DOCSLIB.ORG

Verb-Stranding Verb Phrase Ellipsis Nicholas Lacara · University of Toronto †• Õóìõ · Õä October Óþõß

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Verb-Stranding Verb Phrase Ellipsis Nicholas Lacara · University of Toronto †• Õóìõ · Õä October Óþõß Verb-stranding verb phrase ellipsis Nicholas LaCara · University of Toronto ÕóìÕ · Õä October óþÕß 1 Overview • Vu§f-«±§Zo verb phrase ellipsis (êê£u) is a phenomenonwhere all of the See also my lecture notes from contents of a verb phrase with the exception of the verb does not appear. 11 September 2017. • A (main) verb is present, but all verb-phrase-internal material disappears. Underlined verbs are stranded. Italicized verbs are antecedents. (Õ) Quando a Ana pôs os óculos na mesa, a Maria também When the Ana put.£«± the glasses on.the table, the Maria too pôs . put.£«± ‘When Ana put the glasses on the table, the Maria did too.’ Portuguese (Cyrino and Matos 2002:(14a)) • is phenomenon can be shown to obey the many constraints on verb phrase This gives vvpe the appearance non-constituent ellipsis (ê£u) in general. of being a deletion (see below). • However, the verb (seemingly the most critical part of a verb phrase) somehow escapes deletion. • e standard view has been to assume that êê£u involves verb movement to an I'll uses strikethrough when I inectional position out of a ê£u site: needtoshowthecontentsofa deleted phrase; otherwise, I willuse toshowthe (ó) [TP a Maria também pôs [VP tVþ os oculos na mesa] ] (hypothesized) position of an elided phrase. • In order for a language to have êê£u, two things are necessary: i. e language must be shown to have ê£u. ii. e language must have Vþ to Iþ movement. This is why English lacks vvpe. Thoughithas vpe, it lacks verb • One of the stranger things about this phenomenon is what has come to be known movement. as the êu§fZ ou±±í §u¤¶§uu±. – Verbal material extracted from the ellipsis site by head movement must match the material in the antecedent. – Since the identity requirement on ellipsis is thought to be calculated at LF/Semantics, this suggests that the extracted material behaves as if it is still in the ê£u site at LF. • Goldberg (óþþ¢) originally takes this to mean that verbs must obligatorily recon- struct at LF for the purposes of calculating ellipsis identity. – It’s not totally clear why this should happen. Phrasal movement need not reconstruct in this way. Õ Nicholas LaCara · Verb-stranding verb phrase ellipsis 2 – If verb movement does not happen in the narrow syntax, as Chomsky Goldberg (2005:127) raises this (óþþÕ) proposes, and is only a PF phenomenon, then this might help us possibility, though she does not explicitly pursue it. understand this behavior. • However, as Gribanova (óþÕì) shows us, the verbal identity requirement is not absolute, and mismatches are allowed to occur. Today Õ. êê£u vs. object drop ó. Accounting for the verbal identity constraint 2 Verb-stranding vpe • Verb-stranding ê£u occurs in a number of languages that are not directly related. Ithasbeenarguedtoexistin other languages, including • ere is strong evidence it exists in the following languages: Finnish (Holmberg 2001), Japanese (Otani and Whitman 1991), Serbo-Croation (Boeckx (ì) Dúirt siad go dtiocfadh siad, ach ni tháinig ariamh . and Stjepanović 2001),and say.£«± they h come.ho they, but u come.£«± ever. Welsh (Rouveret 2012). ‘ey said they would come, but they never did.’ Irish (McCloskey 2011) (¦) A Ana não leva o computador para as aulas, porque the Ana not bring.£§u«.ì« the computer to the classes, because os amigos também não levam . the friends too not bring.£§u«.ì£ ‘Ana does not bring her computer to the classes because her friends do Portuguese not bring either.’ (Cyrino and Matos 2002) (¢) Q: Šošana yoda’at še-hizmant et aba šela la-mesiba? Shoshana know that-invite.£«± Zhh father of.her to.the-party ‘(Does) Shoshana know that you invited her father to the party?’ A: Lo, hi hit’alpa lifney še-hizmanti . no, she faint.£«± before that-invite.£«±.Õ« ‘No, she fainted before I did.’ Hebrew (Goldberg 2005) (ä) Q: Ty poznakomil Mašu s Petej? you. introduce.«. Maša.Zhh with Peter.«±§ ‘Did you introduce Masha to Peter?’ A: Konečno poznakomil ! of-course introduce.«. ‘Of course I introduced (Masha to Peter)!’ Russian (Gribanova 2013) (ß) Mama a-li-wek-a ki-kombe meza-ni na m-toto mother Õ«¶-£«±-put-ê ß-cup Étable-h and Õ-child a-li-wek-a pia. Õ«¶-£«±-put-ê too ‘e mother put the cup on the table, and the child did too.’ Swahili (Goldberg 2005) Nicholas LaCara · Verb-stranding verb phrase ellipsis 3 • If we maintain the usual assumption that ellipsis deletes a constituent, then any apparent case of non-constituent deletion must involve movement out of the ellipsis site. • Since êê£u appears to delete everything in the verb phrase up to but excluding This is the centralhypothesis vpe the verb, it stands to reason that the verb must move out of the ellipsis site. underlying verb-stranding . – Fortunately, all of these languages have independently been claimed to That can be V0-to-T0, 0 0 have verb-movement. at is, in non-elliptical clauses, there is evidence V -to-Asp , etc. for Vþ-to-Iþ movement of some sort. 2.1 Object drop • As with any good syntactic problem, there is a complication: Many languages that appear to have êê£u also have fuh± o§£. is leads to a great deal of Ornullobjects,ortopicdrop... syntactic ambiguity between the constructions: () O João leu esse livro, e a Ana também leu . the João read that book and the Ana too read. a. aAnatambémleu [tVþ esse livro]. (ê£u) =‘Ana also did .’ b. aAnatambémleu ∅. (null object) = ‘Ana also read it.’ • Fortunately, distinguishing these two phenomena is possible. – Since object drop in most of these languages behaves like an A′-dependency This is sometimes called topic drop (following Huang ÕÉó), only ê£u can occur in islands. for this reason. – Object drop can only be responsible for the loss of a single internal argu- ment and cannot occur in islands. When more than one argument disap- pears, it is typically the work of ê£u. – Finally, there is a general requirement that a verb stranded by ê£u match the verb in the antecedent; no such requirement seems to hold of object drop. • Unfortunately, these three requirements are all interrelated, and nding clear Not because it is hard to create, examples that isolates each of them in action is hard to come by. but because many authors do not always give clear, full • e following chart summarizes the properties of each phenomenon. paradigms. (É) e standard view: This breakdownis widely reported in the literature on êê£u Null Obj. Hebrew, Irish, Portuguese, and Russian (Cyrino and Matos Island sensitive No Yes 2002; Doron 1990; Goldberg Verbal identity Yes No 2005; Gribanova 2013; Targets Everything Objects McCloskey 1991). Nicholas LaCara · Verb-stranding verb phrase ellipsis 4 2.2 Island sensitivity • An observation going back at least to Raposo’s (ÕÉä) discussion of European Portuguese is that null objects do not appear in islands, but êê£u can. • Doron (ÕÉÉþ:Õþ–Õì) shows the same for Hebrew. (Õþ) Q: saragt et ha- sveder ha-ze? you-knit Zhh the sweater this? ‘Did you knit this sweater?’ A: lo, aval ha- baxura Se- sarga natna li oto be- matana. Inthisminimalpair,wesee no, but the girl who knit gave to-me it for present thatwhenthestrandedverbis inanisland,theverbroots ‘No, but the girl who did gave it to me for a present.’ cannot be different. The A: *lo, aval ha- baxura Se- kanta natna li oto be- matana. mismatch would be possible if object drop were available in no, but the girl who bought gave to-me it for present this condition. ‘No, but the girl who bought *(it) gave to me for a present.’ ′ • Following Huang (ÕÉó), null objects are thought to be an A -construction: Top- icalization of null operator. • Importantly, while null objects target a single element, êê£u must delete every- Some other VP-internal thing in the VP. material might be droppable in some cases, tough (Costa and • It is typically assumed, therefore, that when multiple VP-internal elements are Duarte 2001; Santos 2009) missing that it cannot be due to null objects. 2.3 The verbal identity requirement • With island sensitivity in mind, we can start looking for other properties that distinguish the two phenomena. • Crucially, êê£u exhibits the êu§fZ ou±±í §u¤¶§uu± (êo). • is is a lexical identity requirement. Verb roots and other material extracted You'll notice in other examples from ellipsis sites must morphologically match the verbs in the antecedent. that inflectional morphology ontheverbneednotmatch. (ÕÕ) Portuguese: Cyrino and Matos 2002:(14) a. Quando a Ana pôs os óculos na mesa, a Maria when the Ana put.