Herder. Physiology and Philosophical Anthropology Stefanie Buchenau
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Embodied Empiricism
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by PhilPapers Embodied Empiricism CHARLES T. WOLFE OFER GAL It was in 1660s England, according to the received view, in the meetings of the Royal Society of London, that science acquired the form of empirical enquiry that we recognize as our own: an open, collaborative experimental practice, mediated by specially-designed instruments, supported by civil, critical discourse, stressing accuracy and replicability. Guided by the philosophy of Francis Bacon, by Protestant ideas of this-worldly benevolence, by gentlemanly codes of decorum and integrity and by a dominant interest in mechanics and a conviction in the mechanical structure of the universe, the members of the Royal Society created a novel experimental practice that superseded all former modes of empirical inquiry– from Aristotelian observations to alchemical experimentation. It is enlightening to consider that this view is imparted by both the gentlemen of the Royal Society, in their official self-presentations, and by much of the most iconoclastic historiography of our time. Lines like ―Boyle‘s example … was mobilized to give legitimacy to the experimental philosophy,‖1 are strongly reminiscent of Bishop Sprat‘s 1667 eulogy of the ―Lord Bacon in whose Books there are everywhere scattered the best arguments for the defence of experimental philosophy; and the best directions, needful to promote it.‖2 One reason for the surprising agreement is that this picture of openness, benevolence and civility does capture some of the moral-epistemological mores of the empiricism of the New Science, but this very agreement of historians and apologists also harbors a paradox. -
Why Was There No Controversy Over Life in the Scientific Revolution? *
Why was there no controversy over Life in the Scientific Revolution? * Charles T. Wolfe Unit for History and Philosophy of Science University of Sydney Well prior to the invention of the term ‗biology‘ in the early 1800s by Lamarck and Treviranus, and also prior to the appearance of terms such as ‗organism‘ under the pen of Leibniz in the early 1700s, the question of ‗Life‘, that is, the status of living organisms within the broader physico-mechanical universe, agitated different corners of the European intellectual scene. From modern Epicureanism to medical Newtonianism, from Stahlian animism to the discourse on the ‗animal economy‘ in vitalist medicine, models of living being were constructed in opposition to ‗merely anatomical‘, structural, mechanical models. It is therefore curious to turn to the ‗passion play‘ of the Scientific Revolution – whether in its early, canonical definitions or its more recent, hybridized, reconstructed and expanded versions: from Koyré to Biagioli, from Merton to Shapin – and find there a conspicuous absence of worry over what status to grant living beings in a newly physicalized universe. Neither Harvey, nor Boyle, nor Locke (to name some likely candidates, the latter having studied with Willis and collaborated with Sydenham) ever ask what makes organisms unique, or conversely, what does not. In this paper I seek to establish how ‗Life‘ became a source of contention in early modern thought, and how the Scientific Revolution missed the controversy. ―Of all natural forces, vitality is the incommunicable one.‖ (Fitzgerald 1945: 74) Introduction To ask why there was no controversy over Life – that is, debates specifically focusing on the status of living beings, their mode of functioning, their internal mechanisms and above all their ‗uniqueness‘ within the physical universe as a whole – in the Scientific Revolution is to simultaneously run the risk of extreme narrowness of detail and/or of excessive breadth in scope. -
Montesquieu Charles-Louis De Secondat
EBSCOhost Page 1 of 5 Record: 1 Title: Montesquieu, Charles-Louis de Secondat, baron de La Brède et de. Authors: Robert Shackleton Source: Britannica Biographies; 2008, p1, 2p Document Type: Biography Abstract: (born January 18, 1689, Château La Brède, near Bordeaux, France— died February 10, 1755, Paris) French political philosopher whose major work, The Spirit of Laws, was a major contribution to political theory. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER] Copyright of Britannica Biographies is the property of Encyclopedia Britannica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all abstracts.) Lexile: 1240 Full Text Word Count:2611 Accession Number: 32418468 Database: MAS Ultra - School Edition Montesquieu, Charles-Louis de Secondat, baron de La Brède et de (born January 18, 1689, Château La Brède, near Bordeaux, France—died February 10, 1755, Paris) French political philosopher whose major work, The Spirit of Laws, was a major contribution to political theory. Early life and career. His father, Jacques de Secondat, belonged to an old military family of modest wealth that had been ennobled in the 16th century for services to the crown, while his mother, Marie- Françoise de Pesnel, was a pious lady of partial English extraction. She brought to her husband a great increase in wealth in the valuable wine-producing property of La Brède. -
