6 per cent) reported that volunteering in 48% Yes 29% No the community was a significant 17% No answer 6% Sometimes activity for them.

Thirty-five people (37.6 per cent) said Participants offered a range of that they placed a high significance responses about voting in federal on participating in political elections, elections. Some participants linked while 22 participants (23.7 per cent) their self-identification as French placed a high significance on school citizens to what they considered as a civic right, duty, and privilege to 55% Yes 24% No fundraising and other activities (see participate in the elections: 21% No answer Figure 107).

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 125 "Being a French citizen, (30.1 per cent) feeling ‘very poorly’ ‘As I live in a neighbourhood with a big this is before everything represented. A further 15 people (16.1 cultural diversity where my religion a right and a duty." per cent) said that they felt ‘neither and community are well represented well nor poorly represented’, and only I am not seen as a stranger’ and ‘Our seven people (7.5 per cent) claimed Others expressed feelings of community is important’. to have felt ‘somewhat’ represented, disillusionment with politics and three people (3.2 per cent) feelt ‘very Other participants experienced related politicians, such as: ‘I do not feel well’ represented, and 19 participants moderate challenges living in non- represented’, ‘It will not change (20.4 per cent) chose not to respond Muslim communities: anything’, ‘Politicians are liars’, and (see Figure 108). ‘I do not believe in politics’. "As I live in a neighbourhood In response to the question: ‘Do you In response to the question: ‘do where there are a few you feel being Muslim in your local feel that your religious community is Muslims, sometimes people represented in formal political groups neighbourhood is a challenge?’ 20 and organisations at the local, state people (21.5 per cent) said ‘often’ look at me insistently because or national levels?’ most (49 people and 40 people (43%) responded I wear hijab. But it is not or 52.1 per cent) felt that they were ‘sometimes’. Fifteen people (17.2 per hurtful." ‘poorly’ or ‘very poorly’ represented. cent) felt that being Muslim in their Among them, 21 people (22.6 per local neighbourhood was ‘rarely’ a "In Paris, Muslims of foreign cent) said that they felt ‘poorly’ challenge (see Figure 109). origin come from different represented by formal political groups Some participants suggested that they parts of the world. Thus, habits and organisations, and 28 respondents lived in a harmonious neighbourhood: and costumes are different. Then occasionally one is asked to justify behaviours that are foreign to us." Figure 108 Figure 109 Religious Community Representation A Challenge of Being Muslim Stronger comments were related in Formal Political Groups and in the Local Neighbourhood to the feelings of exclusion and Organisations at the Local, State or (% Percent). France. discrimination tied to Islamophobia National Levels (% Percent). Do you feel being Muslim in your local in France: France. neighbourhood is a challenge? "Islamophobia in France is in 30.1 43 constant increase after many years especially because of the 22.6 20.4 Islamophobic discourses of 31 certain politicians and media." 16.1 21.5 18.3 17.2 "Now people look at me. 7.5 Lack of jobs [...] implicit 3.2 discrimination." "We are badly accepted and Often

Rarely understood. They play with No answer Somewhat Somewhat others' fears. This creates No answer Very poorly poorly Very Sometimes represented represented Yes, very well very Yes, a feeling of insecurity and Neither well nor Neither well poorly represented poorly Poorly represented Poorly Islamophobia."