£«±.ì« the glasses on.the table, the Maria também pôs . also put.£«±.ì« ‘When Ana put the glasses on the table, Maria did too.’ b. *Quando a Ana colocou os óculos na mesa, a Maria Note that the two verbs in when the Ana put.£«±.ì« the glasses on.the table, the Maria these examples appear to meanthesamething.Thisis também pôs . not simply a semantic meaning also put.£«±.ì« requirement – the verbs must ‘When Ana put the glasses on the table, Maria did too.’ actuallymatch.This is takento be a problem for semantic identity constraints on ellipsis. Nicholas LaCara · Verb-stranding verb phrase ellipsis 5 (Õó) Hebrew: Goldberg 2005:160, (1) Q: (Ha’im) Miryam hevi’a et Dvora la-xanut? ¤ Miryam brought Zhh Dvora to.the-store ‘Did Miryam bring Dvora to the store?’ A: Ken, hi hevi’a. yes, she brought. ‘Yes, she brought [Dvora to the store].’ A: *Ken, hi lakxa.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • VP Ellipsis: Strict and Sloppy Readings Alanah Mckillen Mcgill University
    LING 484 16/02/15 VP Ellipsis: Strict and Sloppy Readings Alanah McKillen McGill University Today: • Strict and sloppy readings of pronouns and reflexives in VP ellipsis • Brief intro to the structural approaches to ellipsis (PF deletion, LF copy) • Binding theory • Interpreting anaphors (pronouns, reflexives) 1 VP Ellipsis • VP ellipsis involves two clauses where the VP of the second clause is phonologically missing, but is understood as if it was present. (1) John liked the movie but Bill didn’t. a. John [VP liked the movie] but Bill didn’t [VP ∅ ] = b. [VP ∅ ] like the movie (2) John loves Mary and Peter does too. a. John [VP loves Mary ] and Peter does [VP ∅ ] too. = b. [VP ∅ ] loves Mary • Ellipsis involves an identity condition. The elided VP cannot have just any interpre- tation and is interpreted as being identical to the another overt VP in the discourse context. (3) John loves Mary and Peter does too. a. John [VP loves Mary ] and Peter does [VP ∅ ] too. = b. [VP ∅ ] ate the pizza • Like other forms of ellipsis, VP ellipsis raises the question of how we get the intended meaning from something that is phonologically absent. 2 Structural Approaches • Structural approaches assume there is underlying syntactic structure at the ellipsis site, and it’s from this covert syntactic structure that we get the intended meaning. • In other words, while the structure is not there at the level of pronunciation, (PF), it is there at the level of interpretation (LF). 1 LING 484 16/02/15 • There are two main variants: PF-deletion (Ross, 1967) and LF-copying (Williams, 1977).
    [Show full text]
  • An Asymmetry in Voice Mismatches in VP-Ellipsis and Pseudogapping
    An asymmetry in voice mismatches in VP-ellipsis and pseudogapping Jason Merchant University of Chicago [email protected] Final revision for Linguistic Inquiry, March 29, 2007 VP-ellipsis and pseudogapping in English show a previously unnoticed asymmetry in their tolerance for voice mismatch: while VP-ellipsis allows mismatches in voice between the elided VP and its antecedent, pseudogap- ping does not. This difference is unexpected under current analyses of pseu- dogapping, which posit that pseudogapping is a kind of VP-ellipsis. I show that this difference falls out naturally if the target of deletion in the two cases differs slightly: in VP-ellipsis, a node lower than Voice is deleted, while in pseudogapping a node containing Voice is deleted. This analysis further- more accounts for a new observation concerning the distribution of floated quantifiers in these two constructions as well.1 1Thanks to Kirsten Gengel, Kyle Johnson, and the two LI reviewers for very helpful comments. 1 1 Voice mismatches It is well known that VP-ellipsis in English tolerates mismatches between the voice of the elided constituent and that of its antecedent, in both directions. Typical examples are those in (1) and (2) (the (a) examples from Kehler 2002:53; see also Sag 1976:17, 75, Dalrymple et al. 1991, Hardt 1993, Johnson 2001, and Arregui et al. to appear for further examples, discussion, and qualifications). (1) Passive antecedent, active ellipsis a. This problem was to have been looked into, but obviously nobody did. <look into this problem> b. The system can be used by anyone who wants to.