Prolegomena to Any Future Metaphysics CAMBRIDGE TEXTS in the HISTORY of PHILOSOPHY
CAMBRIDGE TEXTS IN THE HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY IMMANUEL KANT Prolegomena to Any Future Metaphysics CAMBRIDGE TEXTS IN THE HISTORY OF PHILOSOPHY Series editors KARL AMERIKS Professor of Philosophy at the University of Notre Dame DESMOND M. CLARKE Professor of Philosophy at University College Cork The main objective of Cambridge Textsin the History of Philosophy is to expand the range, variety and quality of texts in the history of philosophy which are available in English. The series includes texts by familiar names (such as Descartes and Kant) and also by less well-known authors. Wherever possible, texts are published in complete and unabridged form, and translations are specially commissioned for the series. Each volume contains a critical introduction together with a guide to further reading and any necessary glossaries and textual apparatus. The volumes are designed for student use at undergraduate and postgraduate level and will be of interest not only to students of philosophy, but also to a wider audience of readers in the history of science, the history of theology and the history of ideas. For a list of titles published in the series, please see end of book. IMMANUEL KANT Prolegomena to Any Future Metaphysics That Will Be Able to Come Forward as Science with Selections from the Critique of Pure Reason TRANSLATED AND EDITED BY GARY HATFIELD University of Pennsylvania Revised Edition cambridge university press Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo Cambridge University Press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge cb2 2ru, UK Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521828246 © Cambridge University Press 1997, 2004 This publication is in copyright. -
Readingsample
Evolutionary Theory and the Creation Controversy Bearbeitet von Olivier Rieppel 1st Edition. 2010. Buch. x, 204 S. Hardcover ISBN 978 3 642 14895 8 Format (B x L): 15,5 x 23,5 cm Gewicht: 1060 g Weitere Fachgebiete > Chemie, Biowissenschaften, Agrarwissenschaften > Biowissenschaften allgemein > Evolutionsbiologie Zu Inhaltsverzeichnis schnell und portofrei erhältlich bei Die Online-Fachbuchhandlung beck-shop.de ist spezialisiert auf Fachbücher, insbesondere Recht, Steuern und Wirtschaft. Im Sortiment finden Sie alle Medien (Bücher, Zeitschriften, CDs, eBooks, etc.) aller Verlage. Ergänzt wird das Programm durch Services wie Neuerscheinungsdienst oder Zusammenstellungen von Büchern zu Sonderpreisen. Der Shop führt mehr als 8 Millionen Produkte. Chapter 2 The Problem of Change An evolving world is a world of change. A created world does not change. It just is. Or if it seems to change, the change is only apparent, as it is preconceived and preordained by the blueprint of Creation. Change is paradoxical: how can something change and yet remain the same? How much remodeling can be done to a house before we no longer call it the same house, but a new and different one? Some Ancient Greek philosophers solved the ‘problem of change’ through the concept of dynamic permanence: planets are in constant motion, continuously changing their position relative to other heavenly bodies, but they travel in immutable, eternal orbits. These orbits can be described in terms of universal laws of nature, which in turn can be expressed in the timeless language of mathematics. The concept of dynamic permanence is less easily applied to organisms. The developing chicken appears to change continuously, but here, organs such as the heart, the brain, and the limbs seem to come into existence without having been apparent before. -
Johann Friedrich Blumenbach (1752-1840) [1]
Published on The Embryo Project Encyclopedia (https://embryo.asu.edu) Johann Friedrich Blumenbach (1752-1840) [1] By: MacCord, Kate Keywords: Bildungstrieb [2] In eighteenth century Germany, Johann Friedrich Blumenbach studied how individuals within a species vary, and to explain such variations, he proposed that a force operates on organisms as they develop. Blumenbach used metrical methods to study the history of humans [3], but he was also a natural historian and theorist. Blumenbach argued for theories of the transformation of species, or the claim that new species can develop from existing forms. His theory of Bildungstrieb (formative drive [4]), a developmental force within all organisms, influenced the conceptual debates among many late nineteenth and early twentieth century embryologists and naturalists. Blumenbach was born 11 May 1752 in Gotha, Germany. His mother, Charlotte Eleonore Hedwig Buddeus, was the daughter of a high-ranking official in Gotha's government. Blumenbach's father, Heinrich Blumenbach, was the assistant headmaster at the local gymnasium, or primary school. Blumenbach completed his early education in Gotha, graduating from the gymnasium in 1769. After graduation, he attended the University of Jena [5], in Jena, Germany, before moving to the University of Göttingen, in Göttingen, Germany. While a student at the University of Göttingen, Blumenbach studied with naturalist Christian W. Büttner. Büttner taught Blumenbach via his lectures on exotic cultures and peoples, and he encouraged Blumenbach to write his dissertation on such communities. In 1775 Blumenbach received his medical degree from the University of Göttingen after completing his dissertation, "De Generis Humani Varietate Native Liber" ("On the Natural Varieties of Mankind"). -