126 Islamic Religiosity in the West However, 35 people (37.6 per cent) freedom of expression Another open-ended question: ‘Are also said that their cultural beliefs and and make choices from there particular religious beliefs practises ‘often’ attach them more all points of view." or practices that encourage good strongly to their local neighbourhood citizenship?’ revealed a range and community, and 20 people (21.5 "Islam gives me a moral frame, of responses and examples. per cent) said ‘sometimes’ and ‘rarely’. teaches me that one of the most important things is the Many responses tended to be all Some of the positive comments encompassing and universal, such relating to feeling a strong attachment good behaviour. I learn also as ‘all the beliefs’, ‘faith in Allah, to their local neighbourhood and that we have to be actors fear of Allah’, ‘the obedience to community included: of our world, not simple Allah’, and ‘exemplarity of the figure spectators. It pushes me to of the Prophet Muhammad’. "Absolutely, my religion look for the science, to have and my beliefs invite me interest in the world that Some responses referred to religious to commit with Humanity surrounds me, and to be good traditions other than Islam: ‘All and to be responsible for religions [teach] love and respect of the with my fellow human beings. human being’, ‘my religion and others. my acts knowing that men These are for me the basis Each spirituality’, ‘the Christians are complex by nature." of a healthy citizenship." and the Jewish’, ‘Christianity, Islam’, "Islam teaches love for the ‘Islam and other religions’, and "Islam teaches us to respect ‘the faith encourages the good’. others, the mutual-help, others, the neighbours which brings the people of (Muslims or not), and also Many responses cited specific beliefs the neighbourhood closer." to respect the environment. and practices that encouraged good Therefore, those are the citizenship, such as: ‘be good with principles that make us others’, ‘respect others and display Other respondents did not see humanity and honesty’, ‘help the good citizens, respectful." how this question could be applied others, respect others, be charitable’, to their neighbourhoods: "Respect of the law, citizenship, ‘charity and solidarity’, ‘generosity’, "I live in the city and the caring, and good behaviour." ‘tolerance, openness, sociability’, and ‘to help others as a fundamental notion of neighbourhood "The values of Islam pushes principle of the community’. does not really exist’." every Muslim to be a person "To be Muslim is to be just who must make good around with oneself and therefore either and improve the society Most participants (59 people or 63.4 just with others." per cent) agreed that their religious in which one lives. And this and cultural practices ‘often’ make cannot be done without active  Hadith: the best among you is them a better citizen, with ten participation in this society." the one who is useful for his participants (10.8 per cent) reporting community; the Muslim loves his that they ‘sometimes’ feel so, and brother as he loves himself. four people (4.3 per cent) ‘rarely’. Only two respondents expressed ambivalence regarding the linkages Participants eagerly commented on the between their religious practices and "The incentive for good ways in which their religious and cultural civic engagement: ‘I think that my behaviour, the zakat, the practices make them a better citizen: quality as Muslim does not change fact of viewing the Prophet nothing to my civic engagement nor "Our religion asks us to to my relationships with the people’ as a model, having to come be tolerant and open, the and ‘not positive, not negative’. together to seek the advice

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 127 of others before making Respondents articulated a clear "I think that my action in a a decision affecting the relationship between the law and secular country, as you said, citizenship on the one side, and Islam community and much more!" and its religious principles on the other. France is to adapt my discourse From Islam, participants drew on a and my action to the country "The status of the neighbour principle that calls for adaptation to where I am. I chose to always in Islam and the ecological the countries in which the community be respectful of French law." dimension of Islam and live. Respondents repeatedly the values of tolerance mentioned adaptation. Aariz, Lyon and goodness that are Understanding the teachings of Islam "Islam has come to secure fundamental rules of Islam." by way of its intentions (rather than adhering to strict readings of the text) individual rights so if we "In Islam we learn to live with provided flexibility to adapt to various neglect those rights, we act others and accept them as national civic foundations. Participants against Islam. We can adapt, they are. We do not want to reported that no compromise was there is no objection or impose our ideas but to make needed between religious principles and citizenship, since national law prevailed constraint at all towards our people love our ideas." over religious principles or practices in religious practices. We are free case of a conflicting scenario: to practise here at the mosque The French state does provide official or at home. Nobody can recognition to minorities. Instead, there "Faith is something that must are national policies that focus on the influence you and nobody can ‘unity’ of the nation. reinforce us in our belonging to force you to do it. On the other the country where we live. Faith hand, we live in a society that Mainstream French media and the is something that, in principle, is not ours, so one must adapt dominant political discourse are stresses patriotic feelings adequately and respect it." constructed around that notion of of the person where he/she unity, applying pressure to religious Amam, Lyon communities, as well as migrant lives. There is a verse stating minorities, to ‘adapt’ and ‘integrate’ ‘stand by your commitments’, according to this French unitary model so abiding by the laws of the of inclusion. This model was reflected country where we live is an in the participants responses, who Islamic principle." favoured national belonging over religious belonging. Ali, Lyon

128 Islamic Religiosity in the West CONCLUSION

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 129 The overall findings from the three sites reveal that negative framings of Islam prominent in public discourse in the West are at odds with everyday subjective understandings of faith that contribute to ethical acts of generosity, belonging, political engagement, and active citizenship.