    [Show full text]
  • What VP Ellipsis Can Do, and What It Can't, but Not Why*
    What VP Ellipsis Can Do, and What it Can’t, * but not Why Kyle Johnson University of Massachusetts Amherst VP Ellipsis is the name given to instances of anaphora in which a missing predicate, like that marked by “)” in (2), is able to find an antecedent in the surrounding discourse, as (2) does in the bracketed material of (1). (1) Holly Golightly won’t [eat rutabagas]. (2) I don’t think Fred will ), either. We can identify three sub-problems which a complete account of this phenomenon must solve. (3) a. In which syntactic environments is VP Ellipsis licensed? b. What structural relation may an elided VP and its antecedent have? c. How is the meaning of the ellipsis recovered from its antecedent? These tasks tend to run together, as we shall see; but there is no immediate harm in treating them separately. 1. LICENSING THE ELLIPSIS The first of the problems presents itself with pairs such as (4). (4) I can’t believe Holly Golightly won’t eat rutabagas. a. I can’t believe Fred won’t ), either. b. *I can’t believe Fred ), either. These contrasts are typically thought to involve licensing conditions that the environment to the left of the ellipsis invoke. The contrast between (4a) and (4b), for instance, indicates that the ellipsis site must be in construction with, or perhaps governed by, a member of “Aux,” where these can be understood to be just those terms that are able occupy the highest of the functional projections which clauses are made up of. The modal, won’t, is an Aux, as is the infinitival to and the auxiliaries have, be and do in (5).
    [Show full text]
  • Verb-Stranding Verb Phrase Ellipsis and the Structure of the Russian Verbal Complex
    Nat Lang Linguist Theory (2013) 31:91–136 DOI 10.1007/s11049-012-9183-3 Verb-stranding verb phrase ellipsis and the structure of the Russian verbal complex Vera Gribanova Received: 10 July 2009 / Accepted: 10 September 2012 / Published online: 12 December 2012 ©SpringerScience+BusinessMediaDordrecht2012 Abstract This paper investigates novel evidence from Russian Verb-Stranding Verb Phrase Ellipsis (VVPE), and argues for its use as a probe into the syntactic structure of morphophonologically inseparable but morphosyntactically complex verbs. The first step is to distinguish internal argument drop from VVPE,becausetheyappeariden- tical on the surface. I present novel evidence that Russian internal argument drop is illicit in syntactic islands, while VVPE is licit. Once this bifurcation is established, it allows us to explain previously obscured differences in the syntactic licensing of sub- ject vs.internalargumentdropinRussian.Thesecondstepusestheverb-matching requirement on the stranded verb in Russian VVPE to establish which parts of the ver- bal complex originate inside the domain of ellipsis, and which parts originate outside. Asurprisingfindingisthattheverb-matchingpropertiesoftheRussianVVPE con- struction do not align with what has been demonstrated to hold of other languages in which VVPE is available. Unlike the strict matching requirement of Hebrew (Gold- berg 2005a, 2005b)orIrish(McCloskey2011) VVPE,thematchingrequirementin Russian VVPE appears to be sensitive to discourse factors, at least for certain speak- ers. This last discovery results in a significant contribution to our understanding of the nature of the identity requirement in ellipsis licensing. Keywords Verb phrase ellipsis Verb-stranding Russian Verb movement Argument drop Clause structure· · · · · 1Introduction This paper develops the empirical and theoretical basis for the use of a particular phenomenon—Verb-Stranding Verb Phrase Ellipsis (VVPE)—as a diagnostic for the V.