GSAS Dissertation Kurianowicz Letzte Version
The Unknown Future: Premonitions between Prophecy and Pathology, 1750 to 1850 Tomasz Kurianowicz Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy under the Executive Committee of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2020 © 2020 Tomasz Kurianowicz All Rights Reserved Abstract The Unknown Future. Premonitions between Prophecy and Pathology, 1750 to 1850 Tomasz Kurianowicz My dissertation The Unknown Future examines the notion of Ahnung or Ahndung (in English: premonition) in German literature, philosophy, anthropology, and the sciences around 1800. Focusing on the heated debates among philosophers, writers and intellectuals as to whether humans can attain knowledge about the future, I trace the notion of Ahnung as it traverses various discourses. In doing so, I draw on Stephen Greenblatt’s idea of a new historicism and expand studies written by Stefan Andriopoulos, Joseph Vogl, Eva Horn, Michael Gamper and other scholars, explicitly referring to and expanding the literary theory concerning “poetologies of knowledge.“ Specifically I show how after 1750 religious models of prophecy were no longer easily accepted. At the same time, new statistical and mathematical models of prognosis were rising -- even as doubts remained about their ability to fully grasp the progression of time. Within these conflicts between traditional religious models and the new exact sciences, the concept of ‘premonition’ seemed to offer various thinkers and writers evidence for a prognostic capability of the soul that challenged rational, mathematical and statistical models of probability as the sole means for predicting the future. The hope was that premonitions could provide a supersensory knowledge based on fleeting, opaque glimpses into the progression of time. -
Brains, Bodies, Selves, and Science: Anthropologies of Identity and the Resurrection of the Body
Brains, Bodies, Selves, and Science: Anthropologies of Identity and the Resurrection of the Body Fernando Vidal A Desire for Dead Bodies Before Dante leaves the fourth heaven, that of the sun, inhabited by the souls of the wise, Beatrice formulates for him what he desires to know yet would say neither with his voice nor with his thought. Will the light with which the disembodied souls blossom remain with them eternally and, if so, will it not harm their sense of sight after they regain their bodies?1 Solo- mon’s answer—a “modest voice” coming forth from a “most divine light”— is that, as burning coal outshines fire, resurrected bodies will outshine disembodied souls; but their light will cause them no fatigue because their organs “will be strong for everything that can bring them delight” (P, bk. 14, ll. 43–46, p. 187). At resurrection, our person will be all the more perfect Research for this article and related work in progress has been supported by a John Simon Guggenheim Memorial Fellowship and a grant from the Swiss National Science Foundation. Earlier versions were discussed at the Max Planck Institute for the History of Science (Berlin) and at the History of the Human Sciences Workshop of the Morris Fishbein Center for the History of Science and Medicine (University of Chicago). I have profited greatly from comments, questions, and criticisms, especially from Lorraine Daston, Jan Goldstein, Robert Proctor, Robert Richards, and Patrick Singy. Unless otherwise indicated, all translations are my own. 1. Dante Alighieri, Paradiso, vol.3ofLa divina commedia, ed. -
On the Role of Newtonian Analogies in Eighteenth-Century Life Science VITALISM and PROVISIONALLY INEXPLICABLE EXPLICATIVE DEVICES Charles Wolfe
On the Role of Newtonian Analogies in Eighteenth-Century Life Science VITALISM AND PROVISIONALLY INEXPLICABLE EXPLICATIVE DEVICES Charles Wolfe To cite this version: Charles Wolfe. On the Role of Newtonian Analogies in Eighteenth-Century Life Science VITAL- ISM AND PROVISIONALLY INEXPLICABLE EXPLICATIVE DEVICES. Newton and Empiricism, 2014. hal-02069997 HAL Id: hal-02069997 https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-02069997 Submitted on 26 Mar 2019 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. On the role of Newtonian analogies in eighteenth-century life science: Vitalism and provisionally inexplicable explicative devices Charles T. Wolfe Centre for History of Science, Department of Philosophy and Moral Sciences Ghent University [email protected] To appear in Zvi Biener and Eric Schliesser, eds., Newton and Empiricism (OUP, forthcoming) Abstract Newton’s impact on Enlightenment natural philosophy has been studied at great length, in its experimental, methodological and ideological ramifications. One aspect that has received fairly little attention is the role Newtonian “analogies” played in the formulation of new conceptual schemes in physiology, medicine, and life science as a whole. So-called ‘medical Newtonians’ like Pitcairne and Keill have been studied; but they were engaged in a more literal project of directly transposing, or seeking to transpose, Newtonian laws into quantitative models of the body. -