The ongoing War on Terror since not places of ethnic segregation but One of the major outcomes of September 11 and the emergence multicultural places where Muslims of secularisation in the history of of the ‘Islamic State’ means that diverse backgrounds feel welcome. It the modern Western state is the Muslims in Western societies like is in these places where everyday life removal of religion and faith from Australia, France, and the USA are is underpinned by an the public and political sphere. under heightened surveillance, and where Muslims take an active part Religious virtues and ethics, unlike and their loyalty to the nation-state in the life of the city. secular modalities of ethical or questioned. Specifically, official and virtuous citizenship, are considered popular discourses circulating suggest In these multicultural neighbourhoods ‘irrational’; thought to produce a disconnect between Islamic faith and cities, Imams are powerful tribal differences that prevent social traditions and ‘Western’ norms of leaders and the mosque is a place cohesion in societies characterised democracy, liberty, and individual of prayer that brings peace and by diversity and difference. The rights. The empirical findings reported contributes to resilience. proper place for religion then, in the here relating to individual and minds of secular theorists, is the collective religiosity, however, suggest Yet, participation in mosque activities private space of the home. In most that Islamic religious and spiritual varies with age, gender, ethnicity, Western societies, therefore the public traditions contribute to resilience and and place. In France, there is regular domain – dominated by the edict of enable a diverse Muslim population to participation in mosque activities, ‘the separation of church and state’ engage in local place-based practices among young and old, women and – is seen as the healthiest and most and acts of citizenship. These acts are men. This contributes to a strong appropriate for a thriving democracy, aimed at addressing social inequality sense of belonging in a secular nation enabling the functioning of civil society and systemic injustice. Islamic faith- that fails to value the importance of as a pillar of society and politics. based practices represent a conduit religious identity. for civic engagement in ways that This logic, however, is challenged in strengthen a commitment to pluralism, The findings also show that when the case of Islam; particularly since and uphold ideals of democratic Muslim communities feel racialised, September 11. With the perceived citizenship through individual and socially excluded, or disengaged, disloyalty, withdrawal and sometimes collective activities in multicultural religious leaders are under severe ‘self-exclusion’ of Muslims from public neighbourhoods. pressure to address these everyday affairs and mainstream forms of civic experiences. In addition, official engagement, Islam has emerged as a Many of these local neighbourhoods discourses predominantly emphasise problem and challenge for the Western have historically provided employment dominant images of radicalisation state. In the three countries that and affordable housing for Muslim among youth that places all young are the focus of this project, Islamic migrants. With the increasing Muslim Muslims under scrutiny. This has the religious practice and expressions are population, ethnic restaurants, shops effect of producing anger and outrage, subject to policing and public inquiry selling halal food, prayer spaces/ which are expressed in different ways in ways that imbalance the presumed mosques are important features of in the cities that were the focus of ‘secular’ position of the state and its the suburban landscape. These are this project. civic institutions. This in turn has led

130 Islamic Religiosity in the West Muslims living in the West, in many Different approaches to the governance policy approaches that problematise instances, to enter the public realm to of ethno-religious diversity at national, Islamic religiosity. By examining defend their rights as citizens and to state, and local government levels the diverse articulations of Islamic seek a path to engagement that will and place-based affective experiences religiosity in Western public spaces, define Islam as a legitimate form of of living in the city appear to shape the research findings discern meaning, religious expression in increasingly political and social participation and hope, and a source of renewal for multifaith and multicultural Western belonging across the three sites. democratic and liberal conceptions cities. In contrast to many studies on In Australia, the dominant official of justice. These notions must Muslim religiosity and citizenship, discourse is multiculturalism/ become more prominent in the public discursive sphere, because they have this project clearly shows strong social cohesion; in France it is the potential to promote intercultural links between Islamic ethics/values/ lacïté and secular republicanism; understanding and belonging. practices and Western democratic while in the USA the focus has been forms of citizenship, civic engagement, on social mobility and individual In conclusion and contrary to and political participation. This constitutional rights. widespread misconceptions, notions connection between Muslim religious of Islamic ethics have the potential beliefs and citizenship suggests that The site-specific findings have to contribute meaningfully and everyday actions aim to uphold a significant policy implications, productively to inclusive social agendas common good that is about charity, highlighting the need to reshape the and to the emancipatory politics responsibility, obedience to the rule of public discourse on Islamic religiosity of recognition – rather than mere law, community service/engagement and redesign policy attitudes in relation resilience – with a diverse Muslim (described as neighbourliness), equal to Islam and its practice. It calls for population in Western cities learning rights and social justice. a re-balancing of public debates and how to thrive rather than just survive!