    [Show full text]
  • 8 Ellipsis in Construction Grammar 8.1 Introduction
    8 Ellipsis in Construction Grammar Adele E. Goldberg and Florent Perek 8.1 Introduction Ellipsis constructions are formal patterns in which certain syntactic structure that is typically expressed is omitted. Some of the most commonly discussed ellipsis constructions along with an attested example of each are provided in Table 8.1. All examples in quotes within and following Table 8.1 come from the Corpus of Contemporary American English (COCA) (Davis 2008). Table 8.1 Commonly discussed constructions that involve ellipsis Verb phrase ellipsis ‘French kids eat spinach and ours can too.’ Sluicing ‘He said that I was “different.” He didn’t say how.’ Gapping A: ‘You made me what I am today.’ B: ‘And you me.’ Stripping ‘George Greenwell was a patriot but not a fool.’ Comparatives ‘His front teeth seemed to protrude more than Henry remembered.’ Every language balances the need to be expressive with the need to be sufficiently easy to produce. These two major functional principles (described by Goldberg 1995: 67 1 as Maximize Expressive Power and Maximize Economy) give rise to different networks of learned constructions in different languages via general processes of grammaticalization or constructionization (Paul 1889; Hopper and Traugott 2003; Traugott 2014; Bybee et al. 1994; Fried 2009). This chapter emphasizes the shared communicative motivation of ellipsis constructions that leads to cross-linguistic similarities and certain predictable functional constraints (section 8.2), while we also emphasize the fact that ellipsis is licensed by a system of motivated constructions; i.e., learned pairings of form and function. Specific constructions readily capture a range of restrictions on form and function, including those related to semantics, discourse context, register, genre, and dialect.
    [Show full text]
  • Antecedent-Contained Deletion
    Experimental Investigations of Antecedent-Contained Deletion Kristen Syrett 1. Introduction to the Phenomenon In a canonical instance of Verb Phrase Ellipsis (VPE) in English, as in (1), the site of ellipsis (indicated by did in bold) marks the absence of a Verb Phrase. The ellipsis is interpreted by ‘looking back’ to a salient antecedent in the discourse (Hankamer & Sag, 1976; Sag, 1976) – in this example, the VP fell in love in the first clause, as shown in (2). (1) Lady Sybil fell in love, and Lady Mary did, too. (2) Lady Sybil [VP fell in love], and Lady Mary did 〈fall in love〉, too. Antecedent-Contained Deletion (ACD) is a special case of VPE in which the site of ellipsis is contained in its antecedent, as illustrated in (3) (Bouton, 1970). (3) Daisy eventually [VP knew how to prepare every dish that Mrs. Patmore did]. This situation gives rise to two well-known issues. First, as long as the site of VPE is contained in its antecedent, the elided VP cannot be parallel, or identical, in form with the antecedent (Fox, 2002; Merchant 2000b). Second, if we assume that the ellipsis is to be resolved by copying in the antecedent, then we face a second problem. Because the antecedent contains the VPE site, whenever the antecedent is copied in, the VPE is as well, resulting in an infinite regress, as shown in (4). (4) Daisy eventually [VP knew how to prepare every dish that Mrs. Patmore did [〈knew how to prepare every dish that Mrs. Patmore did〉 [〈knew how to prepare every dish that Mrs.
    [Show full text]
  • Three Types of Ellipsis∗
    Three types of ellipsis∗ Jason Merchant Abstract The term ‘ellipsis’ can be used to refer to a variety of phenomena: syntactic, semantic, and pragmatic. In this article, I discuss the recent comprehensive survey by Stainton 2006 of these kinds of ellipsis with respect to the analysis of nonsententials and try to show that despite his trenchant criticisms and insightful proposal, some of the criticisms can be evaded and the insights incorporated into a semantic ellipsis analysis, making a ‘divide-and-conquer’ strategy to the properties of nonsententials feasible after all. 1. Introduction A character in Carlos Fuentes’s 2002 novel The Eagle’s Throne (trans. Kristina Cordero; Random House: New York, 2006) says with self-disdain and melan- choly (p. 93): Did you know I’ve learned to speak like an Anglo-Saxon, without articles or context? “Exactly.” “Done.” “Nothing.” “Careful.” “Perfect.” ∗This paper owes an enormous debt to a large number of people over the years since I first began working on it, but special mention must be made of Rob Stainton, whose work was the original impetus for it and whose comments at Rutgers and in Paris in 2007 led to numerous improvements. Thanks also to Ernie Lepore, François Recanati, Jason Stanley, and the participants in the Leverhulme Foundation workshop organized by Laurence Goldstein at Canterbury in 2008. “Warned.” “Face consequences.” I say these things, nothing else. As it turns out, such seemingly telegraphic speech is by no means limited to the Anglo-Saxon world. The question is just what such utterances could and do mean ‘without context’ and with, and what exactly a speaker who utters such phrases says, means, and conveys.