1 Did Goethe and Schelling Endorse Species Evolution?
Did Goethe and Schelling Endorse Species Evolution? Robert J. Richards University of Chicago Charles Darwin was quite sensitive to the charge that his theory of species transmutation was not original but had been anticipated by earlier authors, most famously by Lamarck and his own grandfather, Erasmus Darwin. The younger Darwin believed, however, his own originality lay in the device he used to explain the change of species over time and in the kind of evidence he brought to bear to demonstrate such change. He was thus ready to concede and recognize predecessors, especially those that caused only modest ripples in the intellectual stream. In the historical introduction that he included in the third edition of the Origin, he acknowledged Johann Wolfgang von Goethe as “an extreme partisan” of the transmutation view. He had been encouraged to embrace Goethe as a fellow transmutationist by Isidore Geoffroy St. Hilaire and Ernst Haeckel.1 Scholars today think that Darwin’s recognition of Goethe was a mistake. They usually deny that the Naturphilosophen, especially Friedrich Joseph Schelling, held anything like a theory of species evolution in the manner of Charles Darwin—that is, a conception of a gradual change of species in the empirical world over long periods of time. Dietrich von Engelhardt, for instance, in commenting on an enticing passage from Schelling’s Erster Entwurf eines Systems der Naturphilosophie (First sketch of a system of nature philosophy,1799), declares “Schelling is no forerunner of Darwin.” Schelling, 1 Darwin mentions in his historical introduction to the Origin that Geoffroy St. Hilaire had recognized Goethe as a transmutationist. -
Miranda, 6 | 2012 Andrew Cunningham, the Anatomist Anatomis’D: an Experimental Discipline in En
Miranda Revue pluridisciplinaire du monde anglophone / Multidisciplinary peer-reviewed journal on the English- speaking world 6 | 2012 Marking the Land in North America Andrew Cunningham, The Anatomist Anatomis’d: An Experimental Discipline in Enlightenment Europe Laurence Talairach-Vielmas Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/miranda/3057 DOI: 10.4000/miranda.3057 ISSN: 2108-6559 Publisher Université Toulouse - Jean Jaurès Electronic reference Laurence Talairach-Vielmas, “Andrew Cunningham, The Anatomist Anatomis’d: An Experimental Discipline in Enlightenment Europe”, Miranda [Online], 6 | 2012, Online since 28 June 2012, connection on 16 February 2021. URL: http://journals.openedition.org/miranda/3057 ; DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/ miranda.3057 This text was automatically generated on 16 February 2021. Miranda is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. Andrew Cunningham, The Anatomist Anatomis’d: An Experimental Discipline in En... 1 Andrew Cunningham, The Anatomist Anatomis’d: An Experimental Discipline in Enlightenment Europe Laurence Talairach-Vielmas REFERENCES Andrew Cunningham, The Anatomist Anatomis’d : An Experimental Discipline in Enlightenment Europe (Farnham : Ashgate, 2010), 443 p, ISBN 978–0–75466338–6 1 After his fascinating The Anatomical Renaissance: The Resurrection of the Anatomical Projects of the Ancients (1997), Andrew Cunningham offers us a new study of anatomy, The Anatomist Anatomis’d: An Experimental Discipline in Enlightenment Europe. This time, Cunningham looks at how anatomists contributed to the creation of anatomy as a discipline in the long eighteenth century, the “Enlightenment” being a time when the discipline flourished as never before or since. Thus anatomy, throughout the hundred and fifty years that Cunningham examines, is directly linked to the quest for knowledge that defined the Enlightenment. -
Domenico Cotugno
[From Schenckius: Observationinn Medicarum, Francofurti, 1609.] ANNALS OF MEDICAL HISTORY New Seri es , Volume VIII January , 1936 Number 1 DOMENICO COTUGNO By ABRAHAM LEVINSON, M.D. CHICAGO EW indeed are the ology. Above all. he was the first to de- persons blessed scribe the existence of cerebrospinal with the ability to fluid in living animals. rise above the ordi- Just as great as his individual discov- nary level of life to eries was his understanding of some of make some discov- the principles of medical research ery of importance. which at times assumed the proportions Even rarer are those who bestow more of philosophic concepts. Similarly out- than one discovery upon mankind. To standing was his interpretation of facts. this select latter group belongs Domen- He was the first to realize that in order ico Cotugno, the great Italian anatomist to understand what is happening in the of the eighteenth century (Fig. 1) . • human body, dissection of the body Had Cotugno discovered only the must be done soon after death, else the aqueducts of the ear. his name would body fluids will be absorbed or altered. have gone down in history as a great He was one of the first, if not the first, anatomist; however, he made a number to formulate a theory on the physiology of other discoveries, each of which is of hearing. In this respect he was more monumental. In conjunction with his than an anatomist; he was a physiologist discovery of the aural aqueducts, he as well. found that the labyrinth is filled with In addition to his medical discover- fluid, and not with air.