Figure 110 Muslim vestments. Source: Authors

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Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 137 APPENDICES

Appendix 1: Interview Participants in Melbourne, Australia

No. Pseudonym Age Gender Background 1. Maryam 40 F Greek, born in Melbourne

2. Raima 21 F Arab background, born in Melbourne

3. Dina 20 F Indigenous, born in Melbourne

4. Eshal 21 F Arab background, born in Melbourne

5. Mariam 25–34 F Italian, born in Melbourne

6. Hamzah 28 M Lebanese, born in Melbourne

7. Masjid 28 M Greek/Albanian, born in Melbourne

8. Saeed 27 M Afghan, born in Melbourne

9. Vada 50–59 F Turkish. In 1973 came to Australia from Turkey with her husband. Has lived here for 40 years

10. Azmeena 35–49 F Arab background

11. Jemimah 33 F Turkish, born in Melbourne

12. Irfan 24 M Sri Lankan, born in Sri Lanka

13. Habeeb 35–49 M Pakistani, born in Pakistan, Hyderabad.

14. Sharif 21 M Iraqi, born in Iraq but has lived in Saudi Arabia, Iran, Syria and the US. Father came to Australia on a boat as an asylum seeker. His family followed and he attended high school in rural Australia before moving to Broadmeadows

15. Muska 39 F Lebanese, born in Lebanon

16. Bashar 50 M Ghana, born in Africa

17. Ali 33 M Africa, born in Africa

18. Tahwid 18–24 M Egyptian

19. Tabor 50–59 M British. In 1985 moved to Australia from Britain, 30 years in Australia

20. Misha 24 F Canadian Indian, born in Canada, in 2013 came to Australia

21. Saba 22 F Hazara, in 2006 arrived in Australia as sponsored refugee from Pakistan (originally from Afghanistan)

22. Tariq 25–34 M Lebanese, born in Melbourne

23. Sajida 20 F Lebanese, born in Melbourne

138 Islamic Religiosity in the West Appendix 1: Interview Participants in Melbourne, Australia. Cont.

No. Pseudonym Age Gender Background 25. Abbas 35–49 M

26. Dawud 35–49 M Turkish

27. Mustafa 18–24 M Palestinian, born in Palestine, has lived in Jordan, USA and Australia.

28. Savas 25–34 M Turkish, born in Dandenong

29. Lazanda 27 M Sri Lankan, born in Noble Park

30. Basheema 35–49 F Arab background

31. Seok 18–24 M Pakistani, born in Pakistan

32. Ahmad 35–49 M Egyptian, born in Australia

33. Zaynab 33 F Pakistani, born in Australia

34. Thana 25–34 F Afghan, born in Uzbekistan

35. Aida 35–49 F Pashtun, born in Afghanistan

36. Amina 18–24 F Pashtun, born in Iran

37. Amal 27 F Turkish, born in Australia

38. Zaynab F Pakistan, born in Pakistan

39. Amira 32 F Pakistan, born in Australia

40. Thana 25–34 F Uzbek, born in Uzbekistan

41. Adil 50–59 M

42. Abu 25–34 M

43. Jahin 35–49 M

44. Verdiq 35–49 M

45. Saffiya 22 F Iraq, born in Iraq

46. Balquees 24 F Iraq, born in Iraq

47. Wasila F Indonesian heritage, born in Australia

48. Yasmin 45 F Lebanese, Alawite

49. Shihaam 28 F Bangladesh

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 139 Appendix 2: Focus Groups in Melbourne, Australia

No. Organisation or Community Group Number of participants 1. Islamic Society of Deakin University (ISDU) 5 participants

2. Hazara Women’s Network 11 participants

3. Victorian Arabic Social Services (VASS) 6 participants

4. Muslim Women’s Center for Human Rights 4 participants (MWCHR)

TOTAL NUMBER OF FOCUS GROUP PARTICIPANTS: 26

Appendix 3: Interview Participants in Detroit, USA

No. Pseudonym Age Gender Background 1. Not assigned 29 F African American Sunni Muslim (parents NOI reverts)

2. Anoud 50–59 M Pakistani, non-denominational Muslim

3. Madi 32 M Pakistani

4. Omar 41 M African American revert, Sunni orthodox

5. Michael X 25–35 M African American revert, Nation of Islam, Detroit MI

6. Alhena 18–24 F Arab Sunni Muslim

7. Atif 69 M African-American revert Sunni

8. Zahir 35–49 M Pakistani non-denominational

9. Zaynab 35–49 F Bangladeshi, Sunni

10. Radwan 25–35 M Yemeni Sunni

11. Ali 50–59 M Bosnian Sunni

12. Samara 22 F Pakistani Sunni

13. Nassurallah 25–35 M African American revert

14. Aisha 25–35 F Latina revert

15. Younis 35–49 M African American Muslim Sunni

16. Rana 18–24 F Indian-Hindu revert

140 Islamic Religiosity in the West Appendix 3: Interview Participants in Detroit, USA. Cont.

No. Pseudonym Age Gender Background 17. Imam Sareeh 35–49 M Yemeni

18. Not assigned 50–59 M Al-Falah mosque Sunni

19. Kalsoom 25–34 F Indian

20. Badda 25–34 M Pakistani

21. Patrick M white revert Sunni/Sufi influences

22. Imam Al- M Arabic speaking Shia Mahdi

23. Rabia 34 F Lebanese Shia

24. Siddiqua F Palestinian

25. Zafeerah 50–59 F African American revert

26. Sadiq

27. Not assigned 33 F Yemeni background

28. Not assigned F Bangladeshi

29. Not assigned M immigrant from India, Palestinian background

30. Not assigned 25–34 F Arabic speaking, USA born

31. Not assigned Indian

32. Not assigned

33 Not assigned 22 F Palestinian

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities 141 Appendix 4: Interview Participants in Lyon/Grenoble/Paris, France

No. Pseudonym Age Gender Background 1 Aariz M

2 Mushira F

3 Abaan M French, born in France

4 Abdul 22 M Algerian Berber background, born in France

5 Aarif M

6 Akif M Born in Mali, lived in Saudi Arabia

7 Akmal M Came from Morocco in the late 1970s

8 Ali M

9 Amam M

10 Nadeem M

11 Nubaid M

12 Naseem M

13 Sarim M

14 Shafi M

15 Sharaf M

16 Siwar M Palestinian

17 Dunia F

18 Kashan M

19 Marwa F Tunisian

20 Mouna F Born in Paris, parents came from Morocco

21 Azad M Born in France, parents came from Tunis

22 Awf M Born in France, parents came from Morocco

23 Malak 54 F born in Algeria, came to France when she was 9 years old

24 Maira F Born in Morocco, came to France 8 years ago with her parents

25 Athar M

142 Islamic Religiosity in the West Appendix 4: Interview Participants in Lyon/Grenoble/Paris, France. Cont.

No. Pseudonym Age Gender Background 26 Madiha 27 F

27 Ateeb M From Tunisia, foreign born, came to France as a student

28 Soumitra

M Bangladeshi

29 Bishnu M Bangladeshi

30 Raja M Bangladeshi

31 Zahid F Pakistani-

32 Riaz mature aged M Pakistani, arrived from Pakistan 20 years ago

33 Roshni young F Algerian

143 Islamic Religiosity in the West

PROJECT INVESTIGATORS FETHI MANSOURI MICHELE LOBO BRYAN S. TURNER AMELIA JOHNS

WITH RESEARCH SUPPORT FROM LIUDMILA KIRPITCHENKO VIRGINIE ANDRE MATTEO VERGANI

Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities

Islamic Religiosity in the West: Belonging and Political Engagement in Multicultural Cities Islamic Religiosity in the West: Belonging and Political Engagement Cities