    [Show full text]
  • (IJLLT) Cross-Linguistic Differences in English and French VP-E
    International Journal of Linguistics, Literature and Translation (IJLLT) ISSN: 2617-0299 (Online); ISSN: 2708-0099 (Print) DOI: 10.32996/ijllt www.ijllt.org Original Research Article Cross-linguistic Differences in English and French VP-Ellipsis Hafissatou KANE Department of English studies, Cheikh Anta DIOP University of Dakar, Senegal Corresponding Author: Hafissatou KANE, E-mail: [email protected] ARTICLE INFO ABSTRACT Article History Received: May 15, 2020 The aim of this paper is to investigate the construction of Verb Phrase ellipsis in Accepted: June 05, 2020 both English and French. More specifically, the paper examines whether English Volume: 3 and French form the verbal ellipsis in a same way. The study also tests an Issue: 6 assumption, stating that the semantic opposition between deontic and epistemic DOI: 10.32996/ijllt.2020.3.5.2 modal auxiliaries distinguishes English and French VP-ellipsis. In doing so, a number of French and English elliptical verb phrases have been examined using KEYWORDS the contrastive method. After analysing several examples gathered from some studies in the existing literature, it is argued that these elliptical VPs are differently Verb Phrase, ellipsis, auxiliary, conventionalized in the two languages. What has been found is, English often modal verb, English, French expresses VP-ellipsis using an auxiliary or a modal verb followed by a gap (e.g. absence of the past participle or main verb) while this is rarely acceptable in French. Exceptions only exist after modal verbs. French on the other hand, has various means to form VP-ellipsis. The analysis finally confirms that ellipsis is possible in English after both deontic and epistemic modal verbs while French only accepts ellipsis after deontic modals such as devoir ‘must, should’ and pouvoir ‘can, may’.
    [Show full text]
  • Syntax 5: Working Toward an Identity Condition of Verb Phrase Ellipsis
    Syntax 5: Working Toward an Identity Condition of Verb Phrase Ellipsis Laura Gilmore, Jacob Gimbel, Philip King, Kelsey Kraus, Andrew Pedelty, Emma Peoples, Nicholas Primrose, Michael Titone, Casey Willison I. Introduction Our aim in this paper is to work toward establishing the identity condition for verb phrase ellipsis (VPE) with staunch resolution. II. Establishing common ground VPE is a type of surface anaphora that we know to be licensed by a head (T, Ʃ, 1 auxiliaries, be0 ), that elides the entire complement of the licensing head, and that the process hinges on the fulfillment of an identity condition. The aspect of VPE that is at issue in this assignment, is what the shape of that identity condition ought to be. Specifically, the identity condition must be formulated in a way that accounts for syntactic identity: 1. Harvey hurt himself and I did _ too. For semantic identity: 2. A: Did Harvey see you? B: Yes, he did _ . For ambiguity: 3. Bill washed his car, and Harvey did _ too. In an effort to account for all of these issues, we have created a working definition of the identity condition that will serve as a starting point for our discussion of VPE, and which can be modified as we continue to discover more about this ellipsis process. Our working definition of the identity condition that is necessary for VPE to take place is given below. Identity Condition (IC): In order for VPE to take place, there must be strict semantic identity between the antecedent and the complement of the licensing head.
    [Show full text]
  • Verb Phrase Ellipsis: Form, Meaning, and Processing
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons IRCS Technical Reports Series Institute for Research in Cognitive Science 8-1-1993 Verb Phrase Ellipsis: Form, Meaning, and Processing Daniel Hardt University of Pennsylvania Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/ircs_reports Hardt, Daniel, "Verb Phrase Ellipsis: Form, Meaning, and Processing" (1993). IRCS Technical Reports Series. 182. https://repository.upenn.edu/ircs_reports/182 University of Pennsylvania Institute for Research in Cognitive Science Technical Report No. IRCS-93-23. This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/ircs_reports/182 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Verb Phrase Ellipsis: Form, Meaning, and Processing Abstract The central claim of this dissertation is that an elliptical VP is a proform. This claim has two primary consequences: first, the elliptical VP can have no internal syntactic structure. Second, the interpretation of VP ellipsis must be governed by the same general conditions governing other proforms, such as pronouns. The basic condition governing the interpretation of a proform is that it must be semantically identified with its antecedent. A computational model is described in which this identification is mediated by store and retrieve operations defined with espectr to a discourse model. Because VP ellipsis is treated on a par with other proforms, the ambiguity arising from “sloppy identity” becomes epiphenomenal, resulting from the fact that the store and retrieve operations are freely ordered. A primary argument for the proform theory of VP ellipsis concerns syntactic constraints on variables within the antecedent. I examine many different types of variables, including reflexives, reciprocals, negative polarity items, and wh-traces.
    [Show full text]
  • Vp Ellipsis in English and Swedish
    VP ELLIPSIS IN ENGLISH AND SWEDISH A COMPARATIVE STUDY Linda Emilia Hedberg Universidad del País Vasco/Euskal Herriko Unibertsitatea Tutor: Vidal Valmala Elguea Departamento de Filología Inglesa y Alemana Trabajo Fin de Grado Grado en Estudios Ingleses Curso 2014/2015 Abstract This comparative study analyses the verb phrase ellipsis phenomenon in English and in Swedish, which exhibit both similarities and differences. In this analysis, VP ellipsis –an elided verb phrase whose meaning is recovered by that of another, semantically identical verb phrase in its surrounding– is treated as a full-fledged syntactic structure that is omitted in the Phonological Form as a result of a [E] feature. This syntactic structure is the same in English and Swedish in contexts of VP ellipsis, which occur when the ellipsis licensor head is a modal or an auxiliary in Swedish, adding to the case of English infinitival to and pleonastic do, both of which are potential licensors of English VP ellipsis. The most striking dissimilarity between these two languages is due to the nature of the support verbs. English do and Swedish göra are different in both semantic and syntactic nature and do not merge in the same position. Göra is not a licensor of VP ellipsis in Swedish, as do is in English, but a licensor of VP pronominalization. When göra is present the verb phrase is pronominalized instead of elided. Moreover, the Swedish support verb can coexist with auxiliaries and modals since it may be non- finite. This is because it behaves similarly to a main verb. In the case of English, do is completely grammaticalized and need to be finite which makes it incompatible with auxiliaries and modals.
    [Show full text]
  • Rightward Movement and Antecedent-Contained Deletion: New Evidence from Hocàk
    RightwardMovementandAntecedent-Contained Deletion:NewEvidencefromHocak˛ MeredithJohnson UniversityofWisconsin–Madison 1. Introduction This paper examines data from Hoc ˛ak(Siouan) that provide empirical evidence for Fox’s (2002) analysis of antecedent-contained deletion (ACD). Fox (2002) argues that ACD is resolved by covert rightward movement of the object, followed by late merger of the relative clause containing the ellipsis site. Thus, the example in (1) has the derivation shown in (2): (1) John likes every boy that Mary does. (2) a. [VP John likes every boy] b. [[VP John likes every boy] every boy] c. [[VP John likes every boy] every boy that Mary does (likes boy)] (Fox 2002:76) The effect of rightward movement is that the parallelism requirement on ellipsis is satisfied: since the relative clause merges with the extraposed QP, there is an antecedent VP [likes every boy] that is identical, after trace conversion, to the elided VP [likes boy]. Hoc ˛akis an SOV language that displays ACD, which makes it an ideal candidate to test Fox’s theory: rightward movement is visible. In Hoc ˛ak,overt rightward movement is in fact obligatory with ACD, as seen in (3) below:1 (3) a. Bryanga ruwi˛, jaagu Meredithga u˛u˛ra. Bryan-ga ;-ruwi˛ jaagu Meredith-ga ;-u˛u˛-ra Bryan-PROP 3S-buy what Meredith-PROP 3S-do-COMP ‘Bryan bought what(ever) Meredith did.’ b. *Bryanga, jaagu Meredithga u˛u˛ra, ruwi˛. Bryan-ga jaagu Meredith-ga ;-u˛u˛-ra ;-ruwi˛ Bryan-PROP what Meredith-PROP 3S-do-COMP 3S-buy ‘Bryan bought what(ever) Meredith did.’ In (3a), the relativized object has been moved rightward, and ACD is possible.
    [Show full